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THE 


MY  SAMUMIL  ©■»  HD  MAKE  «, 

BOSTON* 


* 


BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY 


OF  THE 

INDIANS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 

FROM  ITS  FIRST  DISCOVERY  TO  THE  PRESENT  TIME; 


DETAILS  IN  THE  LIVES  OF  ALL  THE  MOST  DISTINGUISHED  CHIEFS  AND 
COUNSELLORS,  EXPLOITS  OF  WARRIORS,  AND  THE  CELEBRATED 
SPEECHES  OF  THEIR  ORATORS  J 

ALSO, 

A HISTORY  OF  THEIR  WARS, 

MASSACRES  AND  DEPREDATIONS,  AS  WELL  AS  THE  WRONGS  AND 
SUFFERINGS  WHICH  THE  EUROPEANS  AND  THEIR 
DESCENDANTS  HAVE  DONE  THEM; 

WITH  AN  ACCOUNT  OF  THEIR 

Antiquities,  JHanners  anK  etnstotns, 
Religion  anti  &atos; 

LIKEWISE 

EXHIBITING  AN  ANALYSIS  OF  THE  MOST  DISTINGUISHED,  AS  WELL  AS  ABSURD 
AUTHORS,  WHO  HAVE  WRITTEN  UPON  THE  GREAT  QUESTION  OF  THE 

FIRST  PEOPLING  OF  AMERICA. 


They  waste  us  ; ay,  like  April  snow 
In  the  warm  noon,  we  shrink  away  ; 
And  fast  they  follow  as  we  go 
Towards  the  setting  day, 

Till  they  shall  fill  the  land,  and  we 

Are  driven  into  the  western  sea....BRrA,NT. 


BY  SAMUEL  G.  DRAKE. 


With  large  Additions  and  Corrections,  and  numerous  Engravings. 


BOSTON: 

ANTIQUARIAN  INSTITUTE,  56  CORNHILL. 


1836. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1836, 
Br  Josiah  Drake, 

In  the  Clerk’s  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  Massachusetts. 


TO 


HIS  EXCELLENCY 

EDWARD  EVERETT,  LL  D. 

Sir: 

With  the  idea  of  a Dedication  to  this  my  New  Edition  of  the 
Biography  and  History  of  the  Indians,  your  name  wTas  coeval.  The 
association  was  inseparable ; nor  could  it  have  been  otherwise,  as  it 
seems  to  me,  in  the  mind  of  any  young  man  of  New  England,  engaged 
in  a similar  undertaking.  For  it  would  be  absurd,  were  he  to  ask 
himself,  “ Who  has  been  the  most  prominent  assertor  of  the  red  man’s 
rights  in  his  country’s  councils,  or  the  most  ardent  friend  of  the  young 
men  of  his  own  race?”  Under  these  considerations,  therefore,  to  say 
nothing  of  my  own  gratification,  I could  not  do  otherwise  than  assign 
this  page  to  you ; and  could  the  author  be  assured,  that  his  work  would 
be  as  long  remembered,  for  any  merit  contained  in  it,  as  the  name  he 
is  gratified  to  honor,  his  anxiety  for  its  fate  would  from  that  moment 
cease. 

However  great  the  disparity  may  appear,  when  the  value  of  my 
labors  are  considered,  in  respect  to  those  of  others,  it  must  be  remem- 
bered, that  one  of  the  most  predominant  traits  in  your  Excellency’s 
character,  is  your  readiness  to  extend  a fostering  hand  to  all  such  as 
are  engaged  in  laudable  undertakings. 

The  well-informed  do  not  require  to  be  told,  that  many  a well-directed 
mind  has  been  diverted  from  a pursuit  in  which  it  would  have  excelled, 
but  for  the  cold  and  blasting  hand  of  the  hypercritic.  Such,  however, 
it  has  not  been  my  lot,  yet,  to  encounter  ; and  although  the  countenance 
of  one,  illustrious  in  the  annals  of  true  criticism,  may  not  further  pro- 
tect me,  I have  the  satisfaction  of  believing  that  the  success  of  my  labors 
can  scarcely  be  affected  by  the  unkindness  of  critics. 

Accept,  Dear  Sir,  my  most  grateful  acknowledgments  for  all  former 
kind  attentions,  and  believe  me 


Yours  in  duty, 


S.  G.  DRAKE. 


DRAKE’S 


ANTIQUARIAN  BOOKSTORE, 

OR 

INSTITUTE  OF  MISCELLANEOUS  LITERATURE, 

56  CORNHILL,  FORMERLY  MARKET  STREET, 


BOSTON, 


Has  been  established  six  years,  and,  by  the  unsparing  pains  of  its  conductor,  has  become  an 
extensive  Depository  of  Ancient  and  Modern  Science  and  Literature.  Its 
main  objects  are  briefly  as  follow : 

I.  To  collect,  and  keep  constantly  for  sale,  all  kinds  of  valuable  New  and  Second-hand 
Books,  and  to  afford  them  much  below  the  common  retail  prices ; — 

II.  To  make  it  especially  a depository  of  Second-hand  Classical  and  School  Books,  where 

students  and  others  may  exchange  such  works  as  they  have  no  further  use  for,  for 
new  ones,  or  others  second-hand,  such  as  they  may  want ; — 

III.  That  thereby  Books  used  in  Colleges,  Academies,  and  Common  Schools,  may  always 

be  had,  (and  often  as  good  as  new,)  for  about  half  the  original  cost  ; — 

IV.  To  keep  an  assortment  of  the  most  suitable  works  for  gentlemen’s  libraries,  also  for 

all  public  libraries,  upon  the  same  reasonable  terms  ; — 

V.  And,  in  particular,  to  collect  works  of  every  description  relating  to  the  history  of  the 
United  States  of  America,  general  and  particular  j — such,  for  example,  as 


Holmes’s  Annals  of  America, 
Robertson’s  History  of  do. 
Trumbull’s  United  States, 
Graham’s  do.  2 v.  8vo.  London, 
Hinton’s  do.  2 v.  4to.  London, 
Do.  Knapp’s  edition, 

Perkins’s  do. 

Bancroft’s  do. 

Hale,  Goodrich,  Grimshaw,  and 
Snowden’s  do.  ( School  Books) 
Marshall’s  Life  Washington, 
Wilkinson’s  Memoirs, 

Allen’s  American  Biography, 
Sparks’s  do. 

Thatcher’s  Medical  do. 

A large  Collection  of  American 


Biographical  Dictionaries, 
Mather’s  Magnalia, 

Douglass’s  America, 

Morton’s  Memorial,  Davis’s  and 
other  editions, 

Hubbard,  Hoyt,  Church,  Math- 
er, M’Clung  and  Flint’s  His- 
tories of  Indian  Wars, 
Various  Histories  of  the  Revo- 
lutionary and  late  Wars, 
Baylies’  History  N.  Plymouth, 
Farmer’s  Genealogical  Register, 
Collections  of  Hist.  Societies, 
Histories  of  New  England,  &c. 
Williamson’s  Maine, 

Belknap’s  New  Hampshire, 


Williams’s  Vermont, 
Hutchinson  and  others’  Mass., 
Trumbull’s  Connecticut, 

Smith  and  others’  New  York, 
Proud’s  Pennsylvania, 

Gordon’s  do. 

Gordon’s  N.  Jersey, 

Bozm ail’s  Maryland, 

Smith  and  others’  Virginia, 
Williamson’s  N.  Carolina, 
Ramsay’s  S.  Carolina, 

M’Call’s  Georgia, 

Martin  and  others’  Louisiana, 
Marshall’s  Kentucky, 

Flint’s  Western  States, 

Hall’s  Works  on  the  West,  & c. 


Among  the  Local  Histories  are  those  of 

Boston — Lynn — Rehoboth — Ipswich — Salem — Portland — Portsmouth — Worcester  Coun. — 
Watertowm — Quincy — Concord — Saco — Plymouth — and  of  various  other  towns  in  New  Eng- 
land 5 — Philadelphia — Wyoming — Long-Island — Tryon  Co. — Cincinnati — Louisville,  & c. 


Amon< 

Volney, 

Carver, 

Mackenzie, 

Henry, 

Schoolcraft, 

Charlevoix, 

Hennepin, 

S.  H.  Long, 


the  Voyages  and  Travels  of  those  whose  works  are  valuable , are, 

~ Duncan, 

Hall, 
Hodgson, 
Melish, 

M ’Kenney, 
Beltrami, 
Harris. 


I J.  Long, 

Tanner, 

Gass, 

Lahontan, 

Wright, 

Saxe-Weimar, 

Lewis  &.  Clark, 

Lafayette, 

Brackenridge, 

SutclifF, 

Chastellux, 

Darby, 

Dwight, 

Kendall, 

Dwight, 

Bartram, 

Schultz, 

Ker, 

Nuttall, 

Morse, 

Hannon, 

The  following  Standard  Works  may  be  particularized  : — 

North  American,  Edinburgh,  and  Quarterly  Reviews — Encyclopedias — Webster,  Johnson 
and  Walker,  Worcester  and  Bailey’s  Dictionaries — Quarto,  Octavo,  School,  Pearl  and  Dia- 
mond and  Polyglot  Bibles — Josephus,  Rollin,  Hume,  Gibbon  and  Clarendon’s  Histories— 
Johnson,  Byron,  Smollett,  Sterne,  Goldsmith,  Cowper,  Young  and  Milton’s  Works — Scott’s 
Bible — Calmet’s  Dictionary  of  the  Bible — Cruden’s  Concordance — Aiken,  Hazlitt  and 
Southey’s  British  Poets — Lawrence's  Lectures — Nicholson’s  Operative  Mechanic — Neal’s 
History  of  the  Puritans — Jefferson’s  Works — Ferguson’s  Rome — Gillies’  Greece — Godman’s 
Natural  History— Fielding,  Pope,  Scott,  Moore,  Shakspeare,  Plutarch,  Bunyan,  Addison, 
Locke  and  Johnson’s  Works. 

Also,  Writing  and  Letter  Paper — Albums— A great  variety  of  Novels — Works  on  Mathe- 
matics, Philosophy,  Medicine,  Law,  Theology,  Agriculture,  Chemistry,  Geology,  &e.  &c. 
[Jjp- Many  of  the  above  in  quantities. 


QHP/h  general,  any  books  on  hand  will  be  EXCHANGED  for  others. — All  old  Tracts. 
Pamphlets,  or  Books,  relating  to  the  history  of  this  country , will  be  received  in  payment  for 
others , or  CASH  given  for  them,  if  valuable. 

Boston,  Aug.  1836. 


N.  B. — The  proprietor  of  the  Antiquarian  Bookstore  would  notify  the  public,  that 
this  is  the  first  and  only  establishment  of  the  kind  in  the  country,  although,  by  way  of  confu- 
sion, some  persons  next  door  to  us  have  called  their  place  the  “ Antique  Bake  Store from 
which  interference  some  inconvenience  has  been  experienced  by  our  customers,  as  well  as 
ourselves.  This,  therefore,  is  to  give  our  friends  and  the  public  notice,  that  the  “Antique  u 
is  not  the  Antiquarian  Bookstore. 


PREFACE . 


Owing  to  the  destruction  of  the  stereotype  plates  of  this  work  by  fire,  on 
the  night  of  the  30th  of  September,  1835,  I was  under  the  necessity  of  going 
over  the  whole  ground  again.  The  plates  had  but  just  been  completed,  and  a 
small  edition  taken  off,  when  that  calamity  befell  them.  After  having  the 
work  stereotyped,  I intended  that  additions  to  all  future  editions  should  be 
appended  to  the  ends  of  the  several  books,  which  were  paged  separately  on 
that  account ; and,  although  I have  revised  the  whole  throughout,  and  made 
additions  in  almost  every  page,  yet  I thought  it  best  to  adhere  to  my  original 
plan  of  paging  each  book  by  itself,  to  accommodate  future  additions,  should  it 
be  thought  advisable  to  make  any. 

The  amount  of  reading  on  a page  of  the  former  editions  was  nearly  equal  to 
two  common  octavo  pages,  yet  the  page  of  the  present  has  been  very  consid- 
erably enlarged,  thereby  vastly  increasing  the  amount  of  information  in  the 
same  number  of  pages.  Parts  of  the  work  have  been  rewritten,  and  many 
facts,  which  were  before  noticed  out  of  their  natural  order,  have  been  inserted 
in  their  proper  places. 

For  the  kind  hints  of  friends,  by  which  the  work  has  been  benefitted,  1 
return  them  many  thanks.  My  acknowledgments  are  especially  due  to  one, 
who,  two  years  since,  unsolicited,  furnished  me  with  some  of  the  most  important 
documents  upon  the  affairs  of  the  modern  Creek  Indians.  It  is  to  the  same 
gentleman  I dedicate  this  edition  of  the  work. 

Extract  from  the  Preface  to  the  Third  and  Fourth  Editions. 

Those  unacquainted  with  the  nature  of  such  undertakings  may  complain 
that  we  should  publish  before  we  had  filled  up  all  vacancies  in  our  documents, 
and  hence  have  been  able,  not  only  to  have  been  completely  full  upon  every 
head,  but  at  the  same  time  to  have  given  a more  continuous  narrative  of  the 
whole.  This  object,  could  it  have  been  attained,  would  have  been  as  gratify- 
ing to  the  author  as  to  the  reader.  But  we  can  assure  all  such  as  are  disposed 
to  censure  us  upon  this  score,  that,  had  they  been  obliged  to  turn  over,  compare, 
examine  and  collate  one  fourth  as  many  volumes  and  defaced  records  as  the 
author  has  in  compiling  Indian  Biography,  they  would  abandon  their  censures 
by  the  time  they  had  well  entered  upon  their  labors. 


VI 


PREFACE. 


Works  of  this  kind  will  always  appear  premature  in  some  respects,  (to  thenr 
authors,  if  no  others,)  for  the  reason  that  there  is  no  end  to  the  accumulation 
of  materials.  A writer  may  think  himself  in  possession  of  every  material 
necessary  for  his  undertaking,  may  write  and  print  his  work,  and  the  next  day 
discover  facts  of  so  much  importance,  as  to  make  it  appear  to  his  mind,  that 
all  he  has  done  is  of  small  value,  compared  with  his  last  discovery.  This 
should  not  deter  us  from  putting  into  a state  of  preservation,  by  printing, 
from  time  to  time,  valuable  matters,  even  though  they  might  be  much 
improved  by  withholding  them  for  a time  ; because,  from  various  occur- 
rences, the  best  collections  are  extremely  liable  to  be  scattered,  and  irrecov- 
erably lost. 

Should  an  author  resolve  not  to  write  upon  a subject  until  every  thing  upon 
it  should  be  collected,  and  in  his  possession,  it  is  pretty  certain  he  never 
would  begin  ; and  his  labors,  however  well  directed  or  long  exerted,  or  how- 
ever valuable  to  himself,  might,  by  a common  accident,  be  lost  to  the  world 
in  even  a shorter  space  of  time  than  an  hour. 

There  have  also  fallen  into  our  hands  several  of  the  most  rare  portraits  of 
distinguished  Indians,  several  of  which  have  been  engraved  expressly  for  this 
edition.  They  may  be  relied  upon  as  exact  copies  of  the  originals.  That  of 
the  “Lady  Rebecca,”  the  savior  of  Virginia,  more  properly  Mrs.  Rolfe , who 
was  no  other  than  the  renowned  Pocahontas,  must  gladden  the  heart  of 
every  antiquary.  Few  could  have  known  that  such  existed  ; but  it  has  existed, 
and  we  lay  it  before  the  public  with  high  gratification : all,  we  feel  confident, 
will  treasure  it  up  as  a pearl  of  great  price. 

The  likeness  of  Sagoyewatha  may  be  relied  upon  as  a faithful  one. 
Several  of  the  author’s  friends,  who  have  seen  him,  attest  the  fact.  All  we 
can  say  of  Neamathla,  and  OutaciTe,  is,  they  are  faithful  copies,  and  doubt 
not  they  are  correct  likenesses. 

Some  have  called  our  portrait  of  the  great  Wampanoag  sachem  a “sorry” 
one.  We  are  not  to  blame  for  it.  We  wish  our  fathers  had  left  us  a better; 
but  it  is  not  our  manner  to  slight  a book  because  it  is  small,  or  because  its 
covers  are  defaced,  or  a portrait  because  it  does  not  exactly  correspond  with 
our  idea  of  a man.  We  had  an  exact  copy  made  of  the  old  print  which 
accompanied  Dr.  Stiles's  edition  of  Church’s  History  of  Philip’s  War,® 
which  it  is  supposed  he  had  copied  from  an  original  painting  of  King  Philip, 
still  said  to  be  in  existence.  If  this  be  true,  and  our  copy  be  a faithful  one, 
we  want  no  other.  At  any  rate,  we  do  not  like  to  part  with  it  until  we  can 
substitute  a better  one. 

We  have  mentioned  f the  existence  of  portraits  of  the  four  Iroquois  chiefs 
who  visited  England  in  1710  these  the  author  is  exceedingly  happy  in  pos- 
sessing ; and,  although  not  being  able,  on  account  of  the  expense,  to  enrich 
this  edition  with  copies  of  them,  he  hopes  they  will  be  engraved  in  due 


* Printed  at  Newport,  R.  I.  by  Solomon  Southwick,  1772. — The  first  edition  had  no 
plates  : it  was  printed  at  Boston,  by  B.  Green,  in  the  year  1716,  Copies  of  both  editions 
are  in  possession  of  the  author, 

t See  Book  V.  Chap,  I. 


PREFACE* 


Vii 


time ; which  if  they  are,  persons  possessing  the  work  may  procure  them 
separately. 

The  author  submits  his  work  with  some  confidence,  from  a consciousness 
of  having  used  great  exertions  to  make  it  useful,  and  of  having  treated  his 
subject  with  the  strictest  impartiality.  All  verbiage  has  been  avoided,  and 
plain  matters  of  fact  have  been  arrived  at  by  the  shortest  and  most  direct 
course.  Circumlocution,  the  offspring  of  verbiage,  is  a fault  of  modern 
book-makers ; and  every  observer  must  have  been  forcibly  struck  by  the 
contrast  of  a modern  title-page  and  the  rest  of  the  book ; in  the  former* 
mulium  in  parvo  is  true  to  the  letter,  and  that  page  is  too  often  the  only  one  in 
which  it  is  to  be  found  throughout  a performance. 

There  may  be  some,  probably,  who  will  look  into  our  book  to  see  what  we 
have  said  upon  some  facts  known  to  them,  and  be  much  disappointed  in 
finding  that  we  have  not  noticed  them  at  all.  To  such  we  can  only  say,  we 
have  given  other  facts  instead  of  them  ; in  other  words,  we  have  filed  our 
book  as  full  as  it  would  hold.  And,  although  we  may  not  always  have  selected 
the  best  matter,  we  thought,  at  the  time  of  writing,  we  had ; and  when  our 
information  is  further  extended,  we  may  agree  better  with  those  who  shall  find 
fault  with  us. 

Extract  from  the  Preface  to  the  First  Edition . 

The  following  notices  have  been  thrown  together  within  a few  months* 
although  many  years  have  elapsed  since  the  author  began  the  collection  of 
materials,  and  set  about  gaining  a knowledge  of  this  kind  of  history. 

The  first  adventurer  in  any  untrodden  path  must  often  find  himself  embar- 
rassed for  want  of  landmarks  by  which  to  direct  his  course.  This  will  be 
apparent  to  the  reader.  But  he  will  not  be  the  first  to  whom  it  has  been  thus 
apparent.  A small  edition  is  now  offered,  which,  if  well  received,  will  be 
much  improved  and  enlarged,  and  placed  at  the  public  disposal. 

It  will  be  remembered  by  some,  that,  in  an  edition  of  Church's  History  of 
Philip's  War,  published  by  the  author  five  years  ago,  he  advertised  in  a note 
upon  page  ninety-seven  of  that  work,  that  he  had  it  in  contemplation  to  publish 
a work  of  this  kind.  This  he  considers  a redemption  of  that  pledge. 

The  edition  of  Hubbard's  Indian  Wars,  which  he  some  time  since  announced 
as  preparing  with  large  notes,  is  in  a forward  state. 

Acknowledgments  are  due  to  several  individuals,  who  have,  directly  or 
indirectly,  aided  the  author  in  his  work ; and  he  can  only  express  his  regret 
that  he  is  not  indebted  to  more,  equally  eminent  in  this  branch  of  American 
antiquities.  The  Reverend  Dr.  Jenks , to  whom,  by  permission,  his  work  is 
dedicated,  has  many  thanks  for  his  kindness  in  facilitating  his  researches  in 
the  library  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  ; as  also  Mr-  Joshua  Coffin , 
of  Boston,  and  the  Reverend  Dr.  Harris , of  Dorchester,  who  have  obligingly 
loaned  him  several  valuable  manuscripts  ; and  Edward  D.  Bangs , Esq.,  Sec- 
retary of  State,  for  his  politeness  in  accelerating  the  examination  of  our 
State  Papers * 


PREFACE. 


vin 


Extract  from  the  Preface  to  the  Second  Edition. 

Accuracy,  and  minuteness  of  detail,  where  the  subject  seemed  to  require  it, 
have  been  our  landmark  throughout  this  laborious  performance.  We  say 
laborious ; but  were  all  readers  antiquarians,  even  so  much  need  not  have 
been  said.  Although  we  have  been  very  minute,  in  numerous  instances,  in 
our  lives  of  chiefs,  yet  there  are  many  others  in  which  we  gladly  would  have 
been  more  so,  if  materials  could,  at  the  time  of  writing,  have  been  had.  How- 
ever, we  do  not  presume  that  we  arrogate  to  ourselves  too  much,  when  we 
promise  to  give  the  reader  a much  greater  amount  of  Indian  history,  than  he 
can  elsewhere  find  in  many  separate  works. 

The  merits  or  demerits  of  Indian  Biography  rest  solely  upon  its  author, 
whose  various  cares  and  avocations,  could  they  be  known  to  the  critical 
reader,  would  cause  him  to  be  sparing  of  his  criticisms.  We  call  this  the 
second  edition,  although  we  have  treated  the  subject  under  a new  arrange- 
ment. The  method  of  books  and  chapters  was  adopted  mainly  for  the  benefi 
of  combining  history  with  biography.  Besides  containing  all  of  the  first 
edition  which  was  important,  this  will  be  found  to  contain,  in  addition,  three 
times  as  much  new  matter. 

Many  names  of  the  same  persons  and  places  will,  perhaps,  be  found  spelt 
differently  in  various  parts  of  the  work ; but  this  our  plan  could  not  obviate, 
because  we  wished  to  preserve  the  orthography  of  each  author  from  whom  we 
extracted,  in  that  particular.  Except  in  quotations,  we  did  intend  to  have 
been  uniform ; but  we  are  aware  that  we  have  not  been  entirely  so,  from 
several  causes,  which  need  no  explanation. 

In  general,  the  notes  give  due  credit  to  all  such  as  have  assisted  the  author 
in  any  way  in  his  work.  As  to  the  works  of  deceased  authors,  we  have  made 
use  of  them  as  public  property,  taking  care  always  to  cite  them,  except 
where  the  same  facts  were  common  to  many. 


A TABLE 


OF  THE 

PRINCIPAL  TRIBES. 


» 


Abenakies,  near  Three  Rivers,  in  Canada ; in  number  about  150,  in  1780 ; in  1689, 
about  200. 

Absorokas , or  Crow  Indians,  on  the  Missouri,  near  the  Rocky  Mountains. 

Adirondaks,  on  the  St.  Lawrence  ; numerous  in  1607  ; in  1786,  about  100. 

Ajoues , south  of  the  Missouri,  and  north  of  the  Padoucas  ; 1100  in  1760. 

Amalistes , formerly  on  the  St.  Lawrence  ; about  500  in  1760. 

Apalachicolas , on  the  river  of  that  name  ; in  1835,  about  340  ; have  agreed  to  emi- 
grate ; about  260  have  gone  west  of  the  Mississippi. 

Arrapahas , now  about  4000,  about  the  sources  of  the  Kanzas  River. 

Assinnaboins , now  about  1000,  on  Ottowa  River ; reduced  by  the  Sioux. 

Attikamegues,  in  north  of  Canada ; destroyed  by  disease  in  1670. 

Aughquagas,  on  the  east  branch  of  the  Susquehannah  River  ; 150  in  1768. 

Bedies , on  Trinity  River,  about  60  miles  southward  of  Nacogdoches  ; 100. 

Big  Devil  Indians , Yonktons  of  the  Plains,  2500  ; heads  of  the  Red  River. 

Blackfeet,  various  warlike  bands  about  the  sources  of  the  Missouri,  and  in  the  re- 
gion of  the  Rocky  Mountains  ; estimated  in  1834  at  30.000. 

Blanches , or  bearded  Indians , white  Indians  on  upper  southern  branches  Missouri ; 
1500  in  1760. 

Brotherions,  in  NewYork,  near  Oneida  Lake  ; now  (1836)  supposed  to  number  350. 

Caddoes,  in  1717,  a powerful  nation  on  Red  River  ; now  reckoned  at  800. 

Caiwas,  near  the  heads  of  the  Arkansas  ; neither  brave  nor  generous. 

Camanches,  or  Comanches,  a warlike  and  numerous  race  on  the  confines  of  Texas. 

Catawbas,  on  Catawba  River,  in  South  Carolina  ; had  long  wars  with  the  Iroquois  ; 
150  warriors  in  1764. 

Caughnewagas,  tribes  of  praying  Indians,  in  several  places. 

Cherokees,  Carolina  and  Tennessee;  12,000  in  1812;  9,000  have  agreed  to  emi- 
grate. 

Chiens,  near  the  source  of  Chien  River ; 200  in  1820. 

Chikahominies,  on  Matapony  River,  in  Virginia,  in  1661  ; but  3 or  4 in  1790. 

Chikasaws , between  the  head  branches  of  Mobile  River  in  1780;  once  said  to  have 
been  10,000 ; in  1763,  about  250 ; now  vastly  increased  ; in  1835,  5600  agreed  to 
emigrate. 

Chikamaugas , on  the  Tennessee,  90  miles  below  the  Cherokees ; many  years  since 
broken  from  them,  under  the  chief,  Dragomono. 

Chillukittequaus,  next  below  the  Narrows  on  the  Columbia  ; 1400,  in  32  lodges. 

Chimnahpum,  at  Lewis’s  River,  N.  W.  side  of  the  Columbia;  1800,  in  42  lodges. 

Chinnooks , north  side  of  Columbia  River;  400,  in  28  lodges. 

Chippcwas,  many  formidable  tribes  about  the  great  lakes. — See  Ojibwas . 

Choktaus,  formerly  of  Carolina;  about  15,000  in  1812;  now  on  a government 
grant  of  15,000,000  acres  on  the  north  side  Red  River,  and  about  18,000. 

Chopunnishes , on  the  Kooskooskee,  2000  ; and  on  Lewis’s  River,  below  Kooskoos- 
kee,  to  the  Columbia,  2300 ; in  all,  in  1806,  73  lodges. 

Clakstars,  beyond  the  Rocky  Mountains  ; 1200,  in  28  lodges. 


X 


A TABLE  OF  THE  PRINCIPAL  TRIBES. 


Clatsops,  below  mouth  Columbia,  about  Point  Adams  ; 200,  in  14  lodges. 

Cohakies,  nearly  destroyed  by  the  Saques  and  Foxes,  in  the  time  of  Pontiak  ; in 
1800,  a few  wanderers  near  Winnebago  Lake. 

Comanches. — See  Camanches. 

Condies,  near  the  east  branch  of  the  Susquehannah ; about  40  in  1780. 

Cougar ees,  on  the  Congaree  River  in  South  Carolina 

Copper  Indians , far  in  the  north,  about  Coppermine  River ; numerous. 

Cor  ees,  a tribe  of  North  Carolina. 

Creeks , formerly  over  a vast  country  from  near  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  north-east 
Crees,  north  of  the  Missouri,  and  west  of  the  Mississippi ; 3000  in  1834. 

Delawares , once  numerous  on  the  river  and  bay  of  the  same  name,  now  chiefly  be- 
yond the  Mississippi  ; anciently,  Lenalenape. 

Dinondudies,  a tribe  of  the  Hurons ; same  as  the  Tsononthouans  of  the  French. 
Docotas , bands  of  the  Sioux. 

Dog  Indians , or  Chiens,  3460  on  the  heads  of  Chayenne  River. 

Dog-rib  Indians , tribe  of  Blackfeet,  to  the  north  of  them  ; of  a different  language. 

Echemins,  on  a river  of  their  name,  which  flows  into  the  St.  Lawrence,  on  the  E.  side- 
Eneshures,  at  the  Great  Narrows  of  the  Columbia;  1200,  in  41  clans. 

Eries,  on  the  east  of  the  lake  of  their  name,  entirely  exterminated  by  the  Iroquois. 
Eskeloots,  on  the  Columbia ; 1000,  in  21  lodges  or  clans. 

Esquimaux , about  Labrador  and  the  neighboring  country. 

Euchees , friendly  Creeks ; 200  now  in  service  against  the  Seminoles. 

Five  Nations , anciently  many  thousands  on  the  east  of  the  great  lakes. 

Flat-heads , beyond  the  Rocky  Mountains,  on  a fork  of  Columbia  River. 

Foxes , or  Ottogamies , on  Fox  River,  in  Illinois. — See  Saques  and  Foxes. 

Fond  du  Lac  Indians , roam  from  Snake  River  to  the  Sandy  Lakes. 

Gay  Head  Indians , on  Martha’s  Vineyard  ; probably  Wampanoags ; 200  in  1800. 
Grand  River  Indians , on  Grand  River,  north  side  Lake  Ontario ; remnant  of  the 
Iroquois ; 2000. 

Gros  Ventres , on  the  River  Maria,  in  1806 ; 3000  in  1834,  west  of  the  Mississippi. 

Herring  Pond  Indians,  Wampanoags,  in  Sandwich,  Mass. ; about  40. 

Hurons,  numerous  and  formidable ; upon  Lake  Huron  and  adjacent. 

Illinois,  formerly  numerous  upon  the  Illinois  River. 

Ioways,  recently  on  Ioway  River,  now  scattered  among  other  tribes  of  the  west ; 
1100. 

Iroquois,  or  Five  Nations,  a chief  remnant  now  on  Grand  River. — See  Grand  Rivers. 

Kaninavisches , wanderers  on  the  Yellow  Stone,  near  its  source ; about  2000. 
Kanzas,  on  the  river  of  the  same  name ; about  1000. 

Kaskayas,  between  the  sources  of  the  Platte  and  Rocky  Mountains,  beyond  the 
Kites ; 3000. 

Kiawas,  also  beyond  the  Kites ; in  number  about  1000. 

Kigenes,  on  the  coast  of  the  Pacific,  under  a chief  named  Skittegates,  in  1821. 
Kikapoos,  formerly  in  Illinois  ; now  about  300,  chiefly  beyond  the  Mississippi. 
Killamuks,  branch  of  the  Clatsops,  coast  Pacific  ocean  ; about  1000. 

Killawats,  in  a large  town  south-east  of  the  Luktons. 

Kimoenims,  band  of  Chopunnish,  on  Lewis’s  River ; 800,  in  33  clans. 

Kites,  between  sources  Platte  and  the  Rocky  Mountains  ; about  500. 

Knisteneaux,  or  Christinaux,  on  Assinnaboin  River ; 5000  in  1812. 

Kookkoo-ooses,  south  of  the  Killawats,  on  the  coast  of  the  Pacific  ; about  1500. 

Leech  River  Indians,  near  Sandy  Lake  ; about  350. 

Lenape,  or  Lenelenape,  former  name  of  the  Delawares,  which  see. 

Lukawisses,  on  the  coast  of  the  Pacific  ocean,  about  800. 

Luktons,  to  the  south-west  of  the  Killamuks,  on  the  coast  of  the  Pacific. 

Mandans,  1612  miles  up  the  Missouri,  on  both  sides ; about  1200. 

Manahoaks,  formerly  a great  nation  of  Virginia,  some  time  since  extinct. 

Marshpees,  chiefly  a mixed  remnant  of  the  noble  Wampanoags,  in  Sandwich,  Mass. ; 
about  400  ; lately  conspicuous  in  asserting  their  dormant  rights,  under  the  direc- 
tion of  the  efficient  Mr.  William  Apess,  of  Pequot  descent. 

Massaicomes,  formerly  a very  warlike  nation  in  what  is  now  Kentucky. 


A TABLE  OF  THE  PRINCIPAL  TRIBES. 


XI 


Menominies,  formerly  on  Illinois  River ; now  about  300,  west  of  the  Mississippi. 
Messasagnts,  subdued  early  by,  and  incorporated  with  the  Iroquois ; about  Lakes. 

Huron  and  Superior  in  1764,  and  then  reckoned  at  2000. 

Mamies,  on  the  Mississippi,  below  the  Ouisconsin,  and  in  number  about  1500. 
Mkmaks,  on  the  River  St.  Lawrence  ; about  500  in  1786. 

Mindawar carton,  the  only  band  of  Sioux  that  cultivates  corn,  beans,  &c. 

Minetares,  on  Knife  River,  near  the  Missouri,  5 miles  above  the  Mandans ; 2500. 
Mingoes  ; such  of  the  Iroquois  were  so  called  as  resided  upon  the  Sioto  River. 
Mohawks,  formerly  a great  tribe  of  the  Iroquois,  and  the  most  warlike  of  those  Five 
Nations. 

Moheakunnuks , formerly  between  the  Hudson  and  Delaware  Rivers. 

Mohegans,  a remnant  now  on  Thames,  below  Norwich,  in  Connecticut. 

Mosquitos,  a.  numerous  race,  on  the  east  side  of  the  Isthmus  of  Darien. 

Multnomahs,  tribe  of  the  Wappatoos,  mouth  Multnomah  River;  800. 

Munsees,  N.  branch  Susquehannah  in  1780;  on  Wabash  in  1808;  now  unknown. 
Muskogees,  on  Alabama  and  Apalachicola  Rivers;  17,000  in  1775. 

JYabijos,  between  N.  Mexico  and  the  Pacific  ; live  in  stone  houses,  and  manufacture. 
JVantikokes,  near  the  east  branch  of  the  Susquehannah  in  1780,  and  about  80. 
Karraganscts,  once  a powerful  nation  about  the  south  of  the  bay  of  that  name. 
Natchez,  discovered  in  1701  ; chiefly  destroyed  in  1720  ; 150  in  1764. 

Niantiks,  a tribe  of  the  Narragansets,  and  were  in  alliance  with  them. 

Nicariagas,  once  about  Michilimakinak  ; joined  Iroquois  in  1723. 

Nipissins,  near  the  source  of  the  Ottoway  River  ; about  400  in  1764. 

Nipmuks,  interior  of  Massachusetts  ; 1500  in  1675  ; long  since  extinct. 

Nottoway s,  on  Nottoway  River,  in  Virginia;  but  two  of  clear  blood  in  1817. 

Oaltmulges,  to  the  east  of  Flint  River  ; about  200  in  1834. 

Ojibwas,  or  Chippeioas,  about  30,000,  on  the  great  lakes. 

Omahas , on  Elkhorn  River,  80  miles  from  Council  Bluffs  ; about  2200. 

Oneidas,  a nation  of  the  Iroquois,  near  Oneida  Lake  ; about  1000. 

Onondagas,  a nation  of  the  Iroquois,  Onondaga  Hollow ; about  300. 

Ootlashoots,  tribe  of  the  Tuskepas,  on  Clark’s  River,  W.  Rocky  Mountains  ; about 
400. 

Osages,  Great  and  Little,  on  Arkansaw  and  Osage  Rivers  ; about  4000. 

Otagamies,  between  the  Lake  of  the  Woods  and  Mississippi ; 300  in  1780. 

Ottaioas,  east  Lake  Michigan ; 2800  in  1820  ; at  Lake  Huron,  about  200  in  1786. 
Ottoes,  on  Platte  River  ; about  1500  in  1820. 

Ouiatonons,  on  the  Wabash  formerly  ; 300  in  1779. 

Ozas,  about  Red  River  ; about  2000  in  1750. 

Padoucas,  south  of  the  Missouri,  and  west  of  the  Mississippi;  2000  in  1834. 
Pancas,  on  the  west  of  the  Missouri ; about  750  in  1830. 

Panis,  white,  south  Missouri,  2000  ; freckled  Panis,  about  1700. 

Passamaquoddies,  remnant  of  the  Tarratines,  on  Schoodic  River  ; about  379. 
Paunees,  on  the  Platte  and  its  branches  ; about  10,000. 

Pelloatpallah,  tribe  of  the  Chopunnish,  on  Kooskooskee  ; about  1600. 

Penobscots , island  in  Penobscot  River,  12  miles  above  Bangor;  about  300. 

Pequots,  formerly  about  the  mouth  of  the  Connecticut,  now  a mixed  remnant,  about 

100. 

Piankeshaios,  on  the  Wabash,  formerly  3000 ; in  1780,  but  950. 

Pishquitpahs,  north  side  Columbia,  at  Musclesheil  Rapids,  about  2600. 
Pottowatiomies,  formerly  numerous,  now  on  Huron  River,  about  160. 

Powhatans,  32  nations,  or  tribes,  spread  over  Virginia  when  settled  by  the  whites. 

Quapaws,  opposite  Little  Rock,  on  Arkansaw  River ; about  700. 

Quathlahpohtles , S.  W.  side  Columbia,  above  the  mouth  of  Tahwahnahiooks. 
Quatoghies,  formerly  on  S.  Lake  Michigan ; sold  their  country  to  English  in  1707. 
Quieetsos , coast  Pacific  Ocean,  north  mouth  Columbia ; about  250. 

Quiniilts,  coast  Pacific,  S.  Quieetsos,  and  N.  Columbia  ; about  1000. 

Quinnecharts,  coast  Pacific,  N.  the  Quieetsos  ; about  2000. 

Rapids , a brave  tribe,  on  the  prairies,  towards  the  sources  of  the  Missouri. 
Red-knife  Indians , (so  called  from  their  copper  knives,)  roam  in  the  region  of  Slave 
Lake. 

Ricarees,  on  Missouri,  between  the  Great  Bend  and  Mandan. 

River  Indians,  formerly  south  of  the  Iroquois,  down  the  north  side  of  Hudson  River 
to  the  sea. 


xii 


A TABLE  OF  THE  PRINCIPAL  TRIBES. 


Roundheads , on  the  east  side  of  Lake  Superior  ; about  2500  in  1764. 

Sauks,  Sacs,  or  Saques,  in  Illinois,  about  Lake  Winnebago  ; now  about  500  in 
Missouri. 

Scattakooks,  upper  part  of  Troy  in  New  York  ; went  from  New  England  about  1672 
Seminoles,  East  Florida,  now  (1836)  estimated  from  6 to  10,000. 

Senecas , one  of  the  ancient  Iroquois  nations  ; 2200  near  Buffalo,  New  York. 
Serraunes,  in  Carolina,  nearly  destroyed  by  the  Westoes,  about  1670. 

Shahalahs,  at  the  Grand  Rapids  of  the  Columbia  River ; 2800,  in  62  lodges. 
Shawanees,  now  about  1300  on  the  Missouri. 

Shoshonese,  or  Snakes , driven  into  the  Rocky  Mountains  by  the  Blackfeet. 

Sioux,  on  St.  Peters,  Mississippi  and  Missouri ; numerous  ; 33,000. 

Skilloots,  on  the  Columbia,  from  Sturgeon  Island  upward  ; about  2500. 

Snake  Indians,  or  Shoshones  ; borders  Rocky  Mountains,  about  8000. 

Smokshops,  on  Columbia  River,  at  mouth  of  Labiche ; 800,  in  24  clans. 

Sokokies,  anciently  upon  Saco  River  ; now  extinct. 

Sokulks,  on  Columbia,  above  Lewis’s  River  ; about  2400,  in  120  lodges. 

Souties,  the  name  by  which  some  know  the  Ottowas,  which  see. 

Soyennoms,  on  east  fork  Lewis’s  River ; about  400,  in  33  villages. 

Staitans,  a name  by  which  the  Kites  are  known,  which  see. 

Stockbridge  Indians,  New  Stockbridge,  New  York;  about  400  in  1820. 

St.  Johns  Indians,  remnant  of  the  Esquimaux,  on  the  St.  John’s  in  New  Bruns- 
wick, 300. 

Symerons,  on  the  east  side  of  the  Isthmus  of  Darien  ; numerous. 

Tetons , piratical  bands  of  the  Sioux  of  the  Missouri. 

Tsononthouans , tribe  of  the  Hurons. — See  Dinondadies. 

Tuscaroras,  joined  the  Iroquois  from  Carolina  in  1712. 

Twightwees,  on  the  Great  Miami ; 200  in  1780. 

Tushepahs,  on  Clark’s  River  in  summer,  and  Missouri  in  winter  ; about  430. 
Tuteloes,  an  ancient  nation  between  Chesapeake  and  Delaware  Bays. 

Uchees , a tribe  of  Creeks,  formerly  in  four  towns. — See  Euchees. 

Ulseahs,  on  the  coast  of  the  Pacific  ocean  ; about  150. 

Wabinga,  between  the  west  branch  of  Delaware  and  Hudson  Rivers. 

Wanamies , in  New  Jersey,  from  the  Rariton  to  the  sea. 

Wahoiopums,  on  the  north  branch  of  the  Columbia;  about  700,  in  33  lodges 
Wappatoos,  13  tribes,  of  various  names,  on  the  Columbia  ; about  5500. 

Welsh  Indians,  said  to  be  on  a southern  branch  of  the  Missouri. 

Westoes,  once  a powerful  tribe  in  South  Carolina,  nearly  destroyed  in  1670. 
Willewahs,  about  500,  in  33  clans,  on  Willewah  River. 

Winnebagos,  on  Winnebago  Lake,  now  chiefly  beyond  the  Mississippi. 

Wolf  Indians,  a tribe  of  the  Pawnees,  commonly  called  Pawnee  Loups. 

Wollawollahs,  on  the  Columbia,  from  above  Muscleshell  Rapids  ; 1600. 

Wycomes,  a tribe  on  the  Susquehannah,  in  1648  ; about  250. 

Wyandots,  on  Great  Miami  and  Sandusky ; 500,  formerly  very  warlike. 

' Yamoisees,  South  Carolina,  early  nearly  destroyed  by  the  whites. 

Yattasies,  branch  Red  River,  50  miles  above  Natchitoches ; 100  in  1812  ; speak 
Caddo. 

Yazoos,  once  a great  tribe  of  Louisiana,  now  lost  among  the  Chikasaws. 
Yeahtentanees , formerly  near  the  mouth  of  the  Wabash. 

Yeletpos,  on  a river  which  falls  into  Lewis’s  above  Kooskooskee  ; 250. 

Yonikkoncs,  on  the  coast  of  the  Pacific  ocean  ; about  700. 

Yonktons,  branch  of  Sioux,  about  Falls  St.  Anthony,  about  1000. 

Yonktons  of  the  Plains , or  Big  Devils  ; 2500  ; sources  of  the  Sioux, 

Youitts , on  the  coast  of  the  Pacific  ocean  ; about  150. 


BIOGRAPHY  ANJ)  HISTORY 


OF  THE 


INDIANS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 


BOOK  I. 


. 


r 


' 


' 


•• 

. 


n c i e n t 


BOOK  I 


ORIGIN,  ANTIQUITIES,  MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS, 
&c.  OF  THE  AMERICAN  INDIANS. 

I 


O could  their  ancient  Incas  rise  again, 

How  would  they  take  up  Israel’s  taunting  strain ! 

Art  thou  too  fallen,  Iberia  ? Do  we  see 
The  robber  and  the  murderer  weak  as  we  ? 

Thou,  that  hast  wasted  earth,  and  dared  despise 
Alike  the  wrath  and  mercy  of  the  skies, 

Thy  pomp  is  in  the  grave,  thy  glory  laid 
Low  in  the  pits  thine  avarice  has  made. 

We  come  with  joy  from  our  eternal  rest, 

To  see  the  oppressor  in  his  turn  oppressed. 

Art  thou  the  God,  the  thunder  of  whose  hand 
Rolled  over  all  our  desolated  land, 

Shook  principalities  and  kingdoms  down, 

And  made  the  mountains  tremble  at  his  frown  ? 

The  sword  shall  light  upon  thy  boasted  powers, 

And  waste  them  as  they  wasted  ours 
»Tis  thus  Omnipotence  his  law  fulfils, 

And  vengeance  executes  what  justice  wills.— Cowper. 


CHAPTER  I 

Origin  of  the  name  Indian. — Why  applied  to  the  people  found  in  America. — Ancient 
authors  supposed  to  have  referred  to  America  in  their  writings — Theopompus — 
Voyage  of  Hanno — Diodorus  Siculus — Plato — Aristotle — Seneca. 

The  name  Indian  was  erroneously  applied  to  the  original  man  of  America* 
by  its  first  discoverers.  The  attempt  to  arrive  at  the  East  Indies  by  sailing 
west,  caused  the  discovery  of  the  islands  and  continent  of  America.  When 
they  were  at  first  discovered,  Columbus , and  many  after  him,  supposed  they 
had  arrived  at  the  eastern  shore  of  the  continent  of  India,  and  hence  the  peo- 
ple they  found  there  were  called  Indians.  The  error  was  not  discovered  until 
the  name  had  so  obtained,  that  it  could  not  well  be  changed.  It  is  true,  that  it 
matters  but  little  to  us  by  what  name  the  indigenes  of  a country  are  known, 
and  especially  those  of  America,  in  as  far  as  the  name  is  seldom  used  among 
us  but  in  application  to  the  aboriginal  Americans.  But  with  the  people  of 
Europe  it  was  not  so  unimportant.  Situated  between  the  two  countries,  India 
and  America,  the  same  name  for  the  inhabitants  of  both  must,  at  first,  have 
produced  considerable  inconvenience,  if  not  confusion  ; because,  in  speaking 
of  an  Indian , no  one  would  know  whether  an  American  or  a Zealander  was 
meant,  unless  by  the  context  of  the  discourse.  Therefore,  in  a historical  point 
of  view,  the  error  is,  at  least,  as  much  to  be  deplored  as  that  the  name  of  the 
continent  itself  should  have  been  derived  from  Americas  instead  of  Columbus. 


* So  named  from  Vesputius  Americas,  a Florentine,  who  made  a discovery  of  some  part 
of  the  coast  of  South  America  in  1499,  two  years  after  Cabot  had  explored  the  coast  of  North 
America}  but  Americas  had  the  fortune  to  confer  bis  name  upon  both. 


4 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


[Book  L 


It  has  been  the  practice  of  almost  every  writer,  who  has  written  about  the 
primitive  inhabitants  of  a country,  to  give  some  wild  theories  of  others,  con- 
cerning their  origin,  and  to  close  the  account  with  his  own  ; which  generally 
has  been  more  visionary,  if  possible,  than  those  of  his  predecessors.  Long7 
laborious,  and,  we  may  add,  useless  disquisitions  have  been  daily  laid  before 
the  world,  from  the  discovery  of  America  by  Columbus  to  the  present  time,  to 
endeavor  to  explain  by  what  means  the  inhabitants  got  from  the  old  to  the 
new  world.  To  act,  therefore,  in  unison  with  many  of  our  predecessors,  we 
will  begin  as  far  back  as  they  have  done,  and  so  shall  commence  with  Theo- 
pompus  and  others,  from  intimations  in  whose  writings  it  is  alleged  the  an- 
cients had  knowledge  of  America,  and  therefore  peopled  it. 

Theopompus , a learned  historian  and  orator,  who  flourished  in  the  time  of 
Alexander  the  Great,  in  a book  entitled  Thaumasia,  gives  a sort  of  dialogue 
between  Midas  the  Phrygian  and  Silenus.  The  book  itself  is  lost,  but  Strabo 
refers  to  it,  and  JElianus  has  given  us  the  substance  of  the  dialogue  which  fol- 
lows. After  much  conversation,  Silenus  said  to  Midas,  that  Europe,  Asia  and 
Africa  were  but  islands  surrounded  on  all  sides  by  the  sea;  but  that  there  was 
a continent  situated  beyond  these,  which  was  of  immense  dimensions,  even 
without  limits ; and  that  it  was  so  luxuriant,  as  to  produce  animals  of  prodi- 
gious magnitude,  and  men  grew  to  double  the  height  of  themselves,  and  that 
they  lived  to  a far  greater  age  f that  they  had  many  great  cities  ; and  their 
usages  and  laws  were  different  from  ours  ; that  in  one  city  there  was  more 
than  a million  of  inhabitants  ; that  gold  and  silver  were  there  in  vast  quanti- 
ties.f  This  is  but  an  abstract  from  JElianus's  extract,  but  contains  all  of  it  that 
can  be  said  to  refer  to  a country  west  of  Europe  and  Africa.!  JElian  or  JEli- 
anus lived  about  A.  D.  200. 

Hanno  flourished  when  the  Carthaginians  were  in  their  greatest  prosperity,, 
but  the  exact  time  is  unknown.  Some  place  his  times  40,  and  others  140,. 
years  before  the  founding  of  Rome,  which  would  be  about  800  years  before 
our  era.§  He  was  an  officer  of  great  enterprise,  having  sailed  around  and  ex- 
plored the  coast  of  Africa,  set  out  from  the  Pillars  of  Hercules,  now  called 
the  Straits  of  Gibraltar,  and  sailed  westward  30  days.  Hence  it  is  inferred  by 
many,  that  he  must  have  visited  America,  or  some  of  its  islands.  He  wrote  a 
book,  which  he  entitled  Periplus , giving  an  account  of  his  voyages,  which  was 
translated  and  published  about  1533,  in  Greek.|| 

Many,  and  not  without  tolerably  good  reasons,  believe  that  an  island  or  con- 
tinent existed  in  the  Atlantic  Ocean  about  this  period,  but  which  disappeared 
afterwards. 


* Buffon  and  Raynal  either  had  not  read  this  story,  or  they  did  not  believe  it  to  have  been 
America  ; for  they  taught  that  all  animals  degenerated  here.  Many  of  the  first  adventurers 
to  the  coasts  of  unknown  countries  reported  them  inhabited  by  giants.  Swift  wrote  Gulliver’# 
Travels  to  bring  such  accounts  into  ridicule.  How  well  he  succeeded  is  evident  from  a 
comparison  of  books  of  voyages  and’  travels  before  and  after  his  time..  Dubartas  has  this, 
passage : — 

Our  fearless  sailors,  in  far  voyages 

(More  led  by  gain’s  hope  than  their  compasses), 

On  th’  Indian  shore  have  sometime  noted  some 
Whose  bodies  covered  two  broad  acres  room ; 

And  in  the  South  Sea  they  have  also  seen 
Some  like  high-topped  and  huge-armed  treen  ; 

And  other  some,  whose  monstrous  backs  did  bear 
Two  mighty  wheels,  with  whirling  spokes,  that  were 
Much  like  the  winged  and  wide-spreading  sails 
Of  any  wind-mill  turned  with  merry  gales.” 

Divine  Weeks,  p.  117,  ed.  4to,  1615. 


i iEIian,  Variar.  Historiar.  Hb.  iii.  chap.  viii. 

| Since  the  text  was  written,  there  has  come  into  my  hands  a copy  of  a translation  of  ^Eli- 
an’s work,  11  in  Englishe  (as  well  according  to  the  truth  of  the  Greeke  texte,  as  of  the  Latine), 
by  Abraham  Fleming London,  1576,  4to.  It  differs  not  materially  from  the  above,  which 
is  given  from  a French  version  of  it. 

§ Encyclopaedia  Perthensis. 

f|  The  best  account  of  Hanno  and  his  voyages,  with  which  we  are  acquainted,  is  to  be 
found  in  Mariana’s  Hist,  of  Spain,  vol.  i.  93,  109,  119,  122,  133,  and  150,  ed.  Paris,  1725„ 
5 vols.  4to. 


Chap.  I.] 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


5 


Diodorus  Siculus  says  that  some  “ Phoenicians  were  cast  upon  a most  fertile 
ssland  opposite  to  Africa.”  Of  this,  he  says,  they  kept  the  most  studied  secrecy, 
which  was  doubtless  occasioned  by  their  jealousy  of  the  advantage  the  discov- 
ery might  be  to  the  neighboring  nations,  and  which  they  wished  to  secure 
wholly  to  themselves.  Diodorus  Siculus  lived  about  100  years  before  Christ . 
Islands  lying  west  of  Europe  and  Africa  are  certainly  mentioned  by  Homer 
and  Horace.  They  were  called  Atlantides , and  were  supposed  to  be  about 
10,000  furlongs  from  Africa.  Here  existed  the  poets’  fabled  Elysian  fields. 
But  to  be  more  particular  with  Diodorus,  we  will  let  him  speak  for  himself. 
“ After  having  passed  the  islands  which  lie  beyond  the  Herculean  Strait,  we 
will  speak  of  those  which  lie  much  farther  into  the  ocean.  Towards  Africa, 
and  to  the  west  of  it,  is  an  immense  island  in  the  broad  sea,  many  days’  sail 
from  Lybia.  Its  soil  is  very  fertile,  and  its  surface  variegated  with  mountains 
and  valleys.  Its  coasts  are  indented  with  many  navigable  rivers,  and  its  fields 
are  well  cultivated  ; delicious  gardens,  and  various  kinds  of  plants  and  trees.” 
He  finally  sets  it  down  as  the  finest  country  known,  where  the  inhabitants 
have  spacious  dwellings,  and  every  thing  in  the  greatest  plenty.  To  say  the 
least  of  this  account  of  Diodorus , it  corresponds  very  well  with  that  given  of 
the  Mexicans  when  first  known  to  the  Spaniards,  but  perhaps  it  will  compare 
as  well  with  the  Canaries. 

Plato's  account  has  more  weight,  perhaps,  than  any  of  the  ancients.  He 
lived  about  400  years  before  the  Christian  era.  A part  of  his  account  is  as 
follows : — “ In  those  first  times  [time  of  its  being  first  known],  the  Atlantic 
was  a most  broad  island,  and  there  were  extant  most  powerful  kings  in  it, 
who,  with  joint  forces,  appointed  to  occupy  Asia  and  Europe : And  so  a most 
grievous  war  was  carried  on ; in  which  the  Athenians,  with  the  common 
consent  of  the  Greeks,  opposed  themselves,  and  they  became  the  conquerors. 
But  that  Atlantic  island,  by  a flood  and  earthquake,  was  indeed  suddenly 
destroyed,  and  so  that  warlike  people  were  swallowed  up.”  He  adds,  in  an- 
other place,  “ An  island  in  the  mouth  of  the  sea,  in  the  passage  to  those  straits, 
called  the  Pillars  of  Hercules,  did  exist ; and  that  island  was  greater  and  larger 
than  Lybia  and  Asia ; from  which  there  was  an  easy  passage  over  to  other 
islands,  and  from  those  islands  to  that  continent,  which  is  situated  out  of  that 
region.”  # “ Neptune  settled  in  this  island,  from  whose  son,  Atlas,  its  name 

was  derived,  and  divided  it  among  his  ten  sons.  To  the  youngest  fell  the 
extremity  of  the  island,  called  Gadir,  which,  in  the  language  of  the  country, 
signifies  fertile  or  abounding  in  sheep.  The  descendants  of  Neptune  reigned 
here,  from  father  to  son,  for  a great  number  of  generations  in  the  order  of 
primogeniture,  during  the  space  of  9000  years.  They  also  possessed  several 
other  islands ; and,  passing  into  Europe  and  Africa,  subdued  all  Lybia  as  far 
as  Egypt,  and  all  Europe  to  Asia  Minor.  At  length  the  island  sunk  under 
water;  and  for  a long  time  afterwards  the  sea  thereabouts  was  full  of 
rocks  and  shelves.”!  This  account,  although  mixed  with  fable,  cannot,  we 
think,  be  entirely  rejected ; and  that  the  ancients  had  knowledge  of  countries 
westward  of  Europe  appears  as  plain  and  as  well  authenticated  as  any  passage 
of  history  of  that  period. 

Aristotle,  or  the  author  of  a book  which  is  generally  attributed  to  him,! 
speaks  of  an  island  beyond  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar ; but  the  passage  savors 
something  of  hearsay,  and  is  as  follows: — “ Some  say  that,  beyond  the  Pillars 
of  Hercules,  the  Carthaginians  have  found  a very  fertile  island,  but  without 
inhabitants,  full  of  forests,  navigable  rivers,  and  fruit  in  abundance.  It  is 
several  days’  voyage  from  the  main  land.  Some  Carthaginians,  charmed  by 
the  fertility  of  the  country,  thought  to  marry  and  settle  there ; but  some  say 
that  the  government  of  Carthage  forbid  the  settlement  upon  pain  of  death, 
from  the  fear  that  it  would  increase  in  power  so  as  to  deprive  the  mother- 
country  of  her  possessions  there.”  If  Aristotle  had  uttered  this  as  a prediction, 

* America  known  to  the  Ancients,  10,  8vo.  Boston,  1773. 

f Encyclopaedia  Perthensis,  art.  Atlantis. 

t He  mirabil.  auscultat.  Opera,  vol.  i.  Voltaire  says  of  this  book,  “ On  en  fesait  honneur 
aux  Carthaginois,  et  on  citait  un  livre  d’Aristote  qu’il  n7a  pas  compose.77  Essai  sur  les 
Moeurs  et  Vesprit  des  nations , chap.  cxlv.  p.  703.  vol.  iv.  of  his  works.  Edit.  Paris,  1817, 
in  8vo. 

1* 


6 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


[Book  L 


that  such  a thing  would  take  place  in  regard  to  some  future  nation,  no  one, 
perhaps,  would  have  called  him  a false  prophet,  for  the  American  revolution 
would  have  been  its  fulfilment.  This  philosopher  lived  about  384  years  before 
Christ. 

Seneca  lived  about  the  commencement  of  the  vulgar  era.  He  wrote  trage- 
dies, and  in  one  of  them  occurs  this  passage 

■ ■■ — *—* — Venient  annis 
Ssecula  seris,  quibus  oceanus 
Vincula  rerum  laxet,  et  ingens 
Pateat  tellus,  Typhisque  novos 
Detegat  orbes  ; nec  sit  terris 
Ultima  Thule.” 

Medea , Act  3.  v,  375. 

This  is  nearer  prophecy,  and  may  be  rendered  in  English  thus J The 
time  will  come  when  the  ocean  will  loosen  the  chains  of  nature,  and  we  shall 
behold  a vast  country.  A new  Typhis  shall  discover  new  worlds : Thule 
shall  no  longer  be  considered  the  last  country  of  the  known  world.” 

Not  only  these  passages  from  the  ancient  authors  have  been  cited  and  re- 
cited by  moderns,  but  many  more,  though  less  to  the  point,  to  show  that,  in 
some  way  or  other,  America  must  have  been  peopled  from  some  of  the  eastern 
continents.  Almost  every  country  has  claimed  the  honor  of  having  been  its 
first  discoverer,  and  hence  the  progenitor  of  the  Indians.  But  since  the  recent 
discoveries  in  the  north,  writers  upon  the  subject  say  but  little  about  getting 
over  inhabitants  from  Europe,  Asia,  or  Africa,  through  the  difficult  way  of  the 
Atlantic  seas  and  islands,  as  it  is  much  easier  to  pass  them  over  the  narrow  chan- 
nels of  the  north  in  canoes,  or  upon  the  ice.  Grotius , C.  Mather , Hubbard,  and 
after  them  Robertson , are  glad  to  meet  with  so  easy  a method  of  solving  a 
question  which  they  consider  as  having  puzzled  their  predecessors  so  much. 


^9i>g>ec^ 


CHAPTER  H. 

Of  modern  theorists  upon  the  peopling  of  America — St.  Gregory — Herrera — T. 

Mo rton — Williamson — Wood  — Josselyn  — - Thorowgood  — Adair — R.  Williams — C. 

Mather  — Hubbard  — Robertson  — Smith  — Voltaire  — Mitchill  — M'  Culloch — Lord 

Kaim — Swinton — Cabrera . 

St.  Gregory,  who  flourished  in  the  7th  century,  in  an  epistle  to  St.  Clement , 
said  that  beyond  the  ocean  there  was  another  world.* 

Herrera  argues,  that  the  new  world  could  not  have  been  known  to  the 
ancients ; and  that  what  Seneca  has  said  was  not  true.  For  that  God  had  kept 
it  hid  from  the  old  world,  giving  them  no  certain  knowledge  of  it ; and  that, 
in  the  secrecy  and  incomprehensibility  of  his  providence,  he  has  been  pleased 
to  give  it  to  the  Castilian  nation.  That  Seneca’s  prediction  (if  so  it  may  be 
considered)  was  a false  one,  because  he  said  that  a new  world  would  be  dis- 
covered in  the  north,  and  that  it  was  found  in  the  west.f  Herrera  wrote 
about  1598,  X before  which  time  little  knowledge  was  obtained  of  North 
America.  This  may  account  for  his  impeachment  of  Seneca's  prophecy. 

Thomas  Morton,  who  came  to  New  England  in  1622,  published  in  1637  an 
account  of  its  natural  history,  with  much  other  curious  matter.  In  speaking 
upon  the  peopling  of  America,  he  thinks  it  altogether  out  of  the  question  to 

* “ S.  Gregoire  sur  l’epistre  de  S.  Clement,  dit  que  passe  l’ocean,  il  y a vn  autre  mond.” 
{Herrera,  I Decade,  2.)  This  is  the  whole  passage. 

f Ibid.  3. 

+ He  died  27  March,  1625,  at  the  age  of  about  66  years.  His  name  was  Tordesillas  Antonio 
de  Herrera — one  of  the  best  Spanish  historians.  His  history  of  the  voyages  to,  and  settlement 
of  America  is  very  minutp>  and  very  valuable.  The  original  in  Spanish  is  very  rare.  Acos- 
ta’s translation  (into  French)  3 v.  4to.,  1660,  is  also  scarce  and  valuable.  It  is  this  we  cite. 


Chap.  II.] 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OP  THE  INDIANS. 


7 


suppose  that  it  was  peopled  by  the  Tartars  from  the  north,  because  “a  people, 
once  settled,  must  be  removed  by  compulsion,  or  else  tempted  thereunto  in 
hopes  of  better  fortunes,  upon  commendations  of  the  place  unto  which  they 
should  be  drawn  to  remove.  And  if  it  may  be  thought  that  these  people  came 
over  the  frozen  sea,  then  would  it  be  by  compulsion.  If  so,  then  by  whom, 
or  when  ? Or  what  part  of  this  main  continent  may  be  thought  to  border 
upon  the  country  of  the  Tartars  ? It  is  yet  unknown ; and  it  is  not  like  that  a 
people  well  enough  at  ease,  will,  of  their  own  accord,  undertake  to  travel  over 
a sea  of  ice,  considering  how  many  difficulties  they  shall  encounter  with.  As, 
1st,  whether  there  be  any  land  at  the  end  of  their  unknown  way,  no  land 
being  in  view ; then  want  of  food  to  sustain  life  in  the  mean  time  upon  that 
sea  of  ice.  Or  how  shall  they  do  for  fuel,  to  keep  them  at  night  from  freezing 
to  death  ? which  will  not  be  had  in  such  a place.  But  it  may  perhaps  be 
granted,  that  the  natives  of  this  country  might  originally  come  of  the  scattered 
Trojans ; for  after  that  Brutus , who  was  the  fourth  from  Eneas , left  Latium 
upon  the  conflict  held  with  the  Latins  (where  although  he  gave  them  a great 
overthrow,  to  the  slaughter  of  their  grand  captain  and  many  others  of  the 
heroes  of  Latium,  yet  he  held  it  more  safely  to  depart  unto  some  other  place 
and  people,  than,  by  staying,  to  run  the  hazard  of  an  unquiet  life  or  doubtful 
conquest ; which,  as  history  maketh  mention,  he  performed.)  This  people 
was  dispersed,  there  is  no  question,  but  the  people  that  lived  with  him,  by 
reason  of  their  conversation  with  the  Grecians  and  Latins,  had  a mixed  lan- 
guage, that  participated  of  both.”*  This  is  the  main  ground  of  Morton,  but 
he  says  much  more  upon  the  subject ; as  that  the  similarity  of  the  languages 
of  the  Indians  to  the  Greek  and  Roman  is  very  great.  From  the  examples  he 
gives,  we  presume  he  knew  as  little  about  the  Indian  languages  as  Dr.  Mather , 
Adair , and  Boudinot,  who  thought  them  almost  to  coincide  with  the  Hebrew. 
Though  Morton  thinks  it  very  improbable  that  the  Tartars  came  over  by  the 
north  from  Asia,  because  they  could  not  see  land  beyond  the  ice,  yet  he  finds 
no  difficulty  in  getting  them  across  the  wide  Atlantic,  although  he  allows  them 
no  compass.  That  the  Indians  have  a Latin  origin  he  thinks  evident,  because 
he  fancied  he  heard  among  their  words  Pasco-pan , and  hence  thinks,  without 
doubt,  their  ancestors  were  acquainted  with  the  god  Pan. f 

Dr.  Williamson \ says,  “It  can  hardly  be  questioned  that  the  Indians  of  South 
America  are  descended  from  a class  of  the  Hindoos,  in  the  southern  parts  of 
Asia.”  That  they  could  not  have  come  from  the  north,  because  the  South 
American  Indians  are  unlike  those  of  the  north.  This  seems  to  clash  with 
the  more  rational  views  of  Father  Venegas .§  He  writes  as  follows : “ Of  all 
the  parts  of  America  hitherto  discovered,  the  Californians  lie  nearest  to  Asia. 
We  are  acquainted  with  the  mode  of  writing  in  all  the  eastern  nations.  We 
can  distinguish  between  the  characters  of  the  Japanese,  the  Chinese,  the 
Chinese  Tartars,  the  Mogul  Tartars,  and  other  nations  extending  as  far  as  the 
Bay  of  Kamschathka;  and  learned  dissertations  on  them,  by  Mr.  Boyer , are 
to  be  found  in  the  acts  of  the  imperial  academy  of  sciences  at  Petersburg. 
What  discovery  would  it  be  to  meet  with  any  of  these  characters,  or  others 
like  them,  among  the  American  Indians  nearest  to  Asia!  But  as  to  the  Cali- 
fornians, if  ever  they  were  possessed  of  any  invention  to  perpetuate  their  me- 
moirs, they  have  entirely  lost  it;  and  all  that  is  now  found  among  them, 
amounts  to  no  more  than  some  obscure  oral  traditions,  probably  more  and 
more  adulterated  by  a long  succession  of  tune.  They  have  not  so  much  as 
retained  any  knowledge  of  the  particular  country  from  which  they  emi- 
grated.” This  is  the  account  of  one  who  lived  many  years  among  the  Indians 
of  California. 

Mr.  William  Wood, ||  who  left  New  England  in  1633,11  after  a short  stay,  says, 
“ Of  their  language,  which  is  only  peculiar  to  themselves,  not  inclining  to  any 
of  the  refined  tongues : Some  have  thought  they  might  be  of  the  dispersed 


* New  Canaan,  book  i,  pages  17  and  18.  f Ibid.  18. 

X In  his  Hist.  N.  Carolina,  i.  216. 

ft  Hist.  California,  i.  60.  His  work  was  published  at  Madrid,  in  1758. 
j|  The  author  of  a work  entitled  New  England's  Prospect,  published  in  London,  1634,  in 
4to.  It  is  a very  rare,  and,  in  some  respects,  a curious  and  valuable  work. 

IF  Prospect,  51. 


s 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OP  THE  INDIANS. 


[Book  L 


Jews,  because  some  of  their  words  be  near  unto  the  Hebrew  ; but  by  the  same 
rule,  they  may  conclude  them  to  be  some  of  the  gleanings  of  all  nations,  be- 
cause they  have  words  which  sound  after  the  Greek,  Latin,  French,  and  other 
tongues.”* * * § 

Mr.  John  Josselyn , who  resided  some  time  in  New  England,  from  the  year 
1638,  says,  “The  Mohawks  are  about  500:  their  speech  a dialect  of  the  Tar- 
tars (as  also  is  the  Turkish  tongue).”}  In  another  work,}:  he  says,  “ N.  Eng- 
land is  by  some  affirmed  to  be  an  island,  bounded  on  the  north  with  the  River 
of  Canada  (so  called  from  Monsieur  Cane),  on  the  south  with  the  River  Mon- 
hegan  or  Hudson's  River,  so  called  because  he  was  the  first  that  discovered  it. 
Some  will  have  America  to  be  an  island,  which  out  of  question  must  needs  be, 
if  there  be  a north-east  passage  found  out  into  the  South  Sea.  It  contains 
1,152,400,000  acres.  The  discovery  of  the  north-west  passage  (which  lies  with- 
in the  River  of  Canada)  was  undertaken  with  the  help  of  some  Protestant 
Frenchmen,  which  left  Canada,  and  retired  to  Boston  about  the  year  1669. 
The  north-east  people  of  America,  that  is,  N.  England,  &c.,  are  judged  to  be 
Tartars,  called  Samoades,  being  alike  in  complexion,  shape,  habit  and  man- 
ners.” We  have  given  here  a larger  extract  than  the  immediate  subject  re- 
quired, because  we  would  let  the  reader  enjoy  his  curiosity,  as  well  as  we 
ours,  in  seeing  how  people  understood  things  in  that  day.  Barloiv , looking 
but  a small  distance  beyond  those  times,  with  great  elegance  says, — 

u In  those  blank  periods,  where  no  man  can  trace 
The  gleams  of  thought  that  first  illumed  his  race, 

His  errors,  twined  with  science,  took  their  birth, 

And  forged  their  fetters  for  this  child  of  earth, 

And  when,  as  oft,  he  dared  expand  his  view, 

And  work  with  nature  on  the  line  she  drew, 

Some  monster,  gendered  in  bis  fears,  unmanned 
His  opening  soul,  and  marred  the  works  he  planned. 

Fear,  the  first  passion  of  his  helpless  state, 

Redoubles  all  the  woes  that  round  him  wait, 

Blocks  nature’s  path,  and  sends  him  wandering  wide, 

Without  a guardian,  and  without  a guide.” 

Columbiad,  ix.  137,  Ac. 

Reverend  Thomas  Thorotogood  published  a small  quarto,  in  1652, § to  prove 
that  the  Indians  were  the  Jews,  who  had  been  “lost  in  the  world  for  the  space 
of  near  2000  years.”  But  whoever  has  read  Adair  or  Boudinot , has,  beside  a 
good  deal  that  is  irrational,  read  all  that  in  Thorowgood  can  be  termed  rational. 

Reverend  Roger  Williams  was,  at  one  time,  as  appears  from  Thorowgood's 
work, ||  of  the  same  opinion.  Being  written  to  for  his  opinion  of  the  origin  of 
the  natives,  “he  kindly  answers  to  those  letters  from  Salem  in  N.  Eng.  20tb 
of  the  10th  month,  more  than  10  yeers  since,  in  heec  verba."  That  they  did 
not  come  into  America  from  the  north-east,  as  some  had  imagined,  he  thought 
evident  for  these  reasons  : 1.  their  ancestors  affirm  they  came  from  the  south- 
west, and  return  thence  when  they  die  : 2.  because  they  “ separate  their  wo- 
men in  a little  wigwam  by  themselves  in  their  feminine  seasons:”  and  3.  “be- 
side their  god  Kuttand  to  the  S.  West,  they  hold  that  JYanawitnawitM  {a  god 
over  head)  made  the  heavens  and  the  earth  ; and  some  tast  of  affinity  with 
the  Hebrew  I have  found.” 

Doctor  Cotton  Mather  is  an  author  of  such  singular  qualities,  that  we  almost 
hesitate  to  name  him,  lest  we  be  thought  without  seriousness  in  so  weighty  a 
matter.  But  we  will  assure  the  reader,  that  he  is  an  author  with  whom  we 
would  in  no  wise  part ; and  if  sometimes  we  appear  not  serious  in  our  intro- 
duction of  him,  what  is  of  more  importance,  we  believe  him  really  to  be  so. 
And  we  are  persuaded  that  we  should  not  be  pardoned  did  we  not  allow  him 
to  speak  upon  the  matter  before  us. 


* Ibid.  112.  ed.  1764. 

t His  account  of  two  voyages  to  New  England,  printed  London,  1673,  page  124. 

t New  England  Rarities,  4,  5,  printed  London,  1672. 

§ Its  title  commences,  “ Digitus  Dei : New  Discoveries , with  sure  Arguments  to  prove,”  Ac. 
||  Pages  5 and  6. 

If  Getannitowit  is  %od  in  Delaw  are  .—Heckewelder. 


Chap.  II.] 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


9 


He  says,  “ It  should  not  pass  without  remark,  that  three  most  memorable 
things  which  have  borne  a very  great  aspect  upon  human  affairs , did,  near  the 
same  time,  namely,  at  the  conclusion  of  the  fifteenth,  and  the  beginning  of  the 
sixteenth , century,  arise  unto  the  world : the  first  was  the  Resurrection  of 
Literature ; the  second  was  the  opening  of  America ; the  third  was  the 
Reformation  of  Religion .”  Thus  far  we  have  an  instructive  view  of  the  sub- 
ject, calculated  to  lead  to  the  conclusion  that,  in  the  dark  ages,  when  literature 
was  neglected  and  forgotten,  discoveries  might  have  been  also,  and  hence  the 
knowledge  of  America  lost  for  a time.  The  reader  must  now  summon  his 
gravity.  “But,”  this  author  continues,  “as  probably  the  Devil,  seducing  the 
first  inhabitants  of  America  into  it,  therein  aimed  at  the  having  of  them  and 
their  posterity  out  of  the  sound  of  the  silver  trumpets  of  the  gospel,  then  to  be 
heard  through  the  Roman  empire.*  If  the  Devil  had  any  expectation,  that,  by 
the  peopling  of  America,  he  should  utterly  deprive  any  Europeans  of  the  two 
benefits,  literature  and  religion,  which  dawned  upon  the  miserable  world,  (one 
just  before,  the  other  just  after,)  the  first  famed  navigation  hither,  ’tis  to  be 
hoped  he  will  be  disappointed  of  that  expectation ,”f  The  learned  doctor, 
having  forgotten  what  he  had  written  in  his  first  book,  or  wishing  to  inculcate 
his  doctrine  more  firmly,  nearly  repeats  a passage  which  he  had  at  first  given, 
in  a distant  part  of  his  work  ; t but,  there  being  considerable  addition,  we  re- 
cite it : “ The  natives  of  the  country  now  possessed  by  the  Ne  wen  glanders, 
had  been  forlorn  and  wretched  heathen  ever  since  their  first  herding  here ; and 
though  we  know  not  when  or  hoiv  these  Indians  first  became  inhabitants  of 
this  mighty  continent,  yet  we  may  guess  that  probably  the  Devil  decoyed  those 
miserable  salvages  hither,  in  hopes  that  the  gospel  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ 
would  never  come  here  to  destroy  or  disturb  his  absolute  empire  over  them. 
But  our  Eliot  was  in  such  ill  terms  with  the  Devil,  as  to  alarm  him  with 
sounding  the  silver  trumpets  of  heaven  in  his  territories,  and  make  some  noble 
and  zealous  attempts  towards  outing  him'  of  ancient  possessions  here.  There 
were,  I think,  20  several  nations  (if  [ may  call  them  so)  of  Indians  upon  that 
spot  of  ground  which  fell  under  the  influence  of  our  Three  United  Colonies  ; 
and  our  Eliot  was  willing  to  rescue  as  many  of  them  as  he  could  from  that 
old  usurping  landlord  of  America,  who  is,  by  the  ivrath  of  God,  the  prince  of 
this  world.”  In  several  places  he  is  decided  in  the  opinion  that  Indians  are 
Scythians,  and  is  confirmed  in  the  opinion,  on  meeting  with  this  passage  of 
Julius  Caesar : “ Dijficilius  Invenire  quam.  interficeref  which  he  thus  renders, 
“It  is  harder  to  find  them  than  to  foil  them.”  At  least,  this  is  a happy  appli- 
cation of  the  passage.  Caesar  was  speaking  of  the  Scythians,  and  our  histo- 
rian applies  the  passage  in  speaking  of  the  sudden  attacks  of  the  Indians,  and 
their  agility  in  hiding  themselves  from  pursuit.^  Doctor  Mather  wrote  at  the 
close  of  the  seventeenth  century,  and  his  famous  book,  Magnolia  Christi 
Americana,  was  published  in  1702. 

Adair,  who  resided  40  years  (he  says)  among  the  southern  Indians,  previ- 
ous to  1775,  published  a huge  quarto  upon  their  origin,  history,  &c.  He  tor- 
tures every  custom  and  usage  into  a like  one  of  the  Jews,  and  almost  every 
word  in  their  language  into  a Hebrew  one  of  the  same  meaning. 

Doctor  Boudinot,  in  his  book  called  “The  Star  in  the  West,”  has  followed 
up  the  theory  of  Adair,  with  such  certainty,  as  he  thinks,  as  that  the  “ long 
lost  ten  tribes  of  Israel  ” are  clearly  identified  in  the  American  Indians.  Such 


* This,  we  apprehend,  is  not  entirely  original  with  our  author,  but  borders  upon  plagiarism. 
Ward,  the  celebrated  author  of  the  “ Simple  Cobler  of  Aggawam,”  says  of  the  Irish, 
“ These  Irish  (anciently  called  anthropophagi,  man-eaters)  have  a tradition  among  them,  that 
when  the  Devil  showed  our  Saviour  all  the  kingdoms  of  the  earth,  and  their  glory,  that  he 
would  not  show  him  Ireland,  but  reserved  it  for  himself.  It  is,  probably,  true ; for  he  hath 
kept  it  ever  since  for  his  own  peculiar : the  old  fox  foresaw  it  would  eclipse  the  glory  of  all 
the  rest : he  thought  it  wisdom  to  keep  the  land  for  a Boggards  for  his  unclean  spirits  emploj'ed 
in  this  hemisphere,  and  the  people  to  do  his  son  and  heir  (the  Pope)  that  service  for  which 
Lewis  the  XI  kept  his  Barbor  Oliver,  which  makes  them  so  bloodthirsty.” — Simple  Cobler , 
86,  87.  Why  so  much  gall  is  poured  out  upon  the  poor  Irish,  we  cannot  satisfactorily  account. 
The  circumstance  of  his  writing  in  the  time  of  Cromwell  will  explain  a part,  if  not  the  whole, 
of  the  enigma.  He  was  the  first  minister  of  Ipswich,  Massachusetts,  but  was  born  and  diea 
in  England. 

t Magnalia  Christ.  Amer.  b.  i.  $ Ibid,  b,  iii.  § See  Magnalia,  b.  vii. 


10 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


[Book  I. 


theories  have,  gained  many  supporters.  It  is  of  much  higher  antiquity  than 
Adair , and  was  treated  as  such  visionary  speculations  should  be  by  authors  as 
far  back  as  the  historian  Hubbard , who  wrote  about  1680,  and  has  this  among 
other  passages : “ If  any  observation  be  made  of  their  manners  and  disposi- 
tions, it’s  easier  to  say  from  what  nations  they  did  not,  than  from  whom  they 
did,  derive  their  original.  Doubtless  their  conjecture  who  fancy  them  to  be 
descended  from  the  ten  tribes  of  the  Israelites,  carried  captive  by  Salamaneser 
and  Emrhccddon,  hath  the  least  show  of  reason  of  any  other,  there  being  no 
footsteps  to  be  observed  of  their  propinquity  to  them  more  than  to  any  other  of 
the  tribes  of  the  earth,  either  as  to  their  language  or  manners.”*  This  author 
was  one  of  the  best  historians  of  his  times ; and,  generally,  he  writes  with  as 
much  discernment  upon  other  matters  as  upon  this. 

That  because  the  natives  of  one  country  and  those  of  another,  and  each  un- 
known to  the  other,  have  some  customs  and  practices  in  common,  it  has  been 
urged  by  some,  and  not  a few,  that  they  must  have  had  a common  origin  ; but 
this,  in  our  apprehension,  does  not  necessarily  follow.  Who  will  pretend  that 
different  people,  when  placed  under  similar  circumstances,  will  not  have  simi- 
lar wants,  and  hence  similar  actions  ? that  like  wants  will  not  prompt  like  ex- 
ertions? and  like  causes  produee  not  like  effects?  This  mode  of  reasoning 
we  think  sufficient  to  show,  that,  although  the  Indians  may  have  some  customs 
in  common  with  the  Scythians,  the  Tartars,  Chinese,  Hindoos,  Welsh,  and 
indeed  every  other  nation,  still,  the  former,  for  any  reason  we  can  see  to  the 
contrary,  have  as  good  right  to  claim  to  themselves  priority  of  origin  as  either 
or  all  of  the  latter. 

Doctor  Robertson  should  have  proved  that  people  of  color  produce  others 
of  no  color,  and  the  contrary,  before  he  said,  “We  know  with  infallible 
certainty,  that  all  the  human  race  spring  from  the  same  source, ”f  meaning 
Adam.  He  founds  this  broad  assertion  upon  the  false  notion  that,  to  admit 
any  other  would  be  an  inroad  upon  the  verity  of  the  holy  Scriptures.  Now, 
in  our  view  of  the  subject,  we  leave  them  equally  inviolate  in  assuming  a very 
different  ground ; \ namely,  that  all  habitable  parts  of  the  world  may  have  been 
peopled  at  the  same  time,  and  by  different  races  of  men.  That  it  is  so  peo- 
pled, we  know : that  it  was  so  peopled  as  far  back  as  we  have  any  account, 
we  see  no  reason  to  disbelieve.  Hence,  when  it  was  not  so  is  as  futile  to 
inquire,  as  it  would  be  impossible  to  conceive  of  the  annihilation  of  space. 
When  a new  country  was  discovered,  much  inquiry  was  made  to  ascertain 
from  whence  came  the  inhabitants  found  upon  it — not  even  asking  whence 
came  the  other  animals.  The  answer  to  us  is  plain.  Man,  the  other  animals, 
trees  and  plants  of  every  kind,  were  placed  there  by  the  supreme  directing 
hand,  which  carries  on  every  operation  of  nature  by  fixed  and  undeviating 
laws.  This,  it  must  be  plain  to  every  reader,  is,  at  least,  as  reconcilable  to  the 
Bible  history  as  the  theory  of  Robertson , which  is  that  of  Grotius , and  all  those 
who  have  followed  them. 

When  it  has  been  given  in,  at  least  by  all  who  have  thought  upon  the  sub- 
ject, that  climate  does  not  change  the  complexion  of  the  human  race,  to  hold 
up  the  idea  still  that  all  must  have  sprung  from  the  same  source,  ( Adam ,)  only 
reminds  us  of  our  grandmothers,  who  to  this  day  laugh  at  us  when  we  tell 
them  that  the  earth  is  a globe.  Who,  we  ask,  will  argue  that  the  negro 
changes  his  color  by  living  among  us,  or  by  changing  his  latitude  ? Who 
have  ever  become  negroes  by  living  in  their  country,  or  among  them  ? Has  the 
Indian  ever  changed  his  complexion  by  living  in  London?  Do  those  change 
which  adopt  our  manners  and  customs,  and  are  surrounded  by  us  ? Until 
these  questions  can  be  answered  in  the  affirmative,  we  discard  altogether  that 
Unitarian  system  of  peopling  the  world.  We  would  indeed  prefer  Ovid’s 
method : — 

“ Ponere  duritiem  coepere,  suumque  rigorem  ; 

Mollirique  mora,  mollitaque  ducere  formam. 

Mox  ubi  creverunt,  naturaque  mitior  illis 
Contigit,”  &c.  &c. 

Metamor.  lib.  i.  fab.  xi. 

* Hist.  New  England,  27.  f Hist.  America,  book  iv. 

\ Why  talk  of  a theory’s  clashing  with  holy  writ,  and  say  nothing  of  the  certainty  of  the 
sciences  of  geography,  astronomy,  geology,  &c.  ? 


Chap.  II.] 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


11 


That  is,  Deucalion  and  Pyrrha  performed  the  office  by  travelling  over  the 
country  and  picking  up  stones,  which,  as  they  cast  them  over  their  heads, 
became  young  people  as  they  struck  the  earth. 

We  mean  not  to  be  understood  that  the  exterior  of  the  skin  of  people  is  not 
changed  by  climate,  for  this  is  very  evident ; but  that  the  children  of  persons 
would  be  any  lighter  or  darker,  whose  residence  is  in  a climate  different  from 
that  in  which  they  were  born,  is  what  we  deny,  as  in  the  former  case.  As 
astonishing  as  it  may  appear  to  the  succinct  reasoner,  it  is  no  less  true,  that 
Dr.  Samuel  Stanhope  Smith  has  put  forth  an  octavo  book  of  more  than  400 
pages  to  prove  the  unity)  as  he  expresses  it,  ‘ of  the  human  race,’  that  is,  that 
all  were  originally  descended  from  one  man.  His  reasoning  is  of  this  tenor : 
“ The  American  and  European  sailor  reside  equally  at  the  pole,  and  under  the 
equator.”  Then,  in  a triumphant  air,  he  demands — “ Why  then  should  we, 
without  necessity,  assume  the  hypothesis  that  originally  there  existed  different 
species  of  the  human  kind  ?”#  What  kind  of  argument  is  contained  here  we 
leave  the  reader  to  make  out ; and  again,  when  he  would  prove  that  all  the 
human  family  are  of  the  same  tribe,  he  says  that  negro  slaves  at  the  south, 
who  live  in  white  families,  are  gradually  found  to  conform  in  features  to  the 
whites  with  whom  they  live ! f Astonishing!  and  we  wonder  who,  if  any, 
knew  this,  beside  the  author.  Again,  and  we  have  done  with  our  extraordi- 
nary philosopher.  He  is  positive  that  deformed  or  disfigured  persons  will,  in 
process  of  time,  produce  offspring  marked  in  the  same  way.  That  is,  if  a 
man  practise  flattening  his  nose,  his  offspring  will  have  a flatter  nose  than  he 
would  have  had,  had  his  progenitor  not  flattened  his ; and  so,  if  this  offspring 
repeat  the  process,  his  offspring  will  have  a less  prominent  nose  ; and  so  on, 
until  the  nose  be  driven  entirely  off  the  face!  In  this,  certainly,  our  author 
has  taken  quite  a roundabout  way  to  vanquish  or  put  to  flight  a nose.  We 
wish  he  could  tell  us  how  many  ages  or  generations  it  would  take  to  make 
this  formidable  conquest.  Now,  for  any  reason  we  can  see  to  the  contrary,  it 
would  be  a much  less  tedious  business  to  cut  off  a member  at  once,  and  thus 
accomplish  the  business  in  a short  period ; for  to  wait  several  generations  for 
a fashion  seems  absurd  in  the  extreme.  A man  must  be  monstrously  blind 
to  his  prejudices,  to  maintain  a doctrine  like  this.  As  well  might  he  argue 
that  colts  would  be  tailless  because  it  has  long  been  the  practice  to  shorten 
the  tails  of  horses,  of  both  sexes  ; but  we  have  never  heard  that  colts’  tails  are 
in  the  least  affected  by  this  practice  which  has  been  performed  on  the  horse 
so  long,  j Certainly,  if  ever,  we  should  think  it  time  to  discover  something 
of  it ! Nor  have  we  ever  heard  that  a female  child  has  ever  been  born  with 
its  ears  bored,  although  its  ancestors  have  endured  the  painful  operation  for 
many  generations — and  here  we  shall  close  our  examination  of  Mr.  Smith’s 
400  pages.  § 

People  delight  in  new  theories,  and  often  hazard  a tolerable  reputation  for 
the  sake  of  exhibiting  their  abilities  upon  a subject  on  which  they  have  very 
vague,  or  no  clear  conceptions.  Had  Dr.  Smith  read  the  writings  of  Sir 
Thomas  Broivn , he  could  hardly  have  advanced  such  absurd  opinions  as  we 
have  before  noticed;  if,  indeed,  he  were  possessed  of  a sane  mind.  Dr. 
Brown  was  of  the  age  previous  to  that  in  which  Buffon  lived.  In  speaking 
of  complexion,  he  says,  “If  the  fervor  of  the  sun  were  the  sole  cause  hereof 
in  Ethiopia,  or  any  land  of  negroes,  it  were  also  reasonable  that  inhabitants 
of  the  same  latitude,  subjected  unto  the  same  vicinity  of  the  sun,  the  same 
diurnal  arch  and  direction  of  its  rays,  should  also  partake  of  the  same  hue 
and  complexion,  which,  notwithstanding,  they  do  not.  For  the  inhabitants 
of  the  same  latitude  in  Asia  are  of  a different  complexion,  as  are  the  inhabit- 
ants of  Cambogia  and  Java;  insomuch  that  some  conceive  the  negro  is 
properly  a native  of  Africa ; and  that  those  places  in  Asia,  inhabited  now  by 


* Smith  on  Complexion,  N.  Brunswick,  N.  J.  1810,  p.  11.  t Ibid.  170,  171. 

t The  author  pleads  not  guilty  to  the  charge  of  plagiarism  ; for  it  was  not  until  some  months 
after  the  text  was  written,  that  he  knew  that  even  this  idea  had  occurred  to  any  one.  He  has 
since  read  an  extract  very  similar,  in  Dr.  Lawrence’s  valuable  Lectures  on  Zoology,  &c. 

$ On  reflection,  we  have  thought  our  remarks  rather  pointed,  as  Mr.  Smith  is  not  a living 
author  5 but  what  called  them  forth  must  be  their  apology. 


12 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


[Book  I. 


Moors,  are  but  the  intrusions  of  negroes,  arriving  first  from  Africa,  as  we 
generally  conceive  of  Madagascar,  and  the  adjoining  islands,  who  retain  the 
same  complexion  unto  this  day.  But  this  defect  [of  latitude  upon  complex- 
ion] is  more  remarkable  in  America,  which,  although  subjected  unto  both  the 
tropics,  yet  are  not  the  inhabitants  black  between,  or  near,  or  under  either : 
neither  to  the  southward  in  Brazil,  Chili,  or  Peru  ; nor  yet  to  the  northward 
in  Hispaniola,  Castilia,  del  Oro,  or  Nicaragua.  And  although  in  many  parts 
thereof,  there  be  at  present,  swarms  of  negroes,  serving  under  the  Spaniard, 
yet  were  they  all  transported  from  Africa,  since  the  discovery  of  Columbus, 
and  are  not  indigenous,  or  proper  natives  of  America.”  * * * § ** 

Hence  it  is  evident,  that  200  years  before  Dr.  Smith  wrote,  the  notion  that 
situation  of  place  affected  materially  the  color  of  the  human  species,  was 
very  justly  set  down  among  the  “vulgar  and  common  errors”  of  the  times. 

Another  theory,  almost  as  wild,  and  quite  as  ridiculous,  respecting  the 
animals  of  America,  as  that  advanced  by  Dr.  S.  S.  Smith , seems  here  to  pre- 
sent itself.  We  have  reference  to  the  well-known  assertions  of  Buffon  and 
Rayncd,  f two  philosophers,  who  were  an  honor  to  the  times  of  Franklin , 
which  are,  that  man  and  other  animals  in  America  degenerate.  I This  has 
been  met  in  such  a masterly  manner  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  § that  to  repeat  any 
thing  here  would  be  entirely  out  of  place,  since  it  has  been  so  often  copied 
into  works  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic.  It  may  even  be  found  in  some  of 
the  best  English  Encyclopaedias.  || 

Smith  II  does  not  deal  fairly  with  a passage  of  Voltaire,  relating  to  the  peo- 
pling of  America ; as  he  takes  only  a part  of  a sentence  to  comment  upon. 
Perhaps  he  thought  it  as  much  as  he  was  capable  of  managing. ##  The  com- 
plete sentence  to  which  we  refer  we  translate  as  follows : — “ There  are  found 
men  and  animals  all  over  the  habitable  earth : who  has  put  them  upon  it  ? 
We  have  already  said,  it  is  he  who  has  made  the  grass  grow  in  the  fields ; 
and  we  should  be  no  more  surprised  to  find  in  America  men,  than  we  should 
to  find  flies.”  ft  We  can  discover  no  contradiction  between  this  passage  and 
another  in  a distant  part  of  the  same  work  ; and  which  seems  more  like  the 
passage  Mr.  Smith  has  cited ; — “ Some  do  not  wish  to  believe  that  the  cater- 
pillars and  the  snails  of  one  part  of  the  world  should  be  originally  from  an- 
other part : wherefore  be  astonished,  then,  that  there  should  be  in  America 
some  kinds  of  animals,  and  some  races  of  men  like  our  own  ? ” JJ 

Voltaire  has  written  upon  the  subject  in  a manner  that  will  always  be 
attracting,  however  much  or  little  credence  may  be  allowed  to  what  he  has 
written.  We  will,  therefore,  extract  an  entire  article  wherein  he  engages 
more  professedly  upon  the  question  than  in  other  parts  of  his  works,  in  which 
he  has  rather  incidentally  spoken  upon  it.  The  chapter  is  as  follows : §§  — 
“Since  many  fail  not  to  make  systems  upon  the  manner  in  which  America 
has  been  peopled,  it  is  left  only  for  us  to  say,  that  he  who  created  flies  in 
those  regions,  created  man  there  also.  However  pleasant  it  may  be  to  dis- 
pute, it  cannot  be  denied  that  the  Supreme  Being,  who  lives  in  all  nature,  |||| 
has  created  about  the  48°  two-legged  animals  without  feathers,  the  color  of 
whose  skin  is  a mixture  of  white  and  carnation,  with  long  beards  approaching 
to  red  ; about  the  line,  in  Africa  and  its  islands,  negroes  without  beards  ; and 


* “ Pseudodoxia  Epidemica  : or  Inquiries  into  very  many  Received  Tenents,  and  common- 
ly received  Truths  j together  with  the  Religio  Medici.  By  Thomas  Brown,  Kt.  M.  D/’ 
Page  373,  6 edition,  4to.  London,  1672. 

f After  speaking  of  the  effect  of  the  climate  of  the  old  world  in  producing  man  and  other 
animals  in  perfection,  he  adds,  “Combien,  au  contraire,  la  nature  paroit  avoir  n6glig6 
nouveau  ntond  ! Les  hommes  y sont  moins  forts,  moins  courageux ; sans  barbe  et  sans  poil,” 
&c. — Histcdre  Philos,  des  deux  Indes,  viii.  210.  Ed.  Geneva,  1781.  12  vols.  8vo. 

J Voltaire  does  not  say  quite  as  much,  but  says  this: — “La  nature  enfin  avait  donn6  aux 
Americanes  beaucoup  moins  d'industrie  qu’aux  hommes  de  fancien  monde.  Toutes  ces  causes 
ensemble  ont  pu  nuire  beaucoup  a la  population.” — [CEuvres,  iv.  19.]  This  is,  however,  only 
in  reference  to  the  Indians. 

§ In  his  Notes  on  Virginia,  Quer.  vii.  ||  Perthensis,  i.  637.  (Art.  Amer.  § 38.) 

TT  Samuel  Smith,  who  published  a history  of  New  Jersey,  in  1765,  printed  at  Burlington. 

**  See  Hist.  N.  J.  8.  ft  Essai  sur  les  Moeurs  et  TEsprit  des  Nations.  (CEuvres, 'iv.  18.) 

tt  Ibid.  708.  $$  CEuvres,  t.  vii.  197, 198. 

HU  Will  the  reader  of  this  call  Voltaire  an  atheist  ? 


Chap.  II.] 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


13 


in  the  same  latitude,  other  negroes  with  beards,  some  of  them  having  wool 
and  some  hair  on  their  heads  ; and  among  them  other  animals  quite  white, 
having  neither  hair  nor  wool,  but  a kind  of  while  silk.  It  does  not  very 
clearly  appear  what  should  have  prevented  God  from  placing  on  another 
continent  animals  of  the  same  species,  of  a copper  color,  in  the  same  latitude 
in  which,  in  Africa  and  Asia,  they  are  found  black ; or  even  from  making  them 
without  beards  in  the  very  same  latitude  in  which  others  possess  them.  To 
what  lengths  are  we  carried  by  the  rage  for  systems  joined  with  the  tyranny 
of  prejudice ! We  see  these  animals ; it  is  agreed  that  God  has  had  the 
power  to  place  them  where  they  are ; yet  it  is  not  agreed  that  he  has  so 
placed  them.  The  same  persons  who  readily  admit  that  the  heavers  of  Canada 
are  of  Canadian  origin,  assert  that  the  men  must  have  come  there  in  boats, 
and  that  Mexico  must  have  been  peopled  by  some  of  the  descendants  of 
Magog.  As  well  might  it  be  said,  that,  if  there  be  men  in  the  moon,  they 
must  have  been  taken  there  by  Astolpho  on  his  hippogriffj  when  he  went  to 
fetch  Roland's  senses,  which  were  corked  up  in  a bottle.  If  America  had 
been  discovered  in  his  time,  and  there  had  then  been  men  in  Europe  system- 
atic enough  to  have  advanced,  with  the  Jesuit  Lajitau ,#  that  the  Caribbees 
descended  from  the  inhabitants  of  Caria,  and  the  Hurons  from  the  Jews,  he 
would  have  done  well  to  have  brought  back  the  bottle  containing  the  wits  of 
these  reasoners,  which  he  would  doubtless  have  found  in  the  moon,  along 
with  those  of  Angelica's  lover.  The  first  thing  done  when  an  inhabited  island 
is  discovered  in  the  Indian  Ocean,  or  in  the  South  Sea,  is  to  inquire,  Whence 
came  these  people  ? but  as  for  the  trees  and  the  tortoises,  they  are,  without 
any  hesitation,  pronounced  to  be  indigenous ; as  if  it  were  more  difficult  for 
nature  to  make  men  than  to  make  tortoises.  One  thing,  however,  which 
seems  to  countenance  this  system,  is,  that  there  is  scarcely  an  island  in  the 
eastern  or  western  ocean,  which  does  not  contain  jugglers,  quacks,  knaves, 
and  fools.  This,  it  is  probable,  gave  rise  to  the  opinion,  that  these  animals 
are  of  the  same  race  with  ourselves.” 

Some  account  of  what  the  Indians  themselves  have  said  upon  the  subject 
of  their  origin  may  be  very  naturally  looked  for  in  this  place.  Their  notions 
in  this  respect  can  no  more  be  relied  upon  than  the  fabled  stories  of  the  gods 
in  ancient  mythology.  Indeed,  their  accounts  of  primitive  inhabitants  do  not 
agree  beyond  their  own  neighborhood,  and  often  disagree  with  themselves  at 
different  times.  Some  say  their  ancestors  came  from  the  north,  others  from 
the  north-west,  others  from  the  east,  and  others  from  the  west;  some  from 
the  regions  of  the  air,  and  some  from  under  the  earth.  Hence  to  raise  any 
theory  upon  any  thing  coming  from  them  upon  the  subject,  would  show 
only  that  the  theorist  himself  was  as  ignorant  as  his  informants.  We  might 
as  well  ask  the  forest  trees  how  they  came  planted  upon  the  soil  in  which 
they  grow.  Not  that  the  Indians  are  unintelligent  in  other  affairs,  any  further 
than  the  necessary  consequence  growing  out  of  their  situation  implies ; nor 
are  they  less  so  than  many  who  have  written  upon  their  history. 

“ In  one  grave  maxim  let  us  all  agree — 

Nature  ne’er  meant  her  secrets  should  be  found, 

And  man’s  a riddle,  which  man  can’t  expound  ! ” 

Paine’s  Ruling  Passion. 


The  different  notions  of  the  Indians  will  be  best  gathered  from  then*  lives 
in  their  proper  places  in  the  following  work. 

Dr.  S.  L.  Mitchill,  of  New  York,  a man  who  wrote  learnedly,  if  not  wisely, 
on  almost  every  subject,  has,  in  his  opinion,  like  hundreds  before  him,  set  the 
great  question,  How  was  America  peopled ? at  rest.  He  has  no  doubt  but  the 
Indians,  in  the  first  place,  are  of  the  same  color  originally  as  the  north-eastern 
nations  of  Asia,  and  hence  sprung  from  them.  What  time  he  settles  them  in 
the  country  he  does  not  tell  us,  but  gets  them  into  Greenland  about  the  year  8 
or  900.  Thinks  he  saw  the  Scandinavians  as  far  as  the  shores  of  the  St. 
Lawrence,  but  what  time  this  was  he  does  not  say.  He  must  of  course  make 

* He  wrote  a history  of  the  savages  of  America,  and  maintained  that  the  Caribbee  lan- 
guage was  radically  Hebrew. 

2 


14 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


[Book  L 


these  people  the  builders  of  the  mounds  scattered  all  over  the  western  coun- 
try. After  all,  we  apprehend  the  doctor  would  have  short  time  for  his  emi- 
grants to  do  all  that  nature  and  art  have  done  touching  these  matters.  In  the 
first  place,  it  is  evident  that  many  ages  passed  away  from  the  time  these 
tumuli  were  begun  until  they  were  finished : 2d,  a multitude  of  ages  must 
have  passed  since  the  use  for  which  they  were  reared  has  been  known  ; for 
trees  of  the  age  of  200  years  grow  from  the  ruins  of  others  which  must  have 
had  as  great  age:  and,  3d,  no  Indian  nation  or  tribe  has  the  least  tradition 
concerning  them.*  This  could  not  have  happened  had  the  ancestors  of  the 
present  Indians  been  the  erectors  of  them,  in  the  nature  of  things,  f 

The  observation  of  an  author  in  Dr.  Rees's  Encyclopedia,}  although  saying 
no  more  than  has  been  already  said  in  our  synopsis,  is,  nevertheless,  so  happy, 
that  we  should  not  feel  clear  to  omit  it: — “As  to  those  who  pretend  that  the 
human  race  has  only  of  late  found  its  way  into  America,  by  crossing  the  sea 
at  Kamschatka,  or  the  Straits  of  Tschutski,  either  upon  the  fields  of  ice  or  in 
canoes,  they  do  not  consider  that  this  opinion,  besides  that  it  is  extremely 
difficult  of  comprehension,  has  not  the  least  tendency  to  diminish  the  prodi- 
gy ; for  it  would  be  surprising  indeed  that  one  half  of  our  planet  should  have 
remained  without  inhabitants  during  thousands  of  years,  while  the  other  half 
was  peopled.  What  renders  this  opinion  less  probable  is,  that  America  is 
supposed  in  it  to  have  had  animals,  since  we  cannot  bring  those  species  of 
animals  from  the  old  world  which  do  not  exist  in  it,  as  those  of  the  tapir,  the 
glama,  and  the  tajactu.  Neither  can  we  admit  of  the  recent  organization  of 
matter  for  the  western  hemisphere ; because,  independently  of  the  accumu- 
lated difficulties  in  this  hypothesis,  and  which  can  by  no  means  be  solved, 
we  shall  observe,  that  the  fossil  bones  discovered  in  so  many  parts  of  Ameri- 
ca, and  at  such  small  depths,  prove  that  certain  species  of  animals,  so  far  from 
having  been  recently  organized,  have  been  annihilated  a long  while  ago.” 

Before  we  had  known,  that,  if  we  were  in  error,  it  was  in  the  company  of 
philosophers,  such  as  we  have  in  this  chapter  introduced  to  our  readers,  we 
felt  a hesitancy  in  avowing  our  opinions  upon  a matter  of  so  great  moment. 
But,  after  all,  as  it  is  only  matter  of  honest  opinion,  no  one  should  be  intoler- 
ant, although  he  may  be  allowed  to  make  himself  and  even  his  friends  merry 
at  our  expense.  When,  in  the  days  of  Chrysostom , some  ventured  to  assert  their 
opinions  of  the  rotundity  of  the  earth,  that  learned  father  “did  laugh  at  them.”  § 
And,  when  science  shall  have  progressed  sufficiently,  (if  it  be  possible,)  to  set- 
tle this  question,  there  is  a possibility  that  the  Chrysostoms  of  these  days  will 
not  have  the  same  excuse  for  their  infidelity.  But  as  it  is  a day  of  prodigies, 
there  is  some  danger  of  treating  lightly  even  the  most  seemingly  absurd  con- 
jectures. We  therefore  feel  very  safe,  and  more  especially  as  it  required  con- 
siderable hardihood  to  laugh  even  at  the  theory  of  the  late  Mr.  Symmes . 

When  we  lately  took  up  a book  entitled  “ Researches , Philosophical  and  Anti- 
quarian, concerning  the  Aboriginal  History  of  America,  by  J.  H.  M’Culloh,  Jr. 
M.  D.”  ||  we  did  think,  from  the  imposing  appearance  of  it,  that  some  new 
matters  on  the  subject  had  been  discovered ; and  more  especially  when  we 
read  in  the  preface,  that  “ his  first  object  was  to  explain  the  origin  of  the  men 
and  animals  of  America,  so  far  as  that  question  is  involved  with  the  apparent 
physical  impediments  that  have  so  long  kept  the  subject  in  total  obscurity.” 
Now,  with  what  success  this  has  been  done,  to  do  the  author  justice,  he  shall 
speak  for  himself,  and  the  reader  then  may  judge  for  himself. 

“Before  we  attempt  to  explain  in  what  manner  the  men  and  animals  of 
America  reached  this  continent,  it  is  necessary  to  ascertain,  if  possible,  the 
circumstances  of  their  original  creation  ; for  upon  this  essential  particular  de- 
pends the  great  interest  of  our  present  investigation.  [We  are  not  able  to 
discover  that  he  has  said  any  thing  further  upon  it.]  It  must  be  evident  that 
we  can  arrive  at  no  satisfactory  conclusion,  if  it  be  doubtful  whether  the  Crea- 
tor of  the  universe  made  man  and  the  animals  but  in  one  locality,  from 


* Or  none  but  such  as  are  at  variance  with  all  history  and  rationality, 
f Archseologia  Americana,  i.  325,  326,  341,  &c.  \ Art.  America.. 

§ See  Acosta’s  Hist.  E.  and  W.  Indies,  p.  1.  e<L  London,  1604. 
j]  Published  at  Baltimore,  1829,  in  8vo. 


Chap.  1L] 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


n 


whence  they  were  dispersed  over  the  earth ; or  whether  he  created  them  in 
each  of  those  various  situations  where  we  now  find  them  living.  So  far  as 
this  inquiry  respects  mankind,  there  can  be  no  reasonable  ground  to  doubt 
the  one  origin  of  the  species.  This  fact  may  be  proved  both  physically  and 
morally.  [If  the  reader  can  discover  any  thing  that  amounts  to  proof  in 
what  follows,  he  will  have  made  a discovery  that  we  could  not.]  That 
man,  notwithstanding  all  the  diversities  of  their  appearance,  are  but  of  one 
species,  is  a truth  now  universally  admitted  by  every  physiological  naturalist. 
[That  is,  notwithstanding  a negro  be  black,  an  Indian  brown,  a European 
white,  still,  they  are  all  men.  And  then  follows  a quotation  from  Doctor 
Lawrmce*  to  corroborate  the  fact  that  men  are  all  of  one  species.]  It  is  true, 
this  physiologist  does  not  admit  that  the  human  species  had  their  origin  but 
from  one  pair ; for  he  observes,  the  same  species  might  have  been  created  at 
the  same  time  in  very  different  parts  of  the  earth.  But  when  we  have 
analyzed  the  moral  history  of  mankind,  to  which  Mr.  Lawrence  seems  to  have 
paid  little  attention,  [and  if  our  author  has  done  it,  we  would  thank  him  to 
show  us  where  we  can  find  it,]  we  find  such  strongly-marked  analogies  in 
abstract  matters  existing  among  nations  the  most  widely  separated  from  each 
other,  that  we  cannot  doubt  there  has  been  a time,  when  the  whole  human 
family  have  intimately  participated  in  one  common  system  of  things,  whether 
it  be  of  truth  or  of  error,  of  science  or  of  prejudice.  [This  does  not  at  all 
agree  with  what  he  says  afterwards,  ‘ We  have  been  unable  to  discern  any 
traces  of  Asiatic  or  of  European  civilization  in  America  prior  to  the  discovery 
of  Columbus.’  And  again  : ‘ In  comparing  the  barbarian  nations  of  America 
with  those  of  the  eastern  continent,  we  perceive  no  points  of  resemblance 
between  them,  in  their  moral  institutions  or  in  their  habits,  that  are  not  appar- 
ently founded  in  the  necessities  of  human  life.’  If,  then,  there  is  no  affinity, 
other  than  what  would  accidentally  happen  from  similar  circumstances,  where- 
fore this  prating  about  ‘ strongly -marked  analogies]  &c.  just  copied  ?]  As  re- 
spects the  origin  of  animals,  [we  have  given  his  best  proofs  of  the  origin  of  man 
and  their  transportation  to  America,]  the  subject  is  much  more  refractory. 
We  find  them  living  all  over  the  surface  of  the  earth,  and  suited  by  their  phys- 
ical conformity  to  a great  variety  of  climates  and  peculiar  localities.  Every 
one  will  admit  the  impossibility  of  ascertaining  the  history  of  their  original 
creation  from  the  mere  natural  history  of  the  animals  themselves.”  Now, 
as  “ refractory  ” as  this  subject  is,  we  did  not  expect  to  see  it  fathered  off 
upon  a miracle,  because  this  was  the  easy  and  convenient  manner  in  which 
the  superstitious  of  every  age  accounted  for  every  thing  which  they  at  once 
could  not  comprehend.  And  we  do  not  expect,  when  it  is  gravely  announced, 
that  a discovery  in  any  science  is  to  be  shown,  that  the  undertaker  is  going 
to  tell  us  it  is  accomplished  by  a miracle,  and  that,  therefore,  “ he  knows  not 
why  he  should  be  called  upon  to  answer  objections,”  &c. 

As  it  would  be  tedious  to  the  reader,  as  well  as  incompatible  with  our  plan, 
to  quote  larger  from  Mr.  M'CuLloih's  book,  we  shall  finish  with  him  after  a few 
remarks. 

We  do  not  object  to  the  capacity  of  the  ark  for  all  animals,  but  we  do 
object  to  its  introduction  in  the  question  undertaken  by  Mr . M'CuLloh;  for 
every  child  knows  that  affair  to  have  been  miraculous  ; and  if  any  part  of  the 
question  depended  upon  the  truth  or  falsity  of  a miracle,  why  plague  the  world 
with  a book  of  some  500  pages,  merely  to  promulgate  such  a belief,  when 
a sentence  would  be  all  that  is  required?  No  one,  that  admits  an  overruling 
power,  or  the  existence  of  God,  will  doubt  of  his  ability  to  create  a myriad  of 
men,  animals,  and  all  matter,  by  a breath ; or  that  an  ark  ten  feet  square  could 
contain,  comfortably,  ten  thousand  men,  as  well  as  one  of  the  dimensions 
given  in  Scripture  to  contain  what  that  did.  Therefore,  if  one  in  these  days 
should  make  a book  expressly  to  explain  the  cause  of  the  different  lengths  of 
days,  or  the  changes  of  the  seasons,  and  find,  after  he  had  written  a vast  deal, 
that  he  could  in  no  wise  unravel  the  mystery,  and,  to  close  his  account,  de- 
clares it  was  all  a miracle,  such  an  author  would  be  precisely  in  the  predica- 
ment of  Mr.  M’Culloh. 

* The  celebrated  author  of  Lectures  on  Physiology,  Zoology,  and  the  Natural  History  of 
Man. 


16 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


[Book  L 


We  do  not  pretend  that  the  subject  can  be  pursued  with  the  certainty  of 
mathematical  calculations;  and  so  long  as  it  is  contended  that  the  whole  spe- 
cies of  man  spring  from  one  pair,  so  long  will  the  subject  admit  of  contro- 
versy : therefore  it  makes  but  little  or  no  difference  whether  the  inhabitants 
are  got  into  America  by  the  north  or  the  south,  the  east  or  the  west,  as  it 
regards  the  main  question.  For  it  is  very  certain  that,  if  there  were  but  one 
pair  originally,  and  these  placed  upon  a certain  spot,  all  other  places  where 
people  are  now  found  must  have  been  settled  by  people  from  the  primitive 
spot,  who  found  their  way  thither,  some  how  or  other,  and  it  is  very  unimpor- 
tant how,  as  we  have  just  observed. 

Lord  Kaimes , a writer  of  great  good  sense,  has  not  omitted  to  say  some- 
thing upon  this  subject.* * * §  He  very  judiciously  asks  those  who  maintain  that 
America  was  peopled  from  Kamskatka,  whether  the  inhabitants  of  that  region 
speak  the  same  language  with  their  American  neighbors  on  the  opposite 
shores.  That  they  do  not,  he  observes,  is  fully  confirmed  by  recent  accounts 
from  thence;  and  “whence  we  may  conclude,  with  great  certainty,  that  the 
latter  are  not  a colony  of  the  former.”f  We  have  confirmation  upon  confirma- 
tion, that  these  nations  speak  languages  entirely  different ; and  for  the  satisfac- 
tion of  the  curious,  we  will  give  a short  vocabulary  of  words  in  both,  with 
the  English  against  them. 


English. 

Kamskadale. 

Aleoutean.\ 

God 

Father. 

Iskh 

Mother 

Son 

Daughter 

Brother 

Sister 

Husband 

Woman 

Girl 

Young  boy 

Child 

A man 

The  people 

Persons 

The  head 

The  face 

The  nose 

The  nostrils 

The  eye 

After  observing  that  “there  are  several  cogent  arguments  to  evince  that  the 
Americans  are  not  descended  from  any  people  in  the  north  of  Asia,  or  in  the 
north  of  Europe,”  Lord  Kaimes  continues, — “I  venture  still  further;  which  is, 
to  conjecture,  that  America  has  not  been  peopled  from  any  part  of  the  olcl 
world.”  But  although  this  last  conjecture  is  in  unison  with  those  of  many 
others,  yet  his  lordship  is  greatly  oilt  in  some  of  the  proofs  which  he  adduces 
in  its  support.  As  we  have  no  ground  on  which  to  controvert  this  opinion, 
we  may  be  excused  from  examining  its  proofs ; but  this  we  will  observe,  that 
Lord  Kaimes  is  in  the  same  error  about  the  beardlessness  of  the  Americans  as 
some  other  learned  Europeans. 

The  learned  Doctor  Swinton,§  in  a dissertation  upon  the  peopling  of  Ameri- 

* See  his  “ Sketches  of  the  History  of  Man  f a work  which  he  published  in  1774,  at  Edin- 
burgh, in  2 vote.  4to. 

f Vol.  ii.  71. 

f The  Aleouteans  inhabit  the  chain  of  islands  which  stretch  from  the  north-west  point  of 
America  into  the  neighborhood  of  Kamskatka.  It  must  be  remembered  that  these  names  are 
in  the  French  orthography,  being  taken  from  a French  translation  of  Billings’s  voyage  into 
those  regions,  from  1785  to  1794. 

§ Doctor  John  Swinton,  the  eminent  author  of  many  parts  of  the  Ancient  Universal  His- 
tory. He  died  in  1777.  aged  74. 


CttA*.  II  ] 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


1 ? 


•ca,#  after  stating  the  different  opinions  of  various  authors  who  have  advocated 
in  favor  of  the  “dispersed  people,”  the  Phoenicians,  and  other  eastern  nations, 
observes,  “that,  therefore,  the  Americans  in  general  were  descended  from 
some  people  who  inhabited  a country  not  so  far  distant  from  them  as  Egypt 
and  Phoenicia,  our  readers  will,  as  we  apprehend,  readily  admit.  Now,  no 
country  can  be  pitched  upon  so  proper  and  convenient  for  this  purpose  as  the 
north-eastern  part  of  Asia,  particularly  Great  Tartary,  Siberia,  and  more  espe- 
cially the  peninsula  of  Kamtschatka.  That  probably  was  the  tract  through 
which  many  Tartarian  colonies  passed  into  America,  and  peopled  the  most 
considerable  part  of  the  new  world.” 

This,  it  is  not  to  be  denied,  is  the  most  rational  way  of  getting  inhabitants 
into  America,  if  it  must  be  allowed  that  it  was  peopled  from  the  “old  world.” 
But  it  is  not  quite  so  easy  to  account  for  the  existence  of  equatorial  animals 
in  America,  when  all  authors  agree  that  they  never  could  have  passed  that 
way,  as  they  could  not  have  survived  the  coldness  of  the  climate,  at  any  sea- 
son of  the  year.  Moreover,  the  vocabulary  we  have  given,  if  it  prove  any 
thing,  proves  that  either  the  inhabitants  of  North  America  did  not  come  in 
from  the  north-west,  or  that,  if  they  did,  some  unknown  cause  must  have,  for- 
ages, suspended  all  communication  between  the  emigrants  and  their  ancestors 
upon  the  neighboring  shores  of  Asia. 

In  1822,  there  appeared  in  London  a work  which  attracted  some  attention, 
as  most  works  have  upon  similar  subjects.  It  was  entitled,  “ Description  of 
the  ruins  of  an  ancient  city,  discovered  near  Palenque,  in  the  kingdom  of 
Guatemala,  in  Spanish  America : translated  from  the  original  manuscript  re- 
port of  Capt.  Don  Antonio  Del  Rio : followed  by  a critical  investigation  and 
research  into  the  History  of  the  Americans , by  Dr.  Paul  Felix  Cabrera,  of  the 
city  of  New  Guatemala.” 

Captain  Del  Rio  was  ordered  by  the  Spanish  king,  in  the  year  1786,  to 
make  an  examination  of  whatever  ruins  he  might  find,  which  he  accordingly 
did.  From  the  manuscript  he  left,  which  afterwards  fell  into  the  hands  of 
Doctor  Cabrera , his  work  was  composed,  and  is  that  part  of  the  work  which 
concerns  us  in  our  view  of  systems  or  conjectures  concerning  the  peopling  of 
America.  We  shall  be  short  with  this  author,  as  his  system  differs  very  little 
from  some  which  we  have  already  sketched.  He  is  very  confident  that  he 
has  settled  the  question  how  South  America  received  its  inhabitants,  namely, 
from  the  Phoenicians,  who  sailed  across  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  and  that  the  ruined 
city  described  by  Captain  Del  Rio  was  built  by  the  first  adventurers. 

Doctor  Cabrera  calls  any  system,  which,  in  his  view,  does  not  harmonize  with 
the  Scriptures,  an  innovation  upon  the  “ holy  Catholic  religion  ; ” and  rather 
than  resort  to  any  such,  he  says,  “ It  is  better  to  believe  his  [God’s]  works 
miraculous,  than  endeavor  to  make  an  ostentatious  display  of  our  talents  by 
the  cunning  invention  of  new  systems,  in  attributing  them  to  natural  causes.’’f 
The  same  reasoning  will  apply  in  this  case  as  in  a former.  If  we  are  to  at- 
tribute every  thing  to  miracles,  wherefore  the  necessity  of  investigation? 
These  authors  are  fond  of  investigating  matters  in  their  way,  but  are  dis- 
pleased if  others  take  the  same  liberty.  And  should  we  follow  an  author  in 
his  theories,  who  cuts  the  whole  business  short  by  declaring  all  to  be  a mira- 
cle, when  he  can  no  longer  grope  in  the  labyrinth  of  his  own  forming,  our 
reader  would  be  just  in  condemning  such  waste  of  time.  When  every  thing 
which  we  cannot  at  first  sight  understand  or  comprehend  must  not  be  in- 
quired into,  from  superstitious  doubts,  then  and  there  will  be  fixed  the  bounds 
of  all  science  ; but,  as  Lord  Byron  said  upon  another  occasion,  not  till  then. 

“If  it  be  allowed  (says  Dr.  Lawrence)];  that  all  men  are  of  the  same 
species,  it  does  not  follow  that  they  are  all  descended  from  the  same  family. 
We  have  no  data  for  determining  this  point:  it  could  indeed  only  be  settled 
by  a knowledge  of  facts,  which  have  long  ago  been  involved  in  the  impene- 
trable darkness  of  antiquity.”  That  climate  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  com- 
plexion, he  offers  the  following  in  proof : — 


* Universal  History,  xx.  162,  163. — See  Malone’s  edition  of  BosioeU’s  Life  Dr.  Johnson , 
v.  271.  ed.  in  5 v.  12mo.  London,  1821. 

t Page  30.  ]:  Lectures  on  Zoology,  &c.  442.  ed.  8vo.  Salem,  1828. 


2* 


18 


INDIAN  ANECDOTES  AND  NARRATIVES. 


[Book  I. 


“ The  establishments  of  the  Europeans  in  Asia  and  America  have  now  sub-' 
sisted  about  three  centuries.  Vasquez  De  Gama  landed  at  Calicut  in  1498  } 
and  the  Portuguese  empire  in  India  was  founded  in  the  beginning  of  the  fol- 
lowing century.  Brazil  was  discovered  and  taken  possession  of  by  the  same 
nation  in  the  very  first  year  of  the  sixteenth  century.  Towards  the  end  of  the 
15th,  and  the  beginning  of  the  16th  century,  Columbus , Cortez,  and  Pizarro, 
subjugated  for  the  Spaniards  the  West  Indian  islands,  with  the  empires  of 
Mexico  and  Peru.  Sir  Walter  Ralegh  planted  an  English  colony  in  Virginia 
in  1584 ; and  the  French  settlement  of  Canada  has  rather  a later  date.  The 
colonists  have,  in  no  instance,  approached  to  the  natives  of  these  countries : 
and  their  descendants,  where  the  blood  has  been  kept  pure,  have,  at  this  time, 
the  same  characters  as  native  Europeans.”  * 

The  eminent  antiquary,  De  Witt  Clinton , f supposed  that  the  ancient  works 
found  in  this  country  were  similar  to  those  supposed  to  be  Roman  by  Pennant 
in  Wales.  He  adds,  “The  Danes,  as  well  as  the  nations  which  erected  our 
fortifications,  were  in  all  probability  of  Scythian  origin.  According  to  Pliny , 
the  name  of  Scythian  was  common  to  all  the  nations  living  in  the  north  of 
Asia  and  Europe.”  f 


CHAPTER  HI. 

Anecdotes,  Narratives , Traditions,  fyc.  illustrative  of  the  Manners  and  Customs , An > 
tiquities,  and  Traditions  of  the  Indians. 

Wit.— As  Ottaway  chief,  known  to  the  French  by  the  name  of  Whitejohn , 
was  a great  drunkard.  Count  Frontenac  asked  him  what  he  thought  brandy 
to  be  made  of ; he  replied,  that  it  must  be  made  of  hearts  and  tongues — 
“ For,”  said  he,  “ when  I have  drunken  plentifully  of  it,  my  heart  is  a thousand 
strong,  and  I can  talk,  too,  with  astonishing  freedom  and  rapidity.”  J 

Honor.— A chief  of  the  Five  Nations,  who  fought  on  the  side  of  the  English 
in  the  French  wars,  chanced  to  meet  in  battle  his  own  father,  who  was  fight- 
ing on  the  side  of  the  French.  Just  as  he  was  about  to  deal  a deadly  blow 
upon  his  head,  he  discovered  who  he  was,  and  said  to  him,  “You  have  once 
given  me  life,  and  now  I give  it  to  you.  Let  me  meet  you  no  more ; for  I 
have  paid  the  debt  I owed  you.”  § 

Recklessness. — In  Connecticut  River,  about  “200  miles  from  Long  Island 
Sound,  is  a narrow  of  5 yards  only,  formed  by  two  shelving  mountains  of 
solid  rock.  Through  this  chasm  are  compelled  to  pass  all  the  waters  which 
in  the  time  of  the  floods  bury  the  northern  country.”  It  is  a frightful  passage 
of  about  400  yards  in  length.  No  boat,  or,  as  my  author  expresses  it,  “ no 
living  creature,  was  ever  known  to  pass  through  this  narrow,  except  an  Indian 
woman.”  This  woman  had  undertaken  to  cross  the  river  just  above,  and 
although. she  had  the  god  Bacchus  by  her  side,  yet  Neptune  prevailed  in  spite 
of  their  united  efforts,  and  the  canoe  was  hurried  down  the  frightful  gulf. 
While  this  Indian  woman  was  thus  hurrying  to  certain  destruction,  as  she  had 
every  reason  to  expect,  she  seized  upon  her  bottle  of  rum,  and  did  not  take  it 
from  her  mouth  until  the  last  drop  was  quaffed.  She  was  marvellously  pre- 
served, and  was  actually  picked  up  several  miles  below,  floating  in  the  canoe, 
still  quite  drunk.  When  it  was  known  what  she  had  done,  and  being  asked 
how  she  dared  to  drink  so  much  rum  with  the  prospect  of  certain  death  before 
her,  she  answered  that  she  knew  it  was  too  much  for  one  time,  but  she  was 
unwilling  that  any  of  it  should  be  lost.  || 


* Lectures  on  Zoology,  &.c.  464,  465.  ed.  8vo.  Salem,  1828. 

t A Memoir  on  the  Antiquities  of  the  Western  Parts  of  the  State  of  N.  York , pages  9,  10. 
8vo.  Albany,  1818. 

\ Universal  Museum  for  1763.  § Ibid.  ||  Peterses  Hist.  Connecticut. 


INDIAN  ANECDOTES  AND  NAtltlATlVES. 


19 


Chap.  III.] 


Justice. — A missionary  residing  among  a certain  tribe  of  Indians,  was  one 
day,  after  he  had  been  preaching  to  them,  invited  by  their  chief  to  visit  his 
wigwam.  After  having  been  kindly  entertained,  and  being  about  to  depart, 
the  chief  took  him  by  the  hand  and  said,  “ I have  very  bad  squaw.  She  had 
two  little  children.  One  she  loved  well,  the  other  she  hated.  In  a cold  night, 
when  I was  gone  hunting  in  the  woods,  she  shut  it  out  of  the  wigwam,  and 
it  froze  to  death.  What  must  be  done  with  her?”  The  missionary  replied, 
“She  must  be  hanged.”  “Ah!”  said  the  chief,  “gOjthen,  and  hang  your 
God,  whom  you  make  just  like  her.” 

Magnanimity. — A hunter,  in  his  wanderings  for  game,  fell  among  the  back 
settlements  of  Virginia,  and  by  reason  of  the  inclemency  of  the  weather,  was 
induced  to  seek  refuge  at  the  house  of  a planter,  whom  he  met  at  his  door. 
Admission  was  refused  him.  Being  both  hungry  and  thirsty,  he  asked  for  a 
morsel  of  bread  and  a cup  of  water,  but  was  answered  in  every  case,  “ No ! 
you  shall  have  nothing  here ! Get  you  gone , you  Indian  dog ! ” It  happened, 
in  process  of  time,  that  this  same  planter  lost  himself  in  the  woods,  and,  after 
a fatiguing  day’s  travel,  he  came  to  an  Indian’s  cabin,  into  which  he  was 
welcomed.  On  inquiring  the  way,  and  the  distance  to  the  White  settlements, 
being  told  by  the  Indian  that  he  could  not  go  in  the  night,  and  being  kindly 
offered  lodging  and  victuals,  he  gladly  refreshed  and  reposed  himself  in  the 
Indian’s  cabin.  In  the  morning,  he  conducted  him  through  the  wilderness, 
agreeably  to  his  promise  the  night  before,  until  they  came  in  sight  of  the 
habitations  of  the  whites.  As  he  was  about  to  take  his  leave  of  the  planter, 
he  looked  him  full  in  the  face,  and  asked  him  if  he  did  not  know  him. 
Horror-struck  at  finding  himself  thus  in  the  power  of  a man  he  had  so 
inhumanly  treated,  and  dumb  with  shame  on  thinking  of  the  manner  it  was 
requited,  he  began  at  length  to  make  excuses,  and  beg  a thousand  pardons, 
when  the  Indian  interrupted  him,  and  said,  “ When  you  see  poor  Indians 
fainting  for  a cup  of  cold  water,  don’t  say  again,  ‘ Get  you  gone,  you  Indian 
dog!’”  He  then  dismissed  him  to  return  to  his  friends.  My  author  adds, 
“ It  is  not  difficult  to  say,  which  of  these  two  had  the  best  claim  to  the  name 
of  Christian.”  # 

Deception. — The  captain  of  a vessel,  having  a desire  to  make  a present  to  a 
lady  of  some  fine  oranges  which  he  had  just  brought  from  “the  sugar  islands,” 
gave  them  to  an  Indian  in  his  employ  to  carry  to  her.  Lest  he  should  not 
perform  the  office  punctually,  he  wrote  a letter  to  her,  to  be  taken  along  with 
the  present,  that  she  might  detect  the  bearer,  if  he  should  fail  to  deliver  the 
..whole  of  what  he  was  intrusted  with.  The  Indian,  during  the  journey, 
reflected  how  he  should  refresh  himself  with  the  oranges,  and  not  be  found 
out.  Not  having  any  apprehension  of  the  manner  of  communication  by 
writing,  he  concluded  that  it  was  only  necessary  to  keep  his  design  secret 
from  the  letter  itself,  supposing  that  would  tell  of  him  if  he  did  not ; he  there- 
fore laid  it  upon  the  ground,  and  rolled  a large  stone  upon  it,  and  retired  to 
some  distance,  where  he  regaled  himself  with  several  of  the  oranges,  and  then 
proceeded  on  his  journey.  On  delivering  the  remainder  and  the  letter  to  the 
lady,  she  asked  him  where  the  rest  of  the  oranges  Were ; he  said  he  had 
delivered  all ; she  told  him  that  the  letter  said  there  were  several  more  sent ; 
to  which  he  answered  that  the  letter  lied,  and  she  must  not  believe  it.  But  he 
was  soon  confronted  in  his  falsehood,  and,  begging  forgiveness  of  the  offence, 
was  pardoned,  f 

Shrewdness. — As  Governor  Joseph  Dudley  of  Massachusetts  was  superin- 
tending some  of  his  workmen,  he  took  notice  of  an  able-bodied  Indian,  who, 
half-naked,  would  come  and  look  on,  as  a pastime,  to  see  his  men  work.  The 
governor  took  occasion  one  day  to  ask  him  why  he  did  not  work  and  get  some 
clothes,  wherewith  to  cover  himself.  The  Indian  answered  by  asking  him  ivhy 
he  did  not  work.  The  governor,  pointing  with  his  finger  to  his  head,  said,  “ / 
work  head  work , and  so  have  no  need  to  work  with  my  hands  as  you  should.” 
The  Indian  then  said  he  would  work  if  any  one  would  employ  him.  The 


* Carey's  Museum,  vi.  40. 

f Uring's  Voyage  to  N.  England  in  1709,  8vo.  London,  1726. 


20 


INDIAN  ANECDOTES  AND  NARRATIVES. 


fBoox  J, 


governor  told  him  he  wanted  a calf  killed,  and  that,  if  he  would  go  and  do  it* 
he  would  give  hirn  a shilling.  He  accepted  the  offer,  and  went  immediately 
and  killed  the  calf,  and  then  went  sauntering  about  as  before.  The  governor* 
on  observing  what  he  had  done,  asked  him  why  he  did  not  dress  the  calf 
before  he  left  it.  The  Indian  answered,  “No,  no,  Coponoh;  that  was  not  in 
the  bargain  : I was  to  have  a shilling  for  killing  him.  Am  he  no  dead,  Copon - 
ohV’  [governor.]  The  governor,  seeing  himself  thus  outwitted,  told  him  to 
dress  it,  and  he  would  give  him  another  shilling. 

This  done,  and  in  possession  of  two  shillings,  the  Indian  goes  directly  to  a 
grog-shop  for  rum.  After  a short  stay,  he  returned  to  the  governor,  and  told 
him  he  had  given  him  a bad  shilling-piece,  and  presented  a brass  one  to  be 
exchanged.  The  governor,  thinking  possibly  it  might  have  been  the  case, 
gave  him  another.  It  was  not  long  before  he  returned  a second  time  with 
another  brass  shilling  to  be  exchanged  ; the  governor  was  now  convinced  of 
his  knavery,  but,  not  caring  to  make  words  at  the  time,  gave  him  another; 
and  thus  the  fellow  got  four  shillings  for  one. 

The  governor  determined  to  have  the  rogue  corrected  for  his  abuse,  and, 
meeting  with  him  soon  after,  told  him  he  must  take  a letter  to  Boston  for  him 
[and  gave  him  a half  a crown  for  the  service.]  * The  letter  was  directed  to  the 
keeper  of  bridewell,  ordering  him  to  give  the  bearer  so  many  lashes ; but, 
mistrusting  that  all  was  not  exactly  agreeable,  and  meeting  a servant  of  the 
governor  on  the  road,  ordered  him,  in  the  name  of  his  master,  to  carry  the 
letter  immediately,  as  he  was  in  haste  to  return.  The  consequence  was,  this 
servant  got  egregiously  whipped.  When  the  governor  learned  what  had 
taken  place,  he  felt  no  little  chagrin  at  being  thus  twice  outwitted  by  the 
Indian. 

He  did  not  see  the  fellow  for  some  time  after  this,  but  at  length,  falling  in 
with  him,  asked  him  by  what  means  he  had  cheated  and  deceived  him  so 
many  times.  Taking  the  governor  again  in  his  own  play,  he  answered, 
pointing  with  his  finger  to  his  head,  “ Head  work,  Coponoh , head  work  /”  The 
governor  was  now  so  well  pleased  that  he  forgave  the  whole  offence.f 

Equality. — An  Indian  chief,  on  being  asked  whether  his  people  were  free, 
answered,  “Why  not,  since  I myself  am  free,  although  their  king?”J 

Matrimony. — “An  aged  Indian,  who  for  many  years  had  spent  much  time 
among  the  white  people,  both  in  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey,  one  day, 
about  the  year  1770,  observed  that  the  Indians  had  not  only  a much  easier 
way  of  getting  a wife  than  the  whites,  but  also  a more  certain  way  of  getting 
a good  one.  ‘ For,’  said  he  in  broken  English,  ‘ white  man  court — court — 
may  be  one  whole  year !— may  be  two  years  before  he  marry ! Well — may 
be  then  he  get  very  good  wife — but  may  be  not — may  be  very  cross!  Well, 
now  suppose  cross ! scold  so  soon  as  get  awake  in  the  morning!  scold  all 
day ! — scold  until  sleep !— all  one— he  must  keep  him ! — White  people  have 
law  forbidding  throw  away  wife  he  be  ever  so  cross — must  keep  him  always ! 
Well,  how  does  Indian  do?  Indian,  when  he  see  industrious  squaw,  he 
go  to  him,  place  his  two  fore-fingers  close  aside  each  other,  make  two  like 
one — then  look  squaw  in  the  face— see  him  smile — this  is  all  one  he  say 
yes  ! — so  he  take  him  home — no  danger  he  be  cross ! No,  no— squaw  know 
too  well  what  Indian  do  if  he  cross!  throw  him  away  and  take  another! — 
Squaw  love  to  eat  meat— no  husband  no  meat.  Squaw  do  every  thing  to 
please  husband,  he  do  every  thing  to  please  squaw — live  happy.’  ” § 

Toleration. — In  the  year  1791,  two  Creek  chiefs  accompanied  an  American 
to  England,  where,  as  usual,  they  attracted  great  attention,  and  many  flocked 
around  them,  as  well  to  learn  their  ideas  of  certain  things  as  to  behold  “the 
savages.”  Being  asked  their  opinion  of  religion,  or  of  what  religion  they  were, 
one  made  answer,  that  they  had  no  priests  in  their  country,  or  established 
religion,  for  they  thought,  that,  upon  a subject  where  there  was  no  possibility 
of  people’s  agreeing  in  opinion,  and  as  it  was  altogether  matter  of  mere 

* A sentence  added  in  a version  of  this  anecdote  in  Carey's  Museum,  vi.  204. 

t Uring , ut  supra.  120.  f Carey's  Museum,  vi.  482. 

§ Heckewelder's  Hist.  Ind.  Nations. 


Chap.  III.] 


INDIAN  ANECDOTES  AND  NARRATIVES. 


21 


opinion,  “it  was  best  that  every  one  should  paddle  his  canoe  his  own  way.” 
Here  is  a volume  of  instruction  in  a short  answer  of  a savage ! 

Justice . — A white  trader  sold  a quantity  of  powder  to  an  Indian,  and  im- 
posed upon  him  by  making  him  believe  it  was  a grain  which  grew  like  wheat, 
by  sowing  it  upon  the  ground.  He  was  greatly  elated  by  the  prospect,  not 
only  of  raising  his  own  powder,  but  of  being  able  to  supply  others,  and  there- 
by becoming  immensely  rich.  Having  prepared  his  ground  with  great  care, 
he  sowed  his  powder  with  the  utmost  exactness  in  the  spring.  Month  after 
month  passed  away,  but  his  powder  did  not  even  sprout,  and  winter  came 
before  he  was  satisfied  that  he  had  been  deceived.  He  said  nothing;  but 
some  time  after,  when  the  trader  had  forgotten  the  trick,  the  same  Indian  suc- 
ceeded in  getting  credit  of  him  to  a large  amount.  The  time  set  for  payment 
having  expired,  he  sought  out  the  Indian  at  his  residence,  and  demanded  pay- 
ment lor  his  goods.  The  Indian  heard  his  demand  with  great  complaisance ; 
then,  looking  him  shrewdly  in  the  eye,  said,  “Me  pay  you  when  my  powder 
grow .”  This  was  enough.  The  guilty  white  man  quickly  retraced  his  steps, 
satisfied,  we  apprehend,  to  balance  his  account  with  the  chagrin  he  had  re- 
ceived. 

Hunting. — The  Indians  had  methods  to  catch  game  which  served  them  ex- 
tremely well.  The  same  month  in  which  the  Mayflower  brought  over  the 
forefathers,  November,  1620,  to  the  shores  of  Plimouth,  several  of  them 
ranged  about  the  woods  near  by  to  learn  what  the  country  contained.  Having 
wandered  farther  than  they  were  apprized,  in  their  endeavor  to  return,  they 
say,  “ We  were  shrewdly  puzzled,  and  lost  our  way.  As  we  wandered,  we 
came  to  a tree,  where  a young  sprit  was  bowed  down  over  a bow,  and  some 
acorns  strewed  underneath.  Stephen  Hopkins  said,  it  had  been  to  catch  some 
deer.  So,  as  we  were  looking  at  it,  fVilliam  Bradford  being  in  the  rear,  when 
he  came  looking  also  upon  it,  and  as  he  went  about,  it  gave  a sudden  jerk  up, 
and  he  was  immediately  caught  up  by  the  legs.  It  was  (they  continue)  a very 
pretty  device,  made  with  a rope  of  their  own  making,  [of  bark  or  some  kind 
of  roots  probably,]  and  having  a noose  as  artificially  made  as  any  roper  in 
England  can  make,  and  as  like  ours  as  can  be;  which  we  brought  away 
with  us.”# 

Preaching  against  Practice. — John  Simon  was  a Sogkonate,  who,  about  the 
year  1700,  was  a settled  minister  to  that  tribe.  He  was  a man  of  strong  mind, 
generally  temperate,  but  sometimes  remiss  in  the  latter  particular.  The  fol- 
lowing anecdote  is  told  as  characteristic  of  his  notions  of  justice.  Simon , 
on  account  of  his  deportment,  was  created  justice  of  the  peace,  and  when  dif- 
ficulties occurred  involving  any  of  his  people,  he  sat  with  the  English  justice 
to  aid  in  making  up  judgment.  It  happened  that  Simon’s  squaw,  with  some 
others,  had  committed  some  offence.  Justice  Almy  and  Simon , in  making  up 
their  minds,  estimated  the  amount  of  the  offence  differently ; Almy  thought 
each  should  receive  eight  or  ten  stripes,  but  Simon  said,  “No,  four  or  Jive  are 
enough — Poor  Indians  are  ignorant , and  it  is  not  Christian-hke  to  punish  so 
hardly  those  who  are  ignorant , as  those  who  have  knowledge .”  Simon’s  judg- 
ment prevailed.  When  Mr.  Almy  asked  John  how  many  his  wife  should 
receive,  he  said,  “ Double , because  she  had  knowledge  to  have  done  better ; ” but 
Colonel  Almy,  out  of  regard  to  John’s  feelings,  wholly  remitted  his  wife’s 
punishment.  John  looked  very  serious,  and  made  no  reply  while  in  presence 
of  the  court,  but,  on  the  first  fit  opportunity,  remonstrated  very  severely 
against  his  judgment,  and  said  to  him,  “ To  what  purpose  do  we  preach  a reli- 
gion of  justice , if  we  do  unrighteousness  in  judgment  ? ” 

Sam  Hide. — There  are  few,  we  imagine,  who  have  not  heard  of  this  per- 
sonage ; but,  notwithstanding  his  great  notoriety,  we  might  not  be  thought 
serious  in  the  rest  of  our  work,  were  we  to  enter  seriously  into  his  biography ; 
for  the  reason,  that  from  his  day  to  this,  his  name  has  been  a by-word  in  all 
New  England,  and  means  as  much  as  to  say  the  greatest  of  liars.  It  is  on 
account  of  the  following  anecdote  that  he  is  noticed. 


* Mourfs  Relation. 


22 


INDIAN  ANECDOTES  AND  NARRATIVES. 


[Book  1. 


Sam  Hide  was  a notorious  cider-drinker  as  well  as  liar,  and  used  to  travel  the 
country  to  and  fro  begging  it  from  door  to  door.  At  one  time  he  happened 
in  a region  of  country  where  cider  was  very  hard  to  be  procured,  either  from 
its  scarcity,  or  from  Sam’s  frequent  visits.  However,  cider  he  was  determined 
to  have,  if  lying,  in  any  shape  or  color,  would  gain  it.  Being  not  far  from 
the  house  of  an  acquaintance,  who  he  knew  had  cider,  but  he  knew,  or  was 
well  satisfied,  that,  in  the  ordinary  way  of  begging,  he  could  not  get  it,  he  set 
his  wits  at  work  to  lay  a plan  to  insure  it.  This  did  not  occupy  him  long. 
On  arriving  at  the  house  of  the  gentleman,  instead  of  asking  for  cider,  he  in- 
quired for  the  man  of  the  house,  whom,  on  appearing,  Sam  requested  to  go 
aside  with  him,  as  he  had  something  of  importance  to  communicate  to  him. 
When  they  were  by  themselves,  Sam  told  him  he  had  that  morning  shot  a fine 
deer,  and  that,  if  he  would  give  him  a crown,  he  would  tell  him  where  it  was. 
The  gentleman  did  not  incline  to  do  this,  but  offered  half  a crown.  Finally, 
Sam  said,  as  he  had  walked  a great  distance  that  morning,  and  was  very  dry, 
for  a half  a crown  and  a mug  of  cider  he  would  tell  him.  This  was  agreed 
upon,  and  the  price  paid.  Now  Sam  was  required  to  point  out  the  spot  where 
the  deer  was  to  be  found,  which  he  did  in  this  manner.  He  said  to  his  friend. 
You  know  of  such  a meadow , describing  it — Yes — You  know  a big  ash  tree , with 
a big  top  by  the  little  brook — Yes — Well , under  that  tree  lies  the  deer.  This  was 
satisfactory,  and  Sam  departed.  It  is  unnecessary  to  mention  that  the  meadow 
was  found,  and  the  tree  by  the  brook,  but  no  deer.  The  duped  man  could 
hardly  contain  himself  on  considering  what  he  had  been  doing.  To  look 
after  Sam  for  satisfaction  would  be  worse  than  looking  after  the  deer , so  the 
farmer  concluded  to  go  home  contented.  Some  years  after,  he  happened  to 
fall  in  with  the  Indian  ; and  he  immediately  began  to  rally  him  for  deceiving 
him  so,  and  demanded  back  his  money  and  pay  for  his  cider  and  trouble. 
Why,  said  Sam,  would  you  find  fault  if  Indian  told  truth  half  the  time  ? — No 
— Well,  says  Sam , you  find  him  meadow  ? — Yes — You  find  him.  tree  2 — Yes — 
What  for  then  you  find  fault  Sam  Hide,  when  he  told  you  two  truth  to  one  lie  ? 
The  affair  ended  here.  Sam  heard  no  more  from  the  farmer. 

This  is  but  one  of  the  numerous  anecdotes  of  Sam  Hide,  wThich,  could  they 
be  collected,  would  fill  many  pages.  He  died  in  Dedham,  5 January,  1732, 
at  the  great  age  of  105  years.  He  was  a great  jester,  and  passed  for  an  un- 
common wit.  In  all  the  wars  against  the  Indians  during  his  lifetime,  he 
served  the  English  faithfully,  and  had  the  name  of  a brave  soldier.  He  had 
himself  killed  19  of  the  enemy,  and  tried  hard  to  make  up  the  20th,  but  was 
unable. 

Characters  contrasted. — “An  Indian  of  the  Kennebeck  tribe,  remarka- 
ble for  his  good  conduct,  received  a grant  of  land  from  the  state,  and  fixed 
himself  in  a new  township  where  a number  of  families  were  settled.  Though 
not  ill  treated,  yet  the  common  prejudice  against  Indians  prevented  any  sym- 
pathy with  him.  This  was  shown  at  the  death  of  his  only  child,  when  none 
of  the  people  came  near  him.  Shortly  afterwards  he  went  to  some  of  the 
inhabitants  and  said  to  them,  When  white  man’s  child  die,  Indian  man  he  sorry 
— he  help  bury  him. — When  my  child  die,  no  one  speak  to  me — I make  his  grave 
alone.  I can  no  live  here.  He  gave  up  his  farm,  dug  up  the  body  of  his  child, 
and  carried  it  with  him  200  miles  through  the  forests,  to  join  the  Canada 
Indians ! ”# 

A ludicrous  Error. — There  was  published  in  London,  in  1762,  “The 
American  Gazetteer,”  &c.f  in  which  is  the  following  account  of  Bristol, 
R.  I.  “ A county  and  town  in  N.  England.  The  capital  is  remarkable  for  the 
King  of  Spain’s  having  a palace  in  it,  and  being  killed  there ; and  also  for 
Crown  the  poet’s  begging  it  of  Charles  II.”  The  blunder  did  not  rest  here, 
but  is  found  in  “The  N.  American  and  the  West  Indian  Gazetteer,” t &c. 
Thus  Philip  of  Spain  seems  to  have  had  the  misfortune  of  being  mistaken  for 
Philip  of  the  Wampanoags,  alias  Pometacom  of  Pokanoket. 


* Tudor’s  Letters  on  the  Eastern  States,  294. 

J 2d  edition,  12mo,  London,  1788,  also  anonymous. 


f 3 vols.  12mo.  without  name. 


Ckap.  III.]  OF  CUSTOMS  AND  MANNERS.  23 

Origin  or  Meaning  of  the  Name  Canada. — It  is  said,  that  Canada  was  discov- 
ered by  the  Spaniards,  before  the  time  of  Cartier,  and  that  the  Bay  of  Cha- 
leurs  was  discovered  by  them,  and  is  the  same  as  the  Baye  des  Espagnoles  j 
and  that  the  Spaniards,  not  meeting  with  any  appearances  of  mines  of  the 
precious  metals,  said  to  one  another,  aca  nada,  which  in  their  language  signi- 
fied, nothing  here , and  forthwith  departed  from  the  country.  The  Indians, 
having  heard  these  words,  retained  them  in  their  memories,  and,  when  the 
French  came  among  them,  made  use  of  them,  probably  by  way  ol  salutation, 
not  understanding  their  import ; and  they  were  supposed  by  the  voyagers  to 
be  the  name  of  the  country.  It  was  only  necessary  to  drop  the  first  letter, 
and  use  the  two  words  as  two  syllables,  and  the  word  Canada  was  complete.* * * § 

But  as  long  ago  as  when  Father  Charlevoix  wrote  his  admirable  History 
of  New  France,  he  added  a note  upon  the  derivation  of  the  name  Canada , 
in  which  he  said  some  derived  it  from  an  Iroquois  word  meaning  an  assem- 
blage of  houses.f  Doctor  J.  R.  Forster  has  a learned  note  upon  it  also,  in  his 
valuable  account  of  Voyages  and  Discoveries  in  the  North.  He  objects  to  the 
Aca  Nada  origin,  because^  in  Spanish,  the  word  for  here  is  not  aca,  but  aqm, 
and  that  to  form  Canada  from  Aquinada  would  be  forced  and  unnatural.  Yet 
lie  says,  “ In  ancient  maps  we  often  find  Ca:  da  Nada?  that  is,  Cape  Nothing. 
« But* from  a Canadian  [Indian]  vocabulary,  annexed  to  the  original  edition 
of  the  second  voyage  of  Jaques  Cartier,  Paris,  1545,  it  appears,  that  an  assem- 
blage of  houses,  or  habitations,  i.  e.  a town,  was  by  the  natives  called  Canada. 
Cartier  says,  Ilz  appellent  une  Ville — Canada .”  Mr.  Heckewelder  is  of  much 
the  same  opinion  as  Charlevoix  and  Forster.  He  says,  that  in  a prayer-book 
in  the  Mohawk  language,  he  read  “ Ne  Kanada -gongh  Konwayatsk  Nazareth ,” 
which  was  a translation  of  “ in  a city  called  Nazareth.” 

Origin  of  the  Name  Yankee. — Anbury,  an  author  who  did  not  respect  the 
Americans,  any  more  than  many  others  who  have  been  led  captive  by  them,  has 
The  following  paragraph  upon ‘this  word “The  lower  class  of  these  Yan- 
kees— apropos,  it  may  not  be  amiss  here  just  to  observe  to  you  the  etymology 
of  this  term : it  is  derived  from  a Cherokee  word,  eankke,  which  signifies 
coward  and  slave.  This  epithet  of  yankee  was  bestowed  upon  the  inhabitants 
of  N.  England  by  the  Virginians,  for  not  assisting  them  in  a war  with  the 
Cherokees,  and  they  have  always  been  held  in  derision  by  it.  But  the  name 
has  been  more  prevalent  since  [1775]  the  commencement  of  hostilities ; the 
soldiery  at  Boston  used  it  as  a term  of  reproach  ; but  after  the  affair  at  Bun- 
ker’s Hill,  the  Americans  gloried  in  it.  Yankee-doodle  is  now  their  pcean,  a 
favorite  of  favorites,  played  in  their  army,  esteemed  as  warlike  as  the  grena- 
dier’s march — it  is  the  lover’s  spell,  the  nurse’s  lullaby.  After  our  rapid  suc- 
cesses, we  held  the  yankees  in  great  contempt ; but  it  was  not  a little  morti- 
fying to  hear  them  play  this  tune,  when  their  army  marched  down  to  our  sur- 
render.” § 

But  Mr.  Heckewelder  thinks  that  the  Indians,  in  endeavoring  to  pronounce 
the  name  English,  could  get  that  sound  no  nearer  than  these  letters  give  it, 
yengees.  This  was  perhaps  the  true  origin  of  Yankee. 

A singular  Stratagem  to  escape  Torture. — “Some  years  ago  the  Shawano 
Indians,  being  obliged  to  remove  from  their  habitations,  in  their  way  took  a 
Muskohge  warrior,  known  by  the  name  of  old  Scrany,  prisoner ; they  bas- 
tinadoed him  severely,  and  condemned  him  to  the  fiery  torture.  He  under- 


* The  authors  who  have  adopted  this  opinion,  are  Doctor  Mather , [Magnalia,  B.  viii.  71 5] 
Harris , [Voyages,  ii.  349  ;]  Moll,  [Geog.  li.  194 ;]  J.  Long,  [Voyages  and  Travels,  2 5]  Boz- 
man,  [Maryland,  35 ;]  Moulton,  [N.  York,  i.  131 ;]  Martin,  [Louisiana,  i.  7.] 

Josselyn  and  Jeffrys  seem  to  be  without  company  as  well  as  authorities  for  their  derivations. 
The  former  [N.  England  Rarities,  5]  says,  Canada  was  “ so  called  from  Monsieur  Cane.'1 
The  latter  [Hist.  America,  1]  says,  “ Canada,  in  the  Indian  language,  signifies  the  Mouth  of 
tke  Country , from  can,  mouth,  and  ada,  the  country." 

f Quelques-unes  derivent  ce  nom  du  mot  Iroquois  Kannata,  qui  se  prononce  Canada,  et  sig- 
nifie  un  amas  de  cabannes.  Hist.  Nouv.  France,  i.  9. 

f Travels  through  the  Interior  Parts  of  North  America,  1776,  &c.  vol.  ii.  46,47.  Anbury 
was  an  officer  in  General  Burgoyne’s  army,  and  was  among  the  captives  surrendered  at 
Saratoga. 

§ This  derivation  is  almost  as  ludicrous  as  that  given  by  Irving  in  his  Knickerbocker. 


24 


ANECDOTES,  &c ILLUSTRATIVE 


[Book  I. 


went  a great  deal  without  showing  any  concern  ; his  countenance  and  beha- 
vior were  as  if  he  suffered  not  the  least  pain.  He  told  his  persecutors  with  a 
bold  voice,  that  he  was  a warrior ; that  he  had  gained  most  of  his  martial 
reputation  at  the  expense  of  their  nation,  and  was  desirous  of  showing  them, 
in  the  act  of  dying,  that  he  was  still  as  much  their  superior,  as  when  he  headed 
his  gallant  countrymen  : that  although  he  had  fallen  into  their  hands,  and  for- 
feited the  protection  of  the  divine  power  by  some  impurity  or  other,  when 
carrying  the  holy  ark  of  war  against  his  devoted  enemies,  yet  he  had  so  much 
remaining  virtue  as  would  enable  him  to  punish  himself  more  exquisitely  than 
all  their  despicable,  ignorant  crowd  possibly  could;  and  that  he  would  do  so, 
if  they  gave  him  liberty  by  untying  him,  and  handing  him  one  of  the  red-hot 
gun-barrels  out  of  the  fire.  The  proposal,  and  his  method  of  address,  appeared 
so  exceedingly  bold  and  uncommon,  that  his  request  was  granted.  Then 
suddenly  seizing  one  end  of  the  red-hot  barrel,  and  brandishing  it  from  side 
to  side,  leaped  down  a prodigious  steep  and  high  bank  into  a branch  of  the 
river,  dived  through  it,  ran  over  a small  island,  and  passed  the  other  branch, 
amidst  a shower  of  bullets  ; and  though  numbers  of  his  enemies  were  in  close 
pursuit  of  him,  he  got  into  a bramble-swamp,  through  which,  though  naked 
and  in  a mangled  condition,  he  reached  his  own  country.” 

An  unparalleled  Case  of  Suffering. — “The  Shawano  Indians  captured  a 
warrior  of  the  Anantoocah  nation,  and  put  him  to  the  stake,  according  to  their 
usual  cruel  solemnities : having  unconcernedly  suffered  much  torture,  he  told 
them,  with  scorn,  they  did  not  know  how  to  punish  a noted  enemy;  therefore 
he  was  willing  to  teach  them,  and  would  confirm  the  truth  of  his  assertion  if 
they  allowed  him  the  opportunity.  Accordingly  he  requested  of  them  a pipe 
and  some  tobacco,  which  was  given  him  ; as  soon  as  he  had  lighted  it,  he  sat 
down,  naked  as  he  was,  on  the  women’s  burning  torches,  that  were  within  his 
circle,  and  continued  smoking  his  pipe  without  the  least  discomposure : On 
this  a head  warrior  leaped  up,  and  said,  they  saw  plain  enough  that  he  was  a 
warrior,  and  not  afraid  of  dying,  nor  should  he  have  died,  only  that  he  was 
both  spoiled  by  the  fire,  and  devoted  to  it  by  their  laws  ; however,  though  he 
was  a very  dangerous  enemy,  and  his  nation  a treacherous  people,  it  should 
be  seen  that  they  paid  a regard  to  bravery,  even  in  one  who  was  marked  with 
war  streaks  at  the  cost  of  many  of  the  lives  of  their  beloved  kindred  ; and  then 
by  way  of  favor,  he  with  his  friendly  tomahawk  instantly  put  an  end  to  all  his 
pains.”  # 

Ignorance  the  Offspring  of  absurd  Opinions. — The  resolution  and  courage  of 
the  Indians,  says  Colonel  Rogers,  “ under  sickness  and  pain,  is  truly  surpris- 
ing. A young  woman  will  be  in  labor  a whole  day  without  uttering  one 
groan  or  cry ; should  she  betray  such  a weakness,  they  would  immediately 
say,  that  she  was  unworthy  to  be  a mother,  and  that  her  offspring  could  not 
fail  of  being  cowards.”  f 

A JVorthern  Custom. — When  Mr.  Heame  was  on  the  Coppermine  River,  in 
1771,  some  of  the  Copper  Indians  in  his  company  killed  a number  of  Esqui- 
maux, by  which  act  they  considered  themselves  unclean  ; and  all  concerned 
in  the  murder  were  not  allowed  to  cook  any  provisions,  either  for  themselves 
or  others.  They  were,  however,  allowed  to  eat  of  others’  cooking,  but  not 
until  they  had  painted,  with  a kind  of  red  earth,  all  the  space  between  their 
nose  and  chin,  as  well  as  a greater  part  of  their  cheeks,  almost  to  their  ears. 
Neither  would  they  use  any  other  dish  or  pipe,  than  their  own.  J 

Another  Pocahontas. — While  Lewis  and  Clarke  were  on  the  shore  of  the 
Pacific  Ocean,  in  1805,  one  of  their  men  went  one  evening  into  a village  of 
the  Killamuk  Indians,  alone,  a small  distance  from  his  party,  and  on  the 
opposite  side  of  a creek  from  that  of  the  encampment.  A strange  Indian 
happened  to  be  there  also,  who  expressed  great  respect  and  love  for  the  white 


* The  two  preceding  relations  are  from  Long's  Voyages  and  'Travels,  72  and  73.  a book  of 
small  pretensions,  but  one  of  the  best  on  Indian  history.  Its  author  lived  among  the  Indians 
of  the  North-West,  as  an  Indian  trader,  about  19  years, 
t Concise  Account  of  N.  America , 212.  $ Journey  to  the  Northern  Ocean,  205. 


Chap.  III.] 


OF  MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS. 


25 


man  ; but  in  reality  he  meant  to  murder  him  for  the  articles  he  had  about  him. 
This  happened  to  come  to  the  knowledge  of  a Chinnook  woman,  and  she 
determined  at  once  to  save  his  life : therefore,  when  the  white  man  was  about 
to  return  to  his  companions,  the  Indian  was  going  to  accompany  him,  and  kill 
him  in  the  way.  As  they  were  about  to  set  out,  the  woman  caught  the  white 
man  by  the  clothes,  to  prevent  his  going  with  the  Indian.  He,  not  under- 
standing her  intention,  pulled  away  from  her ; but  as  a last  resort,  she  ran  out 
and  shrieked,  which  raised  the  men  in  every  direction  ; and  the  Indian 
became  alarmed  for  his  own  safety,  and  made  his  escape  before  the  white 
man  knew  he  had  been  in  danger. 

Self-command  in  Time  of  Danger. — There  was  in  Carolina  a noted  chief  of 
the  Yamoisees,  who,  in  the  year  1702,  with  about  600  of  his  countrymen, 
went  with  Colonel  Daniel  and  Colonel  Moore  against  the  Spaniards  in  Flori- 
da. His  name  was  Arratommakaw.  When  the  English  were  obliged  to 
abandon  their  undertaking,  and  as  they  were  retreating  to  their  boats,  they 
became  alarmed,  supposing  the  Spaniards  were  upon  them.  Arratommakaw , 
having  arrived  at  the  boats,  was  reposing  himself  upon  his  oars,  and  was  fast 
asleep.  The  soldiers  rallied  him  for  being  so  slow  in  his  retreat,  and  ordered, 
him  to  make  more  haste:  “But  he  replied,  ‘No — though  your  governor 

LEAVES  YOU,  I WILL  NOT  STIR  TILL  I HAVE  SEEN  ALL  MY  MEN  BEFORE  ME.’  ” 

Indifference. — Archihau  was  a sachem  of  Maryland,  whose  residence  was 
upon  the  Potomack,  when  that  country  was  settled  by  the  English  in  1633-4. 
The  place  of  his  residence  was  named,  like  the  river,  Potomack.  As  usual 
with  the  Indians,  he  received  the  English  under  Governor  Calvert  with  great 
attention.  It  should  be  noted,  that  Archihau  was  not  head  sachem  of  the 
Potomacks,  but  governed  instead  of  his  nephew,  who  was  a child,  and  who, 
like  the  head  men  of  Virginia,  was  called  werowance.  From  this  place  the 
colonists  sailed  20  leagues  farther  up  the  river,  to  a place  called  Piscattaway. 
Here  a werowance  went  on  board  the  governor’s  pinnace,  to  treat  with  him. 
On  being  asked  whether  he  was  willing  the  English  should  settle  in  his 
country,  in  case  they  found  a place  convenient  for  them,  he  made  answer, 
“ I will  not  bid  you  go , neither  will  I bid  you  stay , but  you  may  use  your  own 
discretion .”  * 

Their  JYotions  of  the  Learning  of  the  Whites. — At  the  congress  at  Lancaster, 
in  1744,  between  the  government  of  Virginia  and  the  Five  Nations,  the 
Indians  were  told  that,  if  they  would  send  some  of  their  young  men  to  Vir- 
ginia, the  English  would  give  them  an  education  at  their  college.  An  orator 
replied  to  this  offer  as  follows: — “We  know  that  you  highly  esteem  the  kind 
of  learning  taught  in  those  colleges,  and  that  the  maintenance  of  our  young 
men,  while  with  you,  would  be  very  expensive  to  you.  We  are  convinced, 
therefore,  that  you  mean  to  do  us  good  by  your  proposal,  and  we  thank  you 
heartily.  But  you  who  are  wise  must  know,  that  different  nations  have  differ- 
ent conceptions  of  things ; and  you  will  therefore  not  take  it  amiss,  if  our  ideas 
of  this  kind  of  education  happen  not  to  be  the  same  with  yours.  We  have 
had  some  experience  of  it : several  of  our  young  people  were  formerly  brought 
up  at  the  colleges  of  the  northern  provinces  ; they  were  instructed  in  all  your 
sciences ; but  when  they  came  back  to  us,  they  were  bad  runners ; ignorant 
of  every  means  of  living  in  the  woods;  unable  to  bear  either  cold  or  hunger ; 
knew  neither  how  to  build  a cabin,  take  a deer,  or  kill  an  enemy;  spoke  our 
language  imperfectly;  were  therefore  neither  fit  for  hunters,  warriors,  or 
counsellors;  they  were  totally  good  for  nothing.  We  are,  however,  not  the 
less  obliged  by  your  kind  offer,  though  we  decline  accepting  it : and  to  show 
our  grateful  sense  of  it,  if  the  gentlemen  of  Virginia  will  send  us  a dozen  of 
their  sons,  we  will  take  great  care  of  their  education,  instruct  them  in  all  we 
know,  and  make  men  of  them.”  f 

Success  of  a Missionary. — Those  who  have  attempted  to  Christianize  the 
Indians  complain  that  they  are  too  silent,  and  that  their  taciturnity  was  the 
greatest  difficulty  with  which  they  have  to  contend.  Their  notions  of  pro- 


Oldmixon,  [Hist.  Maryland.] 

3 


f Franklin's  Essays. 


26  ANECDOTES,  &c.,  ILLUSTRATIVE  [Book  L 

priety  upon  matters  of  conversation  are  so  nice,  that  they  deem  it  improper,, 
in  the  highest  degree,  even  to  deny  or  contradict  any  thing  that  is  said,  at  the 
time ; and  hence  the  difficulty  of  knowing  what  effect  any  thing  has  upon 
their  minds  at  the  time  of  delivery.  In  this  they  have  a proper  advantage; 
for  bow  often  does  it  happen  that  people  would  answer  very  differently  upon 
a matter,  were  they  to  consider  upon  it  but  a short  time l The  Indians  seldom 
answer  a matter  of  importance  the  same  day,  lest,  in  so  doing,  they  should  be 
thought  to  have  treated  it  as  though  it  Vvas  of  small  consequence.  We  oftener 
repent  of  a hasty  decision,  than  that  we  have  lost  time  in  maturing  our  judg- 
ments. Now  for  the  anecdote : and  as  it  is  from  the  Essays  of  Dr.  Franklin y 
it  shall  be,  told  in  his  own  way. 

“ A Swedish  minister,  having  assembled  the  chiefs  of  the  Susquehanna!* 
Indians,  made  a sermon  to  them,  acquainting  them  with  the  principal  historical 
facts  on  which  our  religion  is  founded  ; such  as  the  fall  of  our  first  parents  by 
eating  an  apple ; the  coming  of  Christ  to  repair  the  mischief;  his  miracles 
and  sufferings,  &c. — When  he  had  finished,  an  Indian  orator  stood  up  to 
thank  him.  ‘ What  you  have  told  us ,'  said  he,  ‘is  all  very  good . It  is  indeed 
had  to  eat  apples.  It  is  better  to  make  them  all  into  cider.  We  are  much  obliged 
by  your  kindness  in  coming  so  far  to  tell  us  those  things , which  you  have  heard 
from  your  mothers' 

“When  the  Indian  had  told  the  missionary  one  of  the  legends  of  his  nation, 
how  they  had  been  supplied  with  maize  or  corn,  beans,  and  tobacco,*  he 
treated  it  with  contempt,  and  said,  ‘What  I delivered  to  you  were  sacred 
truths ; but  what  you  tell  me  is  mere  fable,  fiction,  and  falsehood.’  The 
Indian  felt  indignant,  and  replied,  ‘My  brother , it  seems  your  friends  have  not 
done  you  justice  in  your  education;  they  have  not  well  instructed  you  in  the  rules 
of  common  civility.  You  see  that  we , who  understand  and  practise  those  rules, 
believe  all  your  stones : why  do  you  refuse  to  believe  ours  ? ’ ” 

Curiosity. — “When  any  of  the  Indians  come  into  our  towns,  our  people  are 
apt  to  crowd  round  them,  gaze  upon  them,  and  incommode  them  where  they 
desire  to  be  private ; this  they  esteem  great  rudeness,  and  the  effect  of  the 
want  of  instruction  in  the  rules  of  civility  and  good  manners.  ‘ We  have,'  say 
they,  ‘ as  much  curiosity  as  you , and  when  you  come  into  our  toivns , we  wish  for 
oppoiiunities  of  looking  at  you ; but  for  this  purpose  we  hide  ourselves  behind 
bushes  where  you  are  to  pass,  and  never  intrude  ourselves  into  your  company .' " 

Rules  of  Conversation. — “The  business  of  the  women  is  to  take  exact  notice 
of  what  passes,  imprint  it  in  their  memories,  (for  they  have  no  writing,)  and 
communicate  it  to  their  children.  They  are  the  records  of  the  council,  and 
they  preserve  tradition  of  the  stipulations  in  treaties  a hundred  years  back; 
which,  when  we  compare  with  our  writings,  we  always  find  exact.  He  that 
would  speak  rises.  The  rest  observe  a profound  silence.  When  he  has 
finished,  and  sits  down,  they  leave  him  five  or  six  minutes  to  recollect,  that,  if 
he  has  omitted  any  thing  he  intended  to  say,  or  has  any  thing  to  add,  he  may 
rise  again,  and  deliver  it.  To  interrupt  another,  even  in  common  conversa- 
tion, is  reckoned  highly  indecent.  How  different  this  is  from  the  conduct  of 
a polite  British  House  of  Commons,  where  scarce  a day  passes  without  some 
confusion,  that  makes  the  speaker  hoarse  in  calling  to  order ; and  how  different 
from  the  mode  of  conversation  in  many  polite  companies  of  Europe,  where, 
if  you  do  not  deliver  your  sentence  with  great  rapidity,  you  are  cut  off  in  the 
middle  of  it  by  the  impatient  loquacity  of  those  you  converse  with,  and  never 
suffered  to  finish  it ! ” — Instead  of  being  better  since  the  days  of  Franklin,  we 
apprehend  it  has  grown  worse.  The  modest  and  unassuming  often  find  it 
exceeding  difficult  to  gain  a hearing  at  all.  Ladies,  and  many  who  consider 
themselves  examples  of  good  manners,  transgress  to  an  insufferable  degree,  in 
breaking  in  upon  the  conversations  of  others.  Some  of  these,  like  a ship 


* The  story  of  the  beautiful  woman,  who  descended  to  the  earth,  and  was  fed  by  the 
Indians,  Black-Hawk  is  made  to  tell,  in  his  life,  page  78.  It  is  the  same  often  told,  and 
alluded  to  by  Franklin,  in  the  text.  To  reward  the  Indians  for  their  kindness,  she  caused 
corn  to  grow  where  her  right  hand  touched  the  earth,  beans  where  the  left  rested,  and  tobacco 
where  she  was  seated. 


Chap.  III.] 


OF  CUSTOMS  AND  MANNERS. 


27 


■driven  by  a north-wester,  bearing  down  the  small  craft  in  her  course,  come 
upon  us  by  surprise,  and  if  we  attempt  to  proceed  by  raising  our  voices  a 
little,  we  are  sure  to  be  drowned  by  a much  greater  elevation  on  their  part. 
It  is  a want  of  good  breeding,  which,  it  is  hoped,  every  young  person  whose 
eye  this  may  meet,  will  not  be  guilty  of  through  life.  There  is  great  oppor- 
tunity for  many  of  mature  years  to  profit  by  it. 

Lost  Confidence. — An  Indian  runner,  arriving  in  a village  of  his  countrymen) 
requested  the  immediate  attendance  of  its  inhabitants  in  council,  as  he  wanted 
their  answer  to  important  information.  The  people  accordingly  assembled, 
but  when  the  messenger  had  with  great  anxiety  delivered  his  message,  and 
waited  for  an  answer,  none  was  given,  and  he  soon  observed  that  he  was  like- 
ly to  be  left  alone  in  his  place.  A stranger  present  asked  a principal  chief  the 
meaning  of  this  strange  proceeding,  who  gave  this  answer,  “ He  once  told 
us  a lie." 

Comic. — An  Indian  having  been  found  frozen  to  death,  an  inquest  of  his 
countrymen  was  convened  to  determine  by  what  means  he  came  to  such  a 
death.  Their  verdict  was,  “Death  from  the  freezing  of  a great  quantity  of 
water  inside  of  him,  which  they  were  of  opinion  he  had  drunken  for  rum.” 

A serious  Question. — About  1794,  an  officer  presented  a western  chief  with 
a medal,  on  one  side  of  which  President  Washington  was  represented  as  armed 
with  a sword,  and  on  the  other  an  Indian  was  seen  in  the  act  of  burying  the 
hatchet.  The  chief  at  once  saw  the  wrong  done  his  countrymen,  and  very 
wisely  asked,  “ Why  does  not  the  President  bury  his  sword  too  ? ” * 

Self-esteem. — A white  man,  meeting  an  Indian,  accosted  him  as  brother.  The 
red  man,  with  a great  expression  of  meaning  in  his  countenance,  inquired 
how  they  came  to  be  brothers ; the  white  man  replied,  O,  by  way  of  Adam,  I 
suppose.  The  Indian  added,  “ Me  thank  him  Great  Spirit  we  no  nearer  brothers .” 

A Preacher  taken  at  his  Word. — A certain  clergyman  had  for  his  text  on  a 
time,  “ Vow  and  pay  unto  the  Lord  thy  vows."  An  Indian  happened  to  be 
present,  who  stepped  up  to  the  priest  as  soon  as  he  had  finished,  and  said  to 
him,  “Now  me  vow  me  go  home  with  you,  Mr.  Minister.”  The  priest,  having 
no  language  of  evasion  at  command,  said,  “ You  must  go  then.”  When  he  had 
arrived  at  the  home  of  the  minister,  the  Indian  vowed  again,  saying,  “ Now 
me  vow  me  have  supper.”  When  this  was  finished  he  said,  “ Me  vow  me  stay 
all  night.”  The  priest,  by  this  time,  thinking  himself  sufficiently  taxed,  re- 
plied, “ It  may  be  so,  but  I vow  you  shall  go  in  the  morning.”  The  Indian, 
judging  from  the  tone  of  his  host,  that  more  vows  would  be  useless,  departed 
in  the  morning  sans  ceremonie. 

A case  of  signal  Barbarity. — It  is  related  by  Black  Hawk,  in  his  life,  that 
some  time  before  the  war  "of  1812,  one  of  the  Indians  had  killed  a French- 
man at  Prairie  des  Chiens.  “ The  British  soon  after  took  him  prisoner,  and 
said  they  would  shoot  him  next  day ! His  family  were  encamped  a short  dis- 
tance below  the  mouth  of  the  Ouisconsin.  He  begged  permission  to  go  and 
see  them  that  night,  as  he  was  to  die  the  next  day ! They  permitted  him  to  go, 
after  promising  to  return  the  next  morning  by  sunrise.  He  visited  his  family, 
which  consisted  of  a wife  and  six  children.  I cannot  describe  their  meeting 
and  parting,  to  be  understood  by  the  whites  ; as  it  appears  that  their  feelings 
are  acted  upon  by  certain  rules  laid  down  by  their  preachers ! — whilst  ours  are 
governed  only  by  the  monitor  within  us.  He  parted  from  his  wife  and  chil- 
dren, hurried  through  the  prairie  to  the  fort,  and  arrived  in  time ! The  sol- 
diers were  ready,  and  immediately  marched  out  and  shot  him  down !!  ” — If  this 
were  not  cold-blooded,  deliberate  murder,  on  the  part  of  the  whites,  I have 
no  conception  of  what  constitutes  that  crime.  What  were  the  circumstances 
of  the  murder  we  are  not  informed ; but  whatever  they  may  have  been,  they 
cannot  excuse  a still  greater  barbarity.  I would  not  by  any  means  be  under- 
stood to  advocate  the  cause  of  a murderer ; but  I will  ask,  whether  crime  is 
to  be  prevented  by  crime  : murder  for  murder  is  only  a brutal  retaliation,  ex- 
cept where  the  safety  of  a community  requires  the  sacrifice. 


* Elliot’s  Works,  178. 


28 


NARRATIVES,  &c.,  ILLUSTRATIVE 


[Book  L 


Mourning  much  in  a short  Time . — “A  young  widow,  whose  husband  had 
been  dead  about  eight  days,  was  hastening  to  finish  her  grief,  in  order  that 
she  might  be  married  to  a young  warrior : she  was  determined,  therefore,  to 
grieve  much  in  a short  time  ; to  this  end  she  tore  her  hair,  drank  spirits,  and 
beat  her  breast,  to  make  the  tears  flow  abundantly,  by  which  means,  on  the 
evening  of  the  eighth  day,  she  was  ready  again  to  marry,  having  grieved  suf- 
ficiently.” * 

How  to  evade  a hard  Question. — “ When  Mr.  Gist  went  over  the  Alleganies, 
in  Feb.  1751,  on  a tour  of  discovery  for  the  Ohio  Company,  ‘an  Indian,  who 
spoke  good  English,  came  to  him,  and  said  that  their  great  man,  the  Beaver, \ and 
Captain  Oppamyluah,  (two  chiefs  of  the  Delawares,)  desired  to  know  where 
the  Indians’  land  lay ; for  the  French  claimed  all  the  land  on  one  side  of  the 
Ohio  River,  and  the  English  on  the  other.’  This  question  Mr.  Gist  found  it 
hard  to  answer,  and  he  evaded  it  by  saying,  that  the  Indians  and  white  men 
were  all  subjects  to  the  same  king,  and  all  had  an  equal  privilege  of  taking 
up  and  possessing  the  land  in  conformity  with  the  conditions  prescribed  by 
the  king.”:}; 

Credulity  its  own  Punishment — The  traveller  Wansey , according  to  his  own 
account,  would  not  enter  into  conversation  with  an  eminent  chief,  because  he 
had  heard  that  it  had  been  said  of  him,  that  he  bad,  in  his  time,  “ shed  blood 
enough  to  swim  in.”  He  had  a great  desire  to  become  acquainted  with  the 
Indian  character,  but  his  credulity  debarred  him  effectually  from  the  gratifi- 
cation. The  chief  was  a Creek,  named  Flamingo,  who,  in  company  with 
another  called  Double-head , visited  Philadelphia  as  ambassadors,  in  the  sum- 
mer of  1794.  Few  travellers  discover  such  scrupulousness,  especially  those 
who  come  to  America.  That  Flamingo  was  more  bloody  than  other  Indian 
warriors,  is  in  no  wise  probable ; but  a mere  report  of  his  being  a great  shed- 
der  of  blood  kept  Mr.  fVansey  from  saying  any  more  about  him. 

Just  Indignation . — Hatuay,  a powerful  chief  of  Hispaniola,  having  fled 
from  thence  to  avoid  slavery  or  death  when  that  island  was  ravaged  by  the 
Spaniards,  was  taken  in  1511,  when  they  conquered  Cuba,  and  burnt  at  the 
stake.  After  being  bound  to  the  stake,  a Franciscan  friar  labored  to  convert 
him  to  the  Catholic  faith,  by  promises  of  immediate  and  eternal  bliss  in  the 
world  to  come  if  he  would  believe ; and  that,  if  he  would  not,  eternal  tor- 
ments were  his  only  portion.  The  cazique,  with  seeming  composure,  asked 
if  there  were  any  Spaniards  in  those  regions  of  bliss.  On  being  answered 
that  there  were,  he  replied,  “ Then  I will  not  go  to  a place  where  1 may  meet 
with  one  of  that  accursed  race.v 

Harmless  Deception. — In  a time  of  Indian  troubles,  an  Indian  visited  the 
house  of  Governor  Jenks , of  Rhode  Island,  when  the  governor  took  occasion 
to  request  him,  that,  if  any  strange  Indian  should  come  to  his  wigwam,  to  let 
him  know  it,  which  the  Indian  promised  to  do;  but  to  secure  his  fidelity,  the 
governor  told  him  that  when  he  should  give  him  such  information,  he  would 
give  him  a mug  of  flip.  Some  time  after  the  Indian  came  again  : “ Well,  Mr. 
Gubenor,  strange  Indian  come  my  house  last  night!  ” “Ah,”  says  the  govern- 
or, “and  what  did  he  say?”  “He  no  speak,”  replied  the  Indian.  “What,  no 
speak  at  all  ? ” added  the  governor.  “ No,  he  no  speak  at  all.”  “That  certainly 
looks  suspicious,”  said  his  excellency,  and  inquired  if  he  were  still  there,  and 
being  told  that  he  was,  ordered  the  promised  mug  of  flip.  When  this  was 
disposed  of,  and  the  Indian  was  about  to  depart,  he  mildly  said,  “ Mr.  Gube- 
nor, my  squaw  have  child  last  night; ’’and  thus  the  governor’s  alarm  was 
suddenly  changed  into  disappointment,  and  the  strange  Indian  into  a new- 
born pappoose. 

Mammoth  Bones. — The  following  very  interesting  tradition  concerning 
these  bones,  among  the  Indians,  will  always  be  read  with  interest.  The  ani- 
mal to  which  they  once  belonged,  they  balled  the  Big  Buffalo ; and  on  the- 


* Account  of  the  United  States  by  Mr.  Isaac  Holmes,  36. 
f Probably  the  same  we  have  noticed  in  Book  V.  as  King  Beaver. 
) Spai'ks’s  Washington,  ii,  15. 


€map.  III.]  EXPLOIT  OF  HANNAH  DUSTON.  29 

early  maps  of  the  country  of  the  Ohio,  we  see  marked,  “ Elephants’  bones  said 
to  be  found  here.”  They  were,  for  some  time,  by  many  supposed  to  have  been 
the  bones  of  that  animal ; but  they  are  pretty  generally  now  believed  to  have 
belonged  to  a species  of  animal  long  since  extinct.  They  have  been  found 
sn  various  parts  of  the  country ; but  in  the  greatest  abundance  about  the  salt 
licks  or  springs  in  Kentucky  and  Ohio.  There  has  never  been  an  entire 
skeleton  found,  although  the  one  in  Peale’s  museum,  in  Philadelphia,  was  so 
near  perfect,  that,  by  a little  ingenuity  in  supplying  its  defects  witli  wood- 
work, it  passes  extremely  well  for  such. 

The  tradition  of  the  Indians  concerning  this  animal  is,  that  he  was  carniv- 
orous, and  existed,  as  late  as  1780,  in  the  northern  parts  of  America.  Some 
Delawares,  in  the  time  of  the  revolutionary  war,  visited  the  governor  of  Vir- 
ginia on  business,  which  having  been  finished,  some  questions  were  put  to 
them  concerning  their  country,  and  especially  what  they  knew  or  had  heard 
respecting  the  animals  whose  bones  had  been  found  about  the  salt  licks  on 
the  Ohio  River.  “The  chief  speaker,”  continues  our  author,  Mr.  Jefferson, 
“immediately  put  himself  into  an  attitude  of  oratory,  and,  with  a pomp  suited 
to  what  he  conceived  the  elevation  of  his  subject,”  began  and  repeated  as 
follows : — “ In  ancient  times,  a herd  of  these  tremendous  animals  came  to  the 
Big-bone  Licks,  and  began  an  universal  destruction  of  the  bear,  deer,  elks,  buffa- 
loes, and  other  animals,  which  had  been  created  for  the  use  of  the  Indians : the 
great  man  above,  looking  down  and  seeing  this,  teas  so  enraged,  that  he  seized  his 
lightning,  descended  to  the  earth,  and  seated  himself  on  a neighboring  mountain, 
on  a rock  of  which  his  seat  and  the  print  of  his  feet  are  still  to  be  seen,  and  hurled 
his  bolts  among  them  till  the  whole  were  slaughtered , except  the  big  bull,  who, 
presenting  his  forehead  to  the  shafts,  shook  them  off'  as  they  fell ; but  missing  one 
at  length,  it  wounded  him  in  the  side ; whereon,  springing  round,  he  bounded  over 
the  Ohio,  over  the  Wabash , the  Illinois , and,  finally,  over  the  great  lakes,  where  he 
is  living  at  this  day.” 

Such,  say  the  Indians,  is  the  account  handed  down  to  them  from  their 
ancestors,  and  they  could  furnish  no  other  information. 

JYarrative  of  the  Captivity  and  bold  Exploit  of  Hannah  Huston . — The  rela- 
tion of  this  affair  forms  the  XXV.  article  in  the  Decennium  Luctuosum  of  the 
Magnalia  Christi  Americana,  by  Dr.  Cotton  Mather,  and  is  one  of  the  best- 
written  articles  of  all  we  have  read  from  his  pen.  At  its  head  is  this  signifi- 
cant sentence — Dux  Fsemina  Facti. 

On  the  15  March,  1697,  a band  of  about  20  Indians  came  unexpectedly 
upon  Haverhill,  in  Massachusetts  ; and,  as  their  numbers  were  small,  they 
made  their  attack  with  the  swiftness  of  the  whirlwind,  and  as  suddenly  disap- 
peared. The  war,  of  which  this  irruption  was  a part,  had  continued  nearly 
ten  years,  and  soon  afterwards  it  came  to  a close.  The  house  which  this 
party  of  Indians  had  singled  out  as  their  object  of  attack,  belonged  to  one  Mr. 
Thomas  * Duston  or  Dunstan,  f in  the  outskirts  of  the  town.  { Mr.  Huston  was 
at  work,  at  some  distance  from  his  house,  at  the  time,  and  whether  he  Mas 
alarmed  for  the  safety  of  his  family  by  the  shouts  of  the  Indians,  or  other 
cause,  we  are  not  informed;  but  he  seems  to  have  arrived  there  time  enough 
before  the  arrival  of  the  Indians,  to  make  some  arrangements  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  his  children  ; but  his  wife,  who,  but  about  a week  before,  had  been 
confined  by  a child,  M7as  unable  to  rise  from  her  bed,  to  the  distraction  of  her 
agonized  husband.  No  time  was  to  be  lost ; Mr.  Huston  had  only  time  to 
direct  his  children’s  flight,  (seven  in  number,)  the  extremes  of  whose  ages  were 
two  and  seventeen,  and  the  Indians  were  upon  them.  With  his  gun,  the 
distressed  father  mounted  his  horse,  and  rode  away  in  the  direction  of  the 
children,  whom  he  overtook  but  about  40  rods  from  the  house.  His  first 
intention  was  to  take  up  one,  if  possible,  and  escape  with  it.  He  had  no 
sooner  overtaken  them,  than  this  resolution  was  destroyed ; for  to  rescue  either 
to  the  exclusion  of  the  rest,  was  worse  than  death  itself  to  him.  He  therefore 
faced  about  and  met  the  enemy,  who  had  closely  pursued  him  ; each  fired 

* Mr.  My  rick’s  Hist.  Haverhill,  86.  f Hutchinson. 

f Eight  houses  were  destroyed  at  this  time,  27  persons  killed,  and  13  carried  away  captive. 
In  Mr.  B.  L.  Myrick’s  History  of  Haverhill,  are  the  names  of  the  slain,  &c. 

3# 


30 


EXPLOIT  OF  HANNAH  DUSTON. 


[Book  h 


upon  the  other,  and  it  is  almost  a miracle  that  none  of  the  little  retreating: 
party  were  hurt.  The  Indians  did  not  pursue  long,  from  fear  of  raising  the 
neighboring  English  before  they  could  complete  their  object,  and  hence  this 
part  of  the  family  escaped  to  a place  of  safety. 

We  are  now  to  enter  fully  into  the  relation  of  this  very  tragedy.  There 
was  living  in  the  house  of  Mr.  Duston,  as  nurse,  Mrs.  Mary  Neff*  a widow, 
whose  heroic  conduct  in  sharing  the  fate  of  her  mistress,  when  escape  was 
in  her  power,  will  always  be  viewed  with  admiration.  The  Indians  were 
now  in  the  undisturbed  possession  of  the  house,  and  having  driven  the 
sick  woman  from  her  bed,  compelled  her  to  sit  quietly  in  the  eorner  of  the 
fire-place,  while  they  completed  the  pillage  of  the  house.  This  business 
being  finished,  it  was  set  on  fire,  and  Mrs.  Duston , who  before  considered 
herself  unable  to  walk,  was,  at  the  approach  of  night,  obliged  to  march 
into  the  wilderness,  and  take  her  bed  upon  the  cold  ground.  Mrs,  Neff  too 
late  attempted  to  escape  with  the  infant  child,  but  was  intercepted,  the  child 
taken  from  her,  and  its  brains  beat  out  against  a neighboring  apple-tree,  while 
its  nurse  was  compelled  to  accompany  her  new  and  frightful  masters  also. 
The  captives  amounted  in  all  to  13,  some  of  whom,  as  they  became  unable  to 
travel,  were  murdered,  and  left  exposed  upon  the  way.  Although  it  was  near 
night  when  they  quitted  Haverhill,  they  travelled,  as  they  judged,  12  miles 
before  encamping;  “and  then,”  says  Dr.  Mather , “kept  up  with  their  new 
masters  in  a long  travel  of  an  hundred  and  fifty  miles,  more  or  less,  within  a 
few  days  ensuing.”! 

After  journeying  awhile,  according  to  their  custom,  the  Indians  divided  their 
prisoners.  Mi’s.  Duston,  Mrs.  Neff,  and  a boy  named  Samuel  Leonardson,  J who 
had  been  captivated  at  Worcester,  about  18  months  before,  fell  to  the  lot  of 
an  Indian  family,  consisting  of  twelve  persons, — two  men,  three  women,  and 
seven  children.  These,  so  far  as  our  accounts  go,  were  very  kind  to  their 
prisoners,  but  told  them  there  was  one  ceremony  which  they  could  not  avoid, 
and  to  which  they  would  be  subjected  when  they  should  arrive  at  their  place 
of  destination,  which  was  to  run  the  gantlet.  The  place  where  this  was  to  be 
performed,  was  at  an  Indian  village,  250  miles  from  Haverhill,  according  to 
the  reckoning  of  the  Indians.  In  their  meandering  course,  they  at  length 
arrived  at  an  island  in  the  mouth  of  Contookook  River,  about  six  miles  above 
Concord,  in  New  Hampshire.  Here  one  of  the  Indian  men  resided.  It  had 
been  determined  by  the  captives,  before  their  arrival  here,  that  an  effort 
should  be  made  to  free  themselves  from  their  wretched  captivity ; and  not 
only  to  gain  their  liberty,  but,  as  we  shall  presently  see,  something  by  way  of 
remuneration  from  those  who  held  them  in  bondage.  The  heroine,  Duston , 
had  resolved,  upon  the  first  opportunity  that  offered  any  chance  of  success,  to 
kill  her  captors  and  scalp  them,  and  to  return  home  with  such  trophies  as 
would  clearly  establish  her  reputation  for  heroism,  as  well  as  insure  her  a 
bounty  from  the  public.  She  therefore  communicated  her  design  to  Mrs. 
Neff  and  the  English  boy,  who,  it  would  seem,  readily  enough  agreed  to  it. 
To  the  art  of  killing  and  scalping  she  was  a stranger  ; and,  that  there  should 
be  no  failure  in  the  business,  Mrs.  Duston  instructed  the  boy,  who,  from  his 
long  residence  with  them,  had  become  as  one  of  the  Indians,  to  inquire  of  one 
of  the  men  how  it  was  done.  He  did  so,  and  the  Indian  showed  him,  with- 
out mistrusting  the  origin  of  the  inquiry.  It  was  now  March  the  31,  and  in 
the  dead  of  the  night  following,  this  bloody  tragedy  was  acted.  When  the 
Indians  were  in  the  most  sound  sleep,  these  three  captives  arose,  and  softly 
arming  themselves  with  the  tomahawks  of  their  masters,  allotted  the  number 
each  should  kill ; and  so  truly  did  they  direct  their  blows,  that  but  one  escaped 
that  they  designed  to  kill.  This  was  a woman,  whom  they  badly  wounded, 
and  one  boy,  for  some  reason  they  did  not  wish  to  harm,  and  accordingly  he 
was  allowed  to  escape  unhurt.  Mrs.  Duston  killed  her  master,  and  Leonard- 
son killed  the  man  who  had  so  freely  told  him,  but  one  day  before,  where  to 
deal  a deadly  blow,  and  how  to  take  off  a scalp. 


* She  was  a daughter  of  George  Corliss , and  married  William  Neff,  who  went  after  the 
army,  and  died  at  Pemmaquid,  Feb.  1688.  Myriclc,  Hist.  Havl.  87, 
t Their  course  was  probably  very  indirect,  to  elude  pursuit.  \ Hist.  Haverhill,  89. 


DESTRUCTION  OF  SCHENECTADY. 


3i 


€hai>.  III.] 


Ail  was  over  before  the  dawn  of  day,  and  all  things  were  got  ready  for 
leaving  this  place  of  blood.  All  the  boats  but  one  were  scuttled,  to  prevent 
being  pursued,  and,  with  what  provisions  and  arms  the  Indian  camp  afforded, 
they  embarked  on  board  the  other,  and  slowly  and  silently  took  the  course  of 
the  Merrimack  River  for  their  homes,  where  they  all  soon  after  arrived  with- 
out accident. 

The  whole  country  was  astonished  at  the  relation  of  the  affair,  the  truth  of 
which  was  never  for  a moment  doubted.  The  ten  scalps,  and  the  arms  of  the 
Indians,  were  evidences  not  to  be  questioned  ; and  the  general  court  gave 
them  fifty  pounds  as  a reward,  and  numerous  other  gratuities  were  showered 
upon  them.  Colonel  Nicholson,  governor  of  Maryland,  hearing  of  the  transac- 
tion, sent  them  a generous  present  also. 

Eight  other  houses  were  attacked  besides  Huston’s,  the  owners  of  which, 
says  the  historian  of  that  town,  Mr.  Myrick , in  every  case,  were  slain  while 
defending  them,  and  the  blood  of  each  stained  his  own  door-sill. 

Narrative  of  the  Destruction  of  Schenectady.*— This  was  an  event  of  great 
distress  to  the  whole  country,  at  the  time  it  happened,  and  we  are  able  to  give 
some  new  facts  in  relation  to  it  from  a manuscript,  which,  we  believe,  has 
never  before  been  published.  These  facts  are  contained  in  a letter  from  Gov- 
ernor Bradstreet , of  Massachusetts,  to  Governor  Hinckley , of  Plimouth,  dated 
about  a month  after  the  affair.  They  are  as  follow : — ■“  Tho’  you  cannot  but 
have  heard  of  the  horrid  massacre  committed  by  the  French  and  Indians  at 
Senectada,  a fortified  and  well  compacted  town  20  miles  above  Albany  (which 
we  had  an  account  of  by  an  express,)  yet  we  think  w*e  have  not  discharged 
our  duty  till  you  hear  of  it  from  us.  ’Twas  upon  the  Eighth  of  February , 
[1689-90]  at  midnight  when  those  poor  secure  wretches  were  surprised  by 
the  enemy.  Their  gates  were  open,  no  watch  kept,  and  hardly  any  order 
observed  in  giving  and  obeying  commands.  Sixty  of  them  were  butchered  in 
the  place ; of  whom  Lieut.  Talmage  and  four  more  were  of  Capt.  BulVs  com- 
pany, besides  five  of  said  company  carried  captive.  By  this  action  the  French 
nave  given  us  to  understand  what  we  may  expect  from  them  as  to  the  fron- 
tier towns  and  seaports  of  New  England.  We  are  not  so  well  acquainted 
what  number  of  convenient  Havens  you  have  in  your  colony,  besides  those  of 
Plimouth  and  Bristol.  We  hope  your  prudence  and  vigilance  will  lead  you 
to  take  such  measures  as  to  prevent  the  landing  of  the  enemy  at  either  of 
those  or  any  such  like  place.”  \ 

We  now  proceed  to  give  such  other  facts  as  can  be  gathered  from  the 
numerous  printed  accounts.  It  appears  that  the  government  of  Canada  had 
planned  several  expeditions,  previous  to  the  setting  out  of  this,  against  various 
important  points  of  the  English  frontier, — -as  much  to  gain  the  warriors  of  the 
Five  Nations  to  their  interest,  as  to  distress  the  English.  Governor  De  Non - 
ville  had  sent  over  several  chief  sachems  of  the  Iroquois  to  France,  where, 
as  usual  upon  such  embassies,  great  pains  were  taken  to  cause  them  to  enter- 
tain the  highest  opinions  of  the  glory  and  greatness  of  the  French  nation. 
Among  them  was  Taiveraket , a renowned  warrior,  and  two  others.  It  appears 
that,  during  their  absence  in  France,  the  great  war  between  their  countrymen 
and  the  French  had  ended  in  the  destruction  of  Montreal,  and  other  places,  as 
will  be  seen  detailed  in  our  Fifth  Book.  Hence,  when  Count  Frontenac 
arrived  in  Canada,  in  the  fall  of  1689,  instead  of  finding  the  Iroquois  ready  to 
join  him  and  his  forces  which  he  had  brought  from  France  for  the  conquest 
of  New  York,  he  found  himself  obliged  to  set  about  a reconciliation  of  them. 
He  therefore  wisely  despatched  Taweraket , and  the  two  others,  upon  that 
design.  The  Five  Nations,  on  being  called  upon  by  these  chiefs,  would  take 
no  step  without  first  notifying  the  English  at  Albany  that  a council  was  to  be 
called.  The  blows  which  had  been  so  lately  given  the  French  of  Canada, 
had  lulled  the  English  into  a fatal  security,  and  they  let  this  council  pass  with 
too  little  attention  to  its  proceedings.  On  the  other  hand,  the  French  were 

* This  was  the  German  name  of  a pine  barren,  such  as  stretches  itself  between  Albany  and 
Schenectady,  over  which  is  now  a rail-road. 

t French  ships,  with  land  forces  and  munitions,  had,  but  a short  time  before,  hovered  upon 
she  coast. 


32 


DESTRUCTION  OE  SCHENECTADY. 


[Book  L 


fully  and  ably  represented  ; and  the  result  was,  the  existing  breach  was  set  in 
a fair  way  to  be  closed  up.  This  great  council  was  begun  22  January,  1690, 
and  consisted  of  eighty  sachems.  It  was  opened  by  Sadekanaghtie ,*  a great 

Oneida  chief  ^ 

Meanwhile,  to  give  employment  to  the  Indians  who  yet  remained  their 
friends,  the  expedition  was  begun  which  ended  in  the  destruction  of  Schenec- 
tady. Chief  Justice  Smith  f wrote  his  account  of  that  affair  from  a manuscript 
letter  left  by  Colonel  Schuyler,  at  that  time  mayor  of  Albany ; and  it  is  the 
most  particular  of  any  account  yet  published.  It  is  as  follows,  and  bears  date 
15  February,  1689:— 

After  two-and-twenty  days’  march,  the  enemy  fell  in  with  Schenectady, 
February  8.  There  were  about  200  French,  and  perhaps  50  Caughnewaga 
Mohawks,  and  they  at  first  intended  to  have  surprised  Albany ; but  their 
march  had  been  so  long  and  tedious,  occasioned  by  the  deepness  of  the  snow 
and  coldness  of  the  weather,  that,  instead  of  attempting  any  thing  offensive, 
they  had  nearly  decided  to  surrender  themselves  to  the  first  English  they 
should  meet,  such  was  their  distressed  situation,  in  a camp  of  snow,  but  a few 
miles  from  the  devoted  settlement.  The  Indians,  however,  saved  them  from 
the  disgrace.  They  had  sent  out  a small  scout  from  their  party,  who  entered 
Schenectady  without  even  exciting  suspicion  of  their  errand.  When  they  had 
staid  as  long  as  the  nature  of  their  business  required,  they  withdrew  to  their 
fellows. 

Seeing  that  Schenectady  offered  such  an  easy  prey,  it  put  new  courage  into 
the  French,  and  they  came  upon  it  as  above  related.  The  bloody  tragedy 
commenced  between  11  and  12  o’clock,  on  Saturday  night;  and,  that  every 
house  might  be  surprised  at  nearly  the  same  time,  the  enemy  divided  them- 
selves into  parties  of  six  or  seven  men  each.  Although  the  town  was  impaled, 
no  one  thought  it  necessary  to  close  the  gates,  even  at  night,  presuming  the 
severity  of  the  season  was  a sufficient  security  ; hence  the  first  news  of  the 
approach  of  the  enemy  was  at  every  door  of  every  house,  which  doors  were 
broken  as  soon  as  the  profound  slumbers  of  those  they  were  intended  to  guard. 
The  same  inhuman  barbarities  now  followed,  that  were  afterwards  perpetrated 
Upon  the  wretched  inhabitants  of  Montreal.]:  “No  tongue,”  said  Colonel 

Schuyler , “ can  express  the  cruelties  that  were  committed.”  Sixty-three 
houses,  and  the  church,  § were  immediately  in  a blaze.  Enciente  women, 
in  their  expiring  agonies,  saw  their  infants  cast  into  the  flames,  being  first 
delivered  by  the  knife  of  the  midnight  assassin  ! Sixty-three  ||  persons  were 
put  to  death,  and  twenty-seven  were  canned  into  captivity. 

A few  persons  Red  towards  Albany,  with  no  other  covering  but  their  night- 
clothes; the  horror  of  whose  condition  was  greatly  enhanced  by  a great  fall 
of  snow ; 25  of  whom  lost  their  limbs  from  the  severity  of  the  frost.  With 
these  poor  fugitives  came  the  intelligence  to  Albany,  and  that  place  was  in 
dismal  confusion,  having,  as  usual  upon  such  occasions,  supposed  the  enemy 
to  have  been  seven  times  more  numerous  than  they  really  were.  About  noon, 
the  next  day,  the  enemy  set  off  from  Schenectady,  taking  all  the  plunder  they 
could  carry  with  them,  among  which  were  forty  of  the  best  horses.  The  rest, 
with  all  the  cattle  and  other  domestic  animals,  lay  slaughtered  in  the  streets. 

One  of  the  most  considerable  men  of  Schenectady,  at  this  time,  was  Captain 
Alexander  Glen . H He  lived  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  and  was  suffered 
to  escape,  because  he  had  delivered  many  French  prisoners  from  torture  and 
slavery,  who  had  been  taken  by  the  Indians  in  the  former  wars.  They  had 
passed  his  house  in  the  night,  and,  during  the  massacre,  he  had  taken  the 
alarm,  and  in  the  morning  he  was  found  ready  to  defend  himself.  Before 
leaving  the  village,  a French  officer  summoned  him  to  a council,  upon  the 
shore  of  the  river,  with  the  tender  of  personal  safety.  He  at  length  adventured 
down,  and  had  the  great  satisfaction  of  having  all  his  captured  friends  and 
relatives  delivered  to  him  ; and  the  enemy  departed,  keeping  good  their 
promise  that  no  injury  should  be  done  him.  || 


* Sadageenaghtie  in  Pownal  on  the  Colonies,  I.  398.  f Hist.  N.  York, 

t See  Book  V.  § Spafford.  ||  Colden,  1 15. 

IT  Charlevoix  calls  him  The  Sieur  Coadre. 


Chap.  III.] 


DESTRUCTION  OF  SCHENECTADY. 


33 


The  great  Mohawk  castle  was  about  17  miles  from  Schenectady,  and  they 
did  not  hear  of  the  massacre  until  two  days  after,  owing  to  the  state  of 
travelling.  On  receiving  the  news,  they  immediately  joined  a party  of  men 
from  Albany,  and  pursued  the  enemy.  After  a tedious  pursuit,  they  fell  upon 
their  rear,  killed  and  took  25  of  them,  and  did  them  some  other  damage.  Sev- 
eral chief  sachems  soon  assembled  at  Albany,  to  condole  with  the  people,  and 
animate  them  against  leaving  the  place,  which,  it  seems,  they  were  about  to 
do.  From  a speech  of  one  of  the  chiefs  on  this  occasion,  the  following  extract 
is  preserved : — 

“ Brethren,  we  do  not  think  that  what  the  French  have  done  can  be  called 
a victory ; it  is  ouly  a further  proof  of  their  cruel  deceit.  The  governor  of 
Canada  sent  to  Onondago,  and  talks  to  us  of  peace  with  our  whole  house ; but 
war  was  in  his  heart,  as  you  now  see  by  woful  experience.  He  did  the  same 
formerly  at  Cadaracqui,*  and  in  the  Senecas’  country.  This  is  the  third  time 
he  has  acted  so  deceitfully.  He  has  broken  open  our  house  at  both  ends ; 
formerly  in  the  Senecas’  country,  and  now  here.  We  hope  to  be  revenged 
on  them.” 

Accordingly,  when  messengers  came  to  renew  and  conclude  the  treaty 
which  had  been  begun  by  Taweraket , before  mentioned,  they  were  seized  and 
handed  over  to  the  English.  They  also  kept  out  scouts,  and  harassed  the 
French  in  every  direction. 

We  will  now  proceed  to  draw  from  Charlevoix ’ account  of  this  affair,  which 
is  very  minute,  as  it  respects  the  operations  of  the  French  and  Indians.  Not- 
withstanding its  great  importance  in  a correct  history  of  the  sacking  of  Sche- 
nectady, none  of  our  historians  seem  to  have  given  themselves  the  trouble  of 
laying  it  before  their  readers. 

Governor  Frontenac,  having  determined  upon  an  expedition,  gave  notice  to 
M.  de  la  Durantaye,  who  then  commanded  at  Michilimakinak,  that  he  might 
assure  the  Hurons  and  Ottawas,  that  in  a short  time  they  would  see  a great 
change  in  affairs  for  the  better.  He  prepared  at  the  same  time  a large  convoy 
to  reinforce  that  post,  and  he  took  measures  also  to  raise  three  war  parties, 
who  should  enter  by  three  different  routes  the  country  of  the  English.  The 
first  assembled  at  Montreal,  and  consisted  of  about  110  men,  French  and 
Indians,  and  was  put  under  the  command  of  MM.  d’Aillebout  de  Maiitet,  and 
le  Moine  de  St.  Helene , two  lieutenants,  under  whom  MM.  de  Repentigny, 
d’Iberville , de  Bonrepos,  de  la  Brosse,  and  de  Montigni,  requested  permis- 
sion to  serve  as  volunteers. 

This  party  marched  out  before  they  had  determined  against  what  part  of 
the  English  frontier  they  would  carry  their  arms,  though  some  part  of  New 
York  was  understood.  Count  Frontenac  had  left  that  to  the  two  commanders. 
After  they  had  marched  five  or  six  days,  they  called  a council  to  determine 
upon  what  place  they  would  attempt.  In  this  council,  it  was  debated,  on  the 
part  of  the  French,  that  Albany  would  be  the  smallest  place  they  ought  to 
undertake ; but  the  Indians  would  not  agree  to  it.  They  contended  that,  with 
their  small  force,  an  attack  upon  Albany  would  be  attended  with  extreme 
hazard.  The  French  being  strenuous,  the  debate  grew  warm,  and  an  Indian 
chief  asked  them  “how  long  it  was  since  they  had  so  much  courage.”  To 
this  severe  rebuke  it  was  answered,  that,  if  by  some  past  actions  they  had 
discovered  cowardice,  they  should  see  that  now  they  would  retrieve  their 
character  ; they  would  take  Albany  or  die  in  the  attempt.  The  Indians,  how- 
ever, would  not  consent,  and  the  council  broke  up  without  agreeing  upon  any 
thing  but  to  proceed  on. 

They  continued  their  march  until  they  came  to  a place  where  their  path 
divided  into  two ; one  of  which  led  to  Albany,  and  the  other  to  Schenectady : 
here  Mantel  gave  up  his  design  upon  Albany,  and  they  marched  on  harmoni- 
ously for  the  former  village.  The  weather  was  very  severe,  and  for  the  nine 
following  days  the  little  army  suffered  incredible  hardships.  The  men  were 
often  obliged  to  wade  through  water  up  to  their  knees,  breaking  its  ice  at 
every  step. 


* See  Book  V. 


34 


DESTRUCTION  OF  SCHENECTADY. 


[Book  I. 


At  4 o’clock  in  the  morning,  the. beginning  of  February,  they  arrived  withi?* 
two  leagues  of  Schenectady.  Here  they  halted,  and  the  Great  Agnier , chief 
of  the  Iroquois  of  the  Falls  of  St.  Louis,  made  a speech  to  them.  He  exhorted 
every  one  to  forget  the  hardships  they  had  endured,  in  the  hope  of  avenging 
the  wrongs  they  had  for  a long  time  suffered  from  the  perfidious  English, 
who  were  the  authors  of  them;  and  in  the  close  added,  that  they  could  not 
doubt  of  the  assistance  of  Heaven  against  the  enemies  of  God,  in  a cause 
so  just. 

Hardly  had  they  taken  up  their  line  of  march,  when  they  met  40  Indian 
women,  who  gave  them  all  the  necessary  information  for  approaching  the 
place  in  safety.  A Canadian,  named  Giguiere,  was  detached  immediately  with 
nine  Indians  upon  discovery,  who  acquitted  himself  to  the  entire  satisfaction 
of  his  officers.  He  reconnoitred  Schenectady  at  his  leisure,  and  then  rejoined 
his  comrades. 

It  had  been  determined  by  the  party  to  put  off  the  attack  one  day  longer ; 
but  on  the  arrival  of  the  scout  under  Giguiere , it  was  resolved  to  proceed 
without  delay. 

Schenectady  was  then  in  form  like  that  of  a long  square,  and  entered  by 
two  gates,  one  at  each  end.  One  opened  towards  Albany,  the  other  upon  the 
great  road  leading  into  the  back  country,  and  which  was  now  possessed  by 
the  French  and  Indians.  Mantet  and  St.  Helene  charged  at  the  second 
gate,  which  the  Indian  women  before  mentioned  had  assured  them  was 
always  open,  and  they  found  it  so.  D'Iberville  and  Repentigni  passed  to  the 
left,  in  order  to  enter  by  the  other  gate,  but,  after  losing  some  time  in  vainly 
endeavoring  to  find  it,  were  obliged  to  return  and  enter  with  their  comrades. 

The  gate  was  not  only  open  but  unguarded,  and  the  whole  party  entered 
without  being  discovered.  Dividing  themselves  into  several  parties,  they 
waylaid  every  portal,  and  then  the  war-whoop  was  raised.  Mantet  formed 
and  attacked  a garrison,  where  the  only  resistance  of  any  account  was  made. 
The  gate  of  it  was  soon  forced,  and  all  of  the  English  fell  by  the  sword,  and 
the  garrison  was  burned.  Montigni  was  wounded,  in  forcing  a house,  in  his 
arm  and  body  by  two  blows  of  a halberd,  which  put  him  hors  du  combat ; but 
St.  Helene  being  come  to  his  assistance,  the  house  was  taken,  and  the  wounds 
of  Montigni  revenged  by  the  death  of  all  who  had  shut  themselves  up  in  it. 

Nothing  was  now  to  be  seen  but  massacre  and  pillage  in  every  place.  At 
the  end  of  about  two  hours,  the  chiefs,  believing  it  due  to  their  safety,  posted 
bodies  of  guards  at  all  the  avenues,  to  prevent  surprise,  and  the  rest  of  the 
night  was  spent  in  refreshing  themselves. 

Mantet  had  given  orders  that  the  minister  of  the  place  should  be  spared, 
whom  he  had  intended  for  his  own  prisoner ; but  he  was  found  among  the 
promiscuous  dead,  and  no  one  knew  when  he  was  killed,  and  all  his  papers 
were  burned. 

After  the  place  was  destroyed,  the  chiefs  ordered  all  the  casks  of  intoxicat- 
ing liquors  to  be  staved,  to  prevent  their  men  from  getting  drunk.  They 
next  set  all  the  houses  on  fire,  excepting  that  of  a widow,  into  which  Montigni 
had  been  carried,  and  another  belonging  to  Major  Coudre:  they  were  in  num- 
ber about  40,  all  well  built  and  furnished  ; no  booty  but  that  which  could  be 
easily  transported  was  saved.  The  lives  of  about  60  persons  were  spared ; 
chiefly  women,  children,  and  old  men,  who  had  escaped  the  fury  of  the  onset, 
and  30  Indians  who  happened  to  be  then  in  the  place.  The  lives  of  the 
Indians  were  spared  that  they  might  carry  the  news  of  what  had  happened  to 
their  countrymen,  whom  they  were  requested  to  inform,  that  it  was  not 
against  them  that  they  intended  any  harm,  but  to  the  English  only,  whom 
they  had  now  despoiled  of  property  to  the  amount  of  four  hundred  thousand 
pounds. 

They  were  too  near  Albany  to  remain  long  among  the  ruins,  and  they 
decamped  about  noon.  The  plunder — Montigni , whom  it  was  necessary 
to  carry — the  prisoners,  who  were  to  the  number  of  40 — and  the  want  of 
provisions,  with  which  they  had  in  their  hurry  neglected  to  provide  them- 
selves— retarded  much  their  retreat.  Many  would  have  even  died  of  famine, 
had  they  not  had  50  horses,  of  which  there  remained  but  six  when  they 


MURDER  OF  MISS  M’CREA. 


3 5 


Chap.  III.] 

arrived  at  Montreal,  upon  the  27  March  following.*  Their  want  of  provisions 
obliged  them  to  separate,  and  in  an  attack  which  was  made  upon  one  party, 
three  Indians  and  six  Frenchmen  were  killed  or  taken  ; an  attack,  which,  for 
want  of  proper  caution,  cost  the  army  more  lives  than  the  capture  of  Sche- 
nectady ; in  which  they  lost  but  two  men,  a Frenchman  and  an  Indian. 

Murder  of  Miss  Jane  McCrea. — This  young  lady  “ was  the  second  daughter 
of  James  McCrea,  minister  of  Lamington,  New  Jersey,  who  died  before  the 
revolution.  After  his  death,  she  resided  with  her  brother,  Colonel  John  McCrea 
of  Albany,  who  removed  in  1773  to  the  neighborhood  of  Fort  Edward.  His 
house  was  in  what  is  now  Northumberland,  on  the  west  side  of  the  Hudson, 
three  miles  north  of  Fort  Miller  Falls.  In  July  or  August,  1777,  being  on  a visit 
to  the  family  of  Mrs.  McNeil , near  Fort  Edward,  at  the  close  of  the  week,  she  was 
asked  to  remain  until  Monday.  On  Sunday  morning,  when  the  Indians  came 
to  the  house,  she  concealed  herself  in  the  cellar ; but  they  dragged  her  out  by 
the  hair,  and,  placing  her  on  a horse,  proceeded  on  the  road  towards  Sandy 
Hill.  They  soon  met  another  party  of  Indians,  returning  from  Argyle,  where 
they  had  killed  the  family  of  Mr.  Bains ; these  Indians  disapproved  the  pur- 
pose of  taking  the  captive  to  the  British  camp,  and  one  of  them  struck  her 
with  a tomahawk  and  tore  off  her  scalp.  This  is  the  account  given  by  her 
nephew.  The  account  of  Mrs.  McNeil  is,  that  her  lover,  anxious  for  her 
safety,  employed  two  Indians,  with  the  promise  of  a barrel  of  rum,  to  bring 
her  to  him  ; and  that,  in  consequence  of  their  dispute  for  the  right  of  conduct- 
ing her,  one  of  them  murdered  her.  Gen.  Gates , in  his  letter  to  Gen.  Burgoyne 
of  2 September,  says,  ‘she  was  dressed  to  receive  her  promised  husband.’ 

“ Her  brother,  on  hearing  of  her  fate,  sent  his  family  the  next  day  to  Albany, 
and,  repairing  to  the  American  camp,  buried  his  sister,  with  one  Lieutenant 
Van  Vechten , three  miles  south  of  Fort  Edward.  She  was  23  years  old,  of  an 
amiable  and  virtuous  character,  and  highly  esteemed  by  all  her  acquaintance. 
It  is  said,  and  was  believed,  that  she  was  engaged  in  marriage  to  Captain 
David  Jones , of  the  British  army,  a loyalist,  who  survived  her  only  a few 
years,  and  died*  as  was  supposed,  of  grief  for  her  loss.  Her  nephew’,  Colonel 
James  McCrea,  lived  at  Saratoga,  in  1823.”  f 

Under  the  name  of  Lucinda,  Barlow  has  d welt  upon  this  murder  in  a strain 
that  may  be  imitated,  but  not  surpassed.  We  select  from  him  as  follows: — 

“One  deed  shall  tell  what  fame  great  Albion  draws 
From  these  auxiliars  in  her  barb’rous  cause, — 

Lucinda's  fate.  The  tale,  ye  nations,  hear ; 

Eternal  ages,  trace  it  with  a tear.” 

The  poet  then  makes  Lucinda,  during  a battle,  wander  from  her  home  to 
watch  her  lover,  whom  he  calls  Heartly.  She  distinguishes  him  in  the  con- 
flict, and,  when  his  squadron  is  routed  by  the  Americans,  she  proceeds  to  the 
contested  ground,  fancying  she  had  seen  him  fall  at  a certain  point.  But 

“ He  hurries  to  his  tent oh,  rage ! despair  ! 

No  glimpse,  no  tidings,  of  the  frantic  fair; 

Save  that  some  carmen,  as  a-camp  they  drove, 

Had  seen  her  coursing  for  the  western  grove. 

Faint  with  fatigue,  and  choked  with  burning  thirst, 

Forth  from  his  friends,  with  bounding  leap,  he  burst, 

Vaults  o’er  the  palisade,  with  eyes  on  flame, 

And  fills  the  welkin  with  Lucinda's  name.” 

“ The  fair  one,  too,  of  every  aid  forlorn, 

Had  raved  and  wandered,  till  officious  mom 
Awaked  the  Mohawks  from  their  short  repose, 

To  glean  the  plunder  ere  their  comrades  rose. 

Two  Mohawks  met  the  maid— —historian,  hold ! 

“She  starts— with  eyes  upturned  and  fleeting  breath, 

In  their  raised  axes  views  her  instant  death. 

Her  hair,  half  lost  along  the  shrubs  she  passed, 

Rolls,  in  loose  tangles,  round  her  lovely  waist  j 
Her  kerchief  torn  betrays  the  globes  of  snow, 

That  heave  responsive  to  her  weight  of  woe. 


* There  is  no  doubt  but  that  they  were  obliged  to  subsist  chiefly  upon  their  horses, 
f President  Allen's  American  Biographical  Dictionary,  574. 


36 


HEROISM  OF  MRS.  MERRIL.— WHITE  INDIANS. 


[Book  I. 


With  calculating  pause  and  demon  grin 

They  seize  her  hands,  and,  through  Tier  face  divine, 

Drive  the  descending  axe  ! — the  shriek  she  sent 
Attained  her  lover's  ear;  he  thither  bent 
With  all  the  speed  his  wearied  limbs  could  yield, 

Whirled  his  keen  blade,  and  stretched  upon  the  field 
The  yelling  fiends,  who  there  disputing  stood 
Her  gory  scalp,  their  horrid  prize  of  blood ! 

He  sunk,  delirious,  on  her  lifeless  clay, 

And  passed,  in  starts  of  sense,  the  dreadful  day." 

In  a note  to  the  above  passages,  Mr.  Barlow  says  this  tragical  story  of  Miss 
McCrea  is  detailed  almost  literally. 

“ Extraordinary  instance  of  female  heroism , extracted  from  a letter  written  by 
Col.  James  Perry  to  the  Rev.  Jordan  Dodge,  dated  Nelson  Co.,  Ky .,  20  April , 
1788.” — “On  the  first  of  April  inst.,  a number  of  Indians  surrounded  the 
house  of  one  John  Merril,  which  was  discovered  by  the  barking  of  a dog. 
Merril  stepped  to  the  door  to  see  what  he  could  discover,  and  received  three 
musket-balls,  which  caused  him  to  fall  back  into  the  house  with  a broken  leg 
and  arm.  The  Indians  rushed  on  to  the  door  ; but  it  being  instantly  fastened 
by  his  wife,  who,  with  a girl  of  about  15  years  of  age,  stood  against  it,  the 
savages  could  not  immediately  enter.  They  broke  one  part  of  the  door,  and 
one  of  them  crowded  partly  through.  The  heroic  mother,  in  the  midst  of  her 
screaming  children  and  groaning  husband,  seized  an  axe,  and  gave  a fatal 
blow  to  the  savage  ; and  he  falling  headlong  into  the  house,  the  others,  sup- 
posing they  had  gained  their  end,  rushed  after  him,  until  four  of  them  fell  in 
like  manner  before  they  discovered  their  mistake.  The  rest  retreated,  which 
gave  opportunity  again  to  secure  the  door.  The  conquerors  rejoiced  in  their 
victory,  hoping  they  had  killed  the  whole  company ; but  their  expectations 
were  soon  dashed,  by  finding  the  door  again  attacked,  which  the  bold  mother 
endeavored  once  more  to  secure,  with  the  assistance  of  the  young  woman. 
Their  fears  now  came  on  them  like  a flood  ; and  they  soon  heard  a noise  on 
the  top  of  the  house,  and  then  found  the  Indians  were  coming  down  the 
chimney.  All  hopes  of  deliverance  seemed  now  at  an  end  ; but  the  wounded 
man  ordered  his  little  child  to  tumble  a couch,  that  was  filled  with  hair  and 
feathers,  on  the  fire,  which  made  such  a smoke  that  two  stout  Indians  came 
tumbling  down  into  it.  The  wounded  man,  at  this  critical  moment,  seized  a 
billet  of  wood,  wounded  as  he  was,  and  with  it  succeeded  in  despatching  the 
half-smothered  Indians.  At  the  same  moment,  the  door  was  attempted  by 
another ; but  the  heroine’s  arm  had  become  too  enfeebled  by  her  over-exertions 
to  deal  a deadly  blow.  She  however  caused  him  to  retreat  wounded.  They 
then  again  set  to  work  to  make  their  house  more  secure,  not  knowing  but 
another  attack  would  be  made ; but  they  were  not  further  disturbed.  This 
affair  happened  in  the  evening,  and  the  victors  carefully  watched  with  their 
new  family  until  morning.  A prisoner,  that  escaped  immediately  after,  said 
the  Indian  last  mentioned  was  the  only  one  that  escaped.  He,  on  returning  to 
his  friends,  was  asked,  ‘ What  news  ? ’ said,  ‘ Plaguy  bad  news,  for  the  squaws 
fight  worse  than  the  long-knives.’  This  affair  happened  at  Newbardstown, 
about  15  miles  from  Sandy  Creek,  and  may  be  depended  upon,  as  I had  the 
pleasure  to  assist  in  tumbling  them  into  a hole,  after  they  were  stripped  of 
their  head-dresses,  and  about  20  dollars’  worth  of  silver  furniture.” 

Welsh  or  White  Indians. 

“ Narrative  of  Capt.  Isaac  Stuart,  of  the  Provincial  Cavalry  of  South  Carolina , 
taken  from  his  own  mouth,  by  I.  C.,  Esq.,  March,  1782. 

“ I was  taken  prisoner,  about  50  miles  to  the  westward  of  Fort  Pitt,  about 
18  years  ago,  by  the  Indians,  and  carried  to  the  Wabash,  with  other  white 
men.  They  were  executed,  with  circumstances  of  horrid  barbarity ; but  it 
was  my  good  fortune  to  call  forth  the  sympathy  of  a good  woman  of  the 
village,  who  was  permitted  to  redeem  me  from  those  who  held  me  prisoner, 
by  giving  them  a horse  as  a ransom.  After  remaining  two  years  in  bondage, 
a Spaniard  came  to  the  nation,  having  been  sent  from  Mexico  on  discoveriesu 


. 

r, 

. 


The  Fence  Trap. 


A Sporting  Scene, 


Chap.  III.] 


WHITE  INDIANS. 


37 


He  made  application  to  the  chiefs  of  the  Indians  for  hiring  me,  and  another 
white  man  who  was  in  the  like  situation,  a native  of  Wales,  and  named  John 
Davey , which  was  complied  with.  We  took-  our  departure  and  travelled  to 
the  westward,  crossing  the  Mississippi  near  Red  River,  up  which  we  travelled 
upwards  of  700  miles.  Here  we  came  to  a nation  of  Indians  remarkably 
white,  and  whose  hah*  was  of  a reddish  color,  at  least,  mostly  so.  They  lived 
on  a small  river  which  emptied  itself  into  Red  River,  which  they  called  the 
River  Post ; and  in  the  morning,  the  day  after  our  arrival,  the  Welshman 
informed  me  that  he  was  determined  to  remain  with  the  nation  of  Indians, 
giving  as  a reason  that  he  understood  their  language,  it  being  very  little  differ- 
ent from  the  Welsh.  My  curiosity  was  excited  very  much  by  this  information, 
and  I went  with  my  companion  to  the  chief  men  of  the  town,  who  informed 
him,  in  a language  that  I had  no  knowledge  of,  and  which  had  no  affinity  with 
that  of  any  other  Indian  tongue  that  I ever  heard,  that  the  forefathers  of  this 
nation  came  from  a foreign  country,  and  landed  on  the  east  side  of  the  Missis- 
sippi (describing  particularly  the  country  now  called  West  Florida);  and  that, 
on  the  Spaniards  taking  possession  of  the  country,  they  fled  to  their  then 
abode ; and,  as  a proof  of  what  they  advanced,  they  brought  out  rolls  of 
parchment  wrote  with  blue  ink,  at  least  it  had  a bluish  cast.  The  characters 
I did  not  understand,  and  the  Welshman  being  unacquainted  with  letters  of 
any  language,  I was  not  able  to  know  what  the  meaning  of  the  writing  was. 
They  were  a bold,  hardy,  intrepid  people,  very  warlike,  and  their  women 
were  beautiful,  compared  with  other  Indians.” 

Thus  we  have  given  so  much  of  Captain  Stuart's  narrative  as  relates  to  the 
White  Indians.  The  remainder  of  it  is  taken  up  in  details  of  several  excur- 
sions, of  many  hundred  miles,  in  the  interior  of  the  continent,  without  any 
extraordinary  occurrence,  except  the  finding  of  a gold  mine.  He  returned  by 
way  of  the  Mississippi,  and  was  considered  a man  of  veracity  by  the  late 
Lieutenant-colonel  Cruger , of  South  Carolina,  who  recommended  him  to  the 
gentleman  who  communicated  his  narrative. 

I had  determined  formerly  to  devote  a chapter  to  the  examination  of  the 
subject  of  the  White  Indians  ; but,  on  reference  to  all  the  sources  of  informa- 
tion in  my  possession,  I found  that  the  whole  rested  upon  no  other  authority 
than  such  as  we  have  given  above,  and  therefore  concluded  to  give  the  most 
interesting  parts  of  the  accounts  without  comment,  and  let  the  reader  draw 
his  own  conclusions.  There  seem  to  have  been  a good  many  accounts  con- 
cerning the  White  Indians  in  circulation  about  the  same  period,  and  the  next 
we  shall  notice  is  found  in  Mr.  Charles  Beatty's  journal,  the  substance  of  which 
is  as  follows : — 

At  the  foot  of  the  Alleghany  Mountains,  in  Pennsylvania,  Mr.  Beatty  stopped 
at  the  house  of  a Mr.  John  Miller , where  he  “ met  with  one  Benjamin  Sutton , 
who  had  been  taken  captive  by  the  Indians,  and  had  been  in  different  nations, 
and  lived  many  years  among  them.  When  he  was  with  the  Choctaws,  at  the 
Mississippi  River,  he  went  to  an  Indian  town,  a very  considerable  distance 
from  New  Orleans,  whose  inhabitants  were  of  different  complexions,  not  so 
tawny  as  those  of  the  other  Indians,  and  who  spoke  Welsh.  He  saw  a book 
among  them,  which  he  supposed  was  a Welsh  Bible,  which  they  carefully 
kept  wrapped  up  in  a skin,  but  they  could  not  read  it;  and  he  heard  some 
of  those  Indians  afterwards,  in  the  lower  Shawanee  town,  speak  Welsh  with 
one  Leicis , a Welshman,  captive  there.  This  Welsh  tribe  now  live  on  the 
west  side  of  the  Mississippi,  a great  way  above  New  Orleans.” 

At  Tuscarora  valley  he  met  with  another  man,  named  Levi  Hicks , who  had 
been  a captive  from  his  youth  with  the  Indians.  He  said  he  was  once  attend- 
ing an  embassy  at  an  Indian  town,  on  the  west  side  of  the  Mississippi,  where 
the  inhabitants  spoke  Welsh,  “as  he  was  told,  for  he  did  not  understand 
them  ” himself.  An  Indian,  named  Joseph  Peepy , Mr.  Beatty's  interpreter,  said 
he  once  saw  some  Indians,  whom  he  supposed  to  be  of  the  same  tribe,  who 
talked  Welsh.  He  was  sure  they  talked  Welsh,  for  he  had  been  acquainted 
with  Welsh  people,  and  knew  some  words  they  used. 

To  the  above  Mr.  Beatty  adds : “ I have  been  informed,  that  many  years 
ago,  a clergyman  went  from  Britain  to  Virginia,  and  having  lived  some  time 
there,  went  from  thence  to  S,  Carolina ; but  after  some  time,  for  some  reason, 
4 


WHITE  INDIANS. 


[Book  L 


88 

he  resolved  to  return  to  Virginia,  and  accordingly  set  out  by  land,  accom- 
panied with  some  other  persons.  In  travelling  through  the  back  parts  of  the 
country,  which  was  then  very  thinly  inhabited,  he  fell  in  with  a party  of  In- 
dian warriors,  going  to  attack  the  inhabitants  of  Virginia.  Upon  examining 
the  clergyman,  and  finding  he  was  going  to  Virginia,  they  looked  upon  him 
and  his  companions  as  belonging  to  that  province,  and  took  them  all  prisoners, 
and  told  them  they  must  die.  The  clergyman,  in  preparation  for  another 
world,  went  to  prayer,  and,  being  a Welshman,  prayed  in  the  Welsh  language. 
One  or  more  of  the  Indians  was  much  surprised  to  hear  him  pray  in  their 
own  language.  Upon  this  they  spoke  to  him,  and  finding  he  could  under- 
stand them,  got  the  sentence  of  death  reversed,  and  his  life  was  saved.  They 
took  him  with  them  into  their  country,  where  he  found  a tribe  whose  native 
language  was  Welsh,  though  the  dialect  was  a little  different  from  his  own, 
which  he  soon  came  to  understand.  They  showed  him  a book,  which  he 
found  to  be  the  Bible,  but  which  they  could  not  read ; and  on  his  reading  and 
explaining  it,  their  regard  for  him  was  much  heightened.”  After  some  time, 
the  minister  proposed  to  these  people  to  return  to  his  own  country,  and  prom- 
ised to  return  again  to  them  with  others  of  his  friends,  who  would  instruct 
them  in  Christianity;  but  not  long  after  his  return  to  England,  he  died,  which 
put  an  end  to  his  design. 

It  is  very  natural  to  inquire  how  these  Indians,  though  descended  from  the 
Welsh,  came  by  books ; for  it  is  well  known  that  the  period  at  which  the 
Welsh  must  have  come  to  America,  was  long  before  printing  was  discovered, 
or  that  any  writings  assumed  the  form  of  books  as  we  now  have  them.  It 
should  be  here  noted  that  Mr.  Beatty  travelled  in  the  autumn  of  1766. 

Major  Rogers,  in  his  “Concise  Account  of  North  America,”  published  in 
1765,  notices  the  White  Indians  ; but  the  geography  of  their  country  he  leaves 
any  where  on  the  west  of  the  Mississippi;  probably  never  having  visited  them 
himself,  although  he  tells  us  he  had  travelled  very  extensively  in  the  interior. 
“ This  fruitful  country,”  he  says,  “ is  at  present  inhabited  by  a nation  of  In- 
dians, called  by  the  others,  the  White  Indians,  on  account  of  their  complex- 
ion ; they  being  much  the  fairest  Indians  on  the  continent.  They  have,  how- 
ever, Indian  eyes,  and  a certain  guilty  Jewish  cast  with  them.  This  nation  is 
very  numerous,  being  able  to  raise  between  20  and  30,000  fighting  men.  They 
have  no  weapons  but  bows  and  arrows,  tomahawks,  and  a kind  of  wooden 
pikes,  for  which  reason  they  often  suffer  greatly  from  the  eastern  Indians, 
who  have  the  use  of  fire-arms,  and  frequently  visit  the  white  Indians  on  the 
banks  of  the  easterly  branch,  [of  Muddy  River?]  and  kill  or  captivate  them 
in  great  numbers.  Such  as  fall  alive  into  their  hands,  they  generally  sell  for 
slaves.  These  Indians  live  in  large  towns,  and  have  commodious  houses; 
they  raise  corn,  tame  the  wild  cows,  and  use  both  their  milk  and  flesh  ; they 
keep  great  numbers  of  dogs,  and  are  very  dextrous  in  hunting ; they  have  lit- 
tle or  no  commerce  with  any  nation  that  we  at  present  are  acquainted  with.” 

In  the  account  of  Kentucky,  written  in  1784,  by  an  excellent  writer,  Mr.  John 
Filson,  we  find  as  follows : — After  noticing  the  voyage  of  Madoc , who  with 
his  ten  ships  with  emigrants  sailed  west  about  1170,  and  who  were^  accord- 
ing to  the  Welsh  historians,  never  heard  of  after,  he  proceeds : — “This  account 
has  at  several  times  drawn  the  attention  of  the  world  ; but  as  no  vestiges  of 
them  had  then  been  found,  it  was  concluded,  perhaps  too  rashly,  to  be  a fable, 
or  at  least  that  no  remains  of  the  colony  existed.  Of  late  years,  however,  the 
western  settlers  have  received  frequent  accounts  of  a nation,  inhabiting  at  a 
great  distance  up  the  Missouri,  in  manners  and  appearance  resembling  the 
other  Indians,  but  speaking  Welsh,  and  retaining  some  ceremonies  of  the 
Christian  worship ; and  at  length  this  is  universally  believed  there  to  be  a fact. 
Capt.  Abraham  Chaplain , of  Kentucky,  a gentleman  whose  veracity  may  be 
entirely  depended  upon,  assured  the  author  that  in  the  late  war  [revolution] 
being  with  his  company  in  garrison,  at  Kaskaskia,  some  Indians  came  there, 
and,  speaking  the  Welsh  dialect,  were  perfectly  understood  and  conversed 
with  by  two  Welshmen  in  his  company,  and  that  they  informed  them  of  the 
situation  of  their  nation  as  mentioned  above.” 

Henry  Ker , who  travelled  among  13  tribes  of  Indians  in  1810,  &c.,  names 
one  near  a great  mountain  which  he  calls  Mnacedeus.  He  said  Dr.  Sibley 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


39 


€hap.  IV.] 


had  told  him,  when  at  Natchitoches,  that  a number  of  travellers  had  assured 
him,  that  there  was  a strong  similarity  between  the  Ihdian  language  and  many 
words  of  the  Welsh.  Mr.  Ker  found  nothing  among  any  of  the  Indians  to 
indicate  a Welsh  origin  until  he  arrived  among  the  Mnacedeus.  Here  he 
found  many  customs  which  were  Welsh,  or  common  to  that  people,  and  he 
adds ; “ I did  not  understand  the  Welsh  language,  or  I should  have  been  en- 
abled to  have  thrown  more  light  upon  so  interesting  a subject,”  as  they  had 
“printed  books  among  them  which  were  preserved  with  great  care,  they  having 
a tradition  that  they  were  brought  there  by  their  forefathers.”  Upon  this,  in 
another  place,  he  observes,  “ The  books  appeared  very  old,  and  were  evident- 
ly printed  at  a time  when  there  had  been  very  little  improvement  made  in  the 
casting  of  types.  I obtained  a few  leaves  from  one  of  the  chiefs,  sufficient  to 
have  thrown  light  on  the  subject;  but  in  my  subsequent  disputes  with  the 
Indians,  I lost  them,  and  all  my  endeavors  to  obtain  more,  were  ineffectual.” 

How  or  at  what  time  these  Indians  obtained  “ printed  books,”  Mr.  Ker  does 
not  give  us  his  opinion  ; although  he  says  much  more  about  them. 

There  are  a great  number  of  others  who  have  noticed  these  Indians  ; but 
after  an  examination  of  them  all,  I am  unable  to  add  much  to  the  above  stock 
of  information  concerning  them.  Upon  the  whole,  we  think  it  may  be  pretty 
safely  said,  that  the  existence  of  a race  of  Welsh  about  the  regions  of  the 
Missouri  does  not  rest  on  so  good  authority  as  that  which  has  been  adduced 
to  establish  the  existence  of  the  sea-serpent.  Should  any  one,  however, 
choose  to  investigate  the  subject  further,  he  will  find  pretty  ample  references 
to  authors  in  which  the  subject  has  been  noticed,  in  a note  to  the  life  of  Ma- 
dokawando,  in  our  third  book.  In  addition  to  which,  he  may  consult  the 
authorities  of  Moulton , as  pointed  out  in  his  History  of  New  York. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

American  Antiquities — Few  Indian  Antiquities — Of  Mounds  and  their  contents — 
Account  of  those  in  Cincinnati — In  the  Miami  country — IVorks  supposed  to  hare 
been  built  for  defences  or  fortifications — Some  at  Piqua — Near  Hamilton — Milford 
— Deerfield — Six  miles  above  Lebanon — On  Paint  Creek — At  Marietta — dt  Circle- 
ville — Their  age  uncertain — Works  on  Licking  River — Ancient  excavations  or  wells 
near  Newark — Various  other  works. 

To  describe  the  antiquities  of  America  would  not  require  a very  great 
amount  of  time  or  space,  if  we  consider  only  those  which  are  in  reality  such. 
And  as  to  Indian  antiquities,  they  consist  in  nothing  like  monuments,  says 
Mr.  Jefferson;  “ for,”  he  observes,  “I  would  not  honor  with  that  name,  arrow- 
points,  stone  hatchets,  stone  pipes,  and  half-shapen  images.  Of  labor  on  the 
large  scale,  I think  there  is  no  remain  as  respectable  as  would  be  a common 
ditch  for  the  draining  of  lands,  unless  indeed  it  would  be  the  Barrows,  of 
which  many  are  to  be  found  all  over  in  this  country.  These  are  of  different 
sizes,  some  of  them  constructed  of  earth,  and  some  of  loose  stones.  That 
they  were  repositories  of  the  dead,  has  been  obvious  to  all ; but  on  what  par- 
ticular occasion  constructed,  was  a matter  of  doubt.  Some  have  thought  they 
covered  the  bones  of  those  who  have  fallen  in  battles  fought  on  the  spot  of 
interment.  Some  ascribe  them  to  the  custom,  said  to  prevail  among  the  In- 
dians, of  collecting  at  certain  periods  the  bones  of  all  their  dead,  wheresoever 
deposited  at  the  time  of  death.  Others  again  suppose  them  the  general  sepul- 
chres for  towns,  conjectured  to  have  been  on  or  near  these  grounds ; and  this 
opinion  was  supported  by  the  quality  of  the  lands  in  which  they  are  found, 
(those  constructed  of  earth  being  generally  in  the  softest  and  most  fertile 
meadow-grounds  on  river  sides,)  and  by  a tradition,  said  to  be  handed  down 
from  the  aboriginal  Indians,  that  when  they  settled  in  a town,  the  first  person 
who  died  was  placed  erect,  and  earth  put  about  him,  so  as  to  cover  and  support 
him ; and  that  when  another  died,  a narrow  passage  was  dug  to  the  first,  the 


40 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


[Book  I, 


second  reclined  against  him,  and  the  cover  of  earth  replaced,  and  so  on.  There 
being  one  of  these  in  my  neighborhood,  I wished  to  satisfy  myself  whether 
any,  and  which  of  these  opinions  were  just.  For  this  purpose,  I determined 
to  open  and  examine  it  thoroughly.  It  was  situated  on  the  low  grounds  of  the 
Rivanna,  about  two  miles  above  its  principal  fork,  and  opposite  to  some  hills,, 
on  which  had  been  an  Indian  town.  It  was  of  a spheroidal  form  of  about 
40  feet  diameter  at  the  base,  and  had  been  of  about  12  feet  altitude,  though 
now  reduced  by  the  plough  to  seven  and  a half,  having  been  under  cultiva- 
tion about  a dozen  years.  Before  this  it  was  covered  with  trees  of  12  inches 
diameter,  and  round  the  base  was  an  excavation  of  five  feet  depth  and  width, 
from  whence  the  earth  had  been  taken  of  which  the  hillock  was  formed.” 

In  this  mound  my  author  found  abundance  of  human  bones,  which,  from 
their  position,  it  was  evident  had  been  thrown  or  piled  promiscuously  there 
together;  bones  of  the  head  and  feet  being  in  contact;  “some  vertical, 
some  oblique,  some  horizontal,  and  directed  to  every  point  of  the  compass.”’ 
These  bones,  when  exposed  to  the  air,  crumbled  to  dust.  Some  of  the  skulls, 
jaw-bones,  and  teeth,  were  taken  out  nearly  in  a perfect  state,  but  would  fall  to 
pieces  on  being  examined.  It  was  evident  that  this  assemblage  of  bones  was 
made  up  from  persons  of  all  ages,  and  at  different  periods  of  time.  The 
mound  was  composed  of  alternate  strata  of  bones,  stones,  and  earth.  Hence 
it  would  seem  that  barrows,  or  mounds,  as  they  are  most  usually  called,  were 
formed  by  the  Indians,  whose  custom  it  was  to  collect  the  bones  of  their  de- 
ceased friends  at  certain  periods,  and  deposit  them  together  in  this  manner.. 
“ But,”  Mr.  Jefferson  observes,  “ on  whatever  occasion  they  may  have  been 
made,  they  are  of  considerable  notoriety  among  the  Indians:  for  a party 
passing,  about  30  years  ago,  through  the  part  of  the  country  where  this  barrow 
is,  went  through  the  woods  directly  to  it,  without  any  instructions  or  inquiry, 
and  having  staid  about  it  some  time,  with  expressions  which  were  construed 
to  be  those  of  sorrow,  they  returned  to  the  high  road,  which  they  had  left 
about  half  a dozen  miles  to  pay  this  visit,  and  pursued  their  journey.” 

In  these  tumuli  are  usually  found,  with  the  bones,  such  instruments  only  as 
appear  to  have  been  used  for  superstitious  purposes,  ornaments  or  war.  Of 
the  latter  kind,  no  more  formidable  weapons  have  been  discovered  than 
tomahawks,  spears  and  arrow-heads,  which  can  be  supposed  to  have  been 
deposited  before  the  arrival  of  Europeans  in  America.  What  Mr.  Jefferson. 
found  in  the  barrow  he  dissected  besides  bones,  or  whether  any  thing,  he  does 
not  inform  us.  In  several  of  these  depositories  in  the  city  of  Cincinnati, 
which  Dr.  Daniel  Drake  examined,  numerous  utensils  were  found.  He  has 
given  a most  accurate  account  of  them,  in  which  he  has  shown  himself  no 
less  a philosopher  than  antiquary.  He  divides  them  into  two  classes,  ancient 
and  modern,  or  ancient  and  more  ancient.  “Among  the  latter,”  he  says,  “there 
is  not  a single  edifice,  nor  any  ruins  which  prove  the  existence,  in  former  ages, 
of  a building  composed  of  imperishable  materials.  No  fragment  of  a column  , 
no  bricks  ; nor  a single  hewn  stone  large  enough  to  have  been  incorporated 
into  a wall,  has  been  discovered.” 

There  were  several  of  these  mounds  or  tumuli,  20  years  ago,  within  a short 
space  in  and  about  Cincinnati ; but  it  is  a remarkable  fact,  that  the  plains  on 
the  opposite  side  of  the  River  Ohio  have  no  vestiges  of  the  kind.  The  largest 
of  those  in  Cincinnati  was,  in  1794,  about  35  feet  in  height;  but  at  this  time  it 
was  cut  down  to  27  by  order  of  General  Wayne , to  make  it  serve  as  a watch- 
tower  for  a sentinel.  It  was  about  440  feet  in  circumference. 

Almost  every  traveller  of  late  years  has  said  something  upon  the  mounds, 
or  fortifications,  scattered  over  the  south  and  west,  from  Florida  to  the  lakes, 
and  from  the  Hudson  to  Mexico  and  the  Pacific  Ocean.  By  some  they  are 
reckoned  at  several  thousands.  Mr.  Brackenridge  supposes  there  may  be 
3000;  but  it  would  not  outrage  probability,  I presume,  to  set  them  down  at 
twice  that  number.  Indeed  no  one  can  form  any  just  estimate  in  respect  to 
the  number  of  mounds  and  fortifications  which  have  been  built,  any  more  than 
of  the  period  of  time  which  has  passed  since  they  were  originally  erected,  for 
several  obvious  reasons  ; one  or  two  of  which  may  be  mentioned  : — the 
plough,  excavations  and  levellings  for  towns,  roads,  and  various  other  works, 
have  entirely  destroyed  hundreds  of  them,  which  had  never  been  described, 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


IV.j 


41 


and  whose  sites  cannot  now  be  ascertained.  Another  great  destruction  of 
them  has  been  effected  by  the  changing  of  the  course  of  rivers. 

There  are  various  opinions  about  the  uses  for  whicli  thepe  ancient  remains 
were  constructed : while  some  of  them  are  too  much  like  modern  fortifications 
to  admit  of  a doubt  of  their  having  been  used  for  defences,  others,  nearly 
similar  in  design,  from  their  situation  entirely  exclude  the  adoption  of  such  an 
opinion.  Hence  we  find  four  kinds  of  remains  formed  of  earth : two  kinds 
of  mounds  or  barrows,  and  two  which  have  been  viewed  as  fortifications. 
The  barrows  or  burial  piles  are  distinguished  by  such  as  contain  articles 
which  were  inhumed  with  the  dead,  and  those  which  do  not  contain  them. 
From  what  cause  they  differ  in  this  respect  it  is  difficult  to  determine.  Some 
have  supposed  the  former  to  contain  bones  only  of  warriors,  but  in  such 
mounds  the  bones  of  infants  are  found,  and  hence  that  hypothesis  is  over- 
thrown ; and  indeed  an  hypothesis  can  scarcely  be  raised  upon  any  one  mat- 
ter concerning  them  without  almost  a positive  assurance  that  it  has  been 
created  to  be  destroyed.  t 

As  a specimen  of  the  contents  of  the  mounds  generally,  the  following  may 
be  taken ; being  such  as  Dr.  Drake  found  in  those  he  examined  1.  Cylin- 
drical stones,  such  as  jasper,  rock-crystal,  and  granite ; with  a groove  near  one 
end.  2.  A circular  piece  of  cannel  coal,  with  a large  opening  in  the  centre, 
as  though  made  for  the  reception  of  an  axis  ; and  a deep  groove  in  the  circum- 
ference, suitable  for  a band.  3.  A smaller  article  of  the  same  shape,  but 
composed  of  polished  argillaceous  earth.  4.  A bone,  ornamented  with  several 
carved  lines,  supposed  by  some  to  be  hieroglyphics.  5.  A sculptural  repre- 
sentation of  the  head  and  beak  of  some  rapacious  bird.  6.  Lumps  of  lead  ore. 
7.  Isinglass  (mica  membranacea).  This  article  is  very  common  in  mounds, 
and  seems  to  have  been  held  in  high  estimation  among  the  people  that  con- 
structed them ; but  we  know  not  that  modern  Indians  have  any  particular 
attachment  to  it.  A superior  article,  though  much  like  it,  was  also  in  great 
esteem  among  the  ancient  Mexicans.  8.  Small  pieces  of  sheet-copper,  with 
perforations.  9.  Larger  oblong  pieces  of  the  same  metal,  with  longitudinal 
grooves  and  ridges.  10.  Beads,  or  sections  of  small  hollow  cylinders,  appar- 
ently of  bone  or  shell.  11.  Teeth  of  carnivorous  animals.  12.  Large  marine 
shells,  belonging,  perhaps,  to  the  genus  buccinum ; cut  in  such  a manner  as 
to  serve  for  domestic  utensils.  These,  and  also  the  teeth  of  animals,  are 
generally  found  almost  entirely  decomposed,  or  in  a state  resembling  chalk. 
13.  Earthen  ware.  This  seems  to  have  been  made  of  the  same  material  as  that 
employed  by  the  Indians  of  Louisiana  within  our  recollection,  viz.  pounded 
muscle  and  other  river  shells,  and  earth.  Some  perfect  articles  have  been 
found,  but  they  are  rare.  Pieces,  or  fragments,  are  very  common.  Upon 
most  of  them,  confused  lines  are  traced,  which  doubtless  had  some  meaning; 
but  no  specimen  has  yet  been  found  having  glazing  upon  it  like  modern  pot- 
tery. Some  entire  vases,  of  most  uncouth  appearance,  have  been  found.  Mr. 
Atwater  of  Ohio,  who  has  pretty  fully  described  the  western  antiquities,  gives 
an  account  of  a vessel,  which  seems  to  have  been  used  as  a jug.  It  was  found 
in  an  ancient  work  on  Cany  Fork  of  Cumberland  River,  about  four  feet  below 
the  surface.  The  body  of  the  vessel  is  made  by  three  heads,  all  joined  together 
at  their  backs.  From  these  places  of  contact  a neck  is  formed,  which  rises 
about  three  inches  above  the  heads.  The  orifice  of  this  neck  is  near  two 
inches  in  diameter,  and  the  three  necks  of  the  heads  form  the  legs  of  the  vessel 
on  which  it  stands  when  upright.  The  heads  are  all  of  a size,  being  about 
four  inches  from  the  top  to  the  chin.  The  faces  at  the  eyes  are  about  three 
inches  broad,  which  increase  in  breadth  all  the  way  to  the  chin. 

Of  the  works  called  fortifications,  though  already  mentioned  in  general 
terms,  their  importance  demands  a further  consideration. 

At  Piqua,  on  the  western  side  of  the  Great  Miami,  there  is  a circular  wall 
of  earth  inclosing  a space  of  about  100  feet  in  diameter,  with  an  opening  on 
the  side  most  remote  from  the  river.  “ The  adjacent  hill,  at  the  distance  of 
half  a mile,  and  at  the  greater  elevation  of  about  100  feet,  is  the  site  of  a stone 
wall,  nearly  circular,  and  inclosing  perhaps  20  acres.  The  valley  of  the  river 
on  one  side,  and  a deep  ravine  on  the  other,  render  the  access  to  three  fourths 
of  this  fortification  extremely  difficult.  The  wall  was  carried  generally  along 


42 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


[Book  L 


the  brow  of  the  hill,  in  one  place  descending  a short  distance  so  as  to  include 
a spring.  The  siliciors  limestone  of  which  it  was  built,  must  have  been  trans- 
ported from  the  bed  of  the  river,  which,  for  two  miles  opposite  these  works, 
does  not  at  present  afford  one  of  10  pounds  weight.  They  exhibit  no  marks 
of  the  hammer,  or  any  other  tool.  The  wall  was  laid  up  without  mortar,  and 
is  now  in  ruins. 

u Lower  down  the  same  river,  near  the  mouth  of  Hole’s  Creek,  on  the  plain, 
there  are  remains  of  great  extent.  The  principal  wall  or  bank,  which  is  of 
earth,  incloses  about  160  acres,  and  is  in  some  parts  nearly  12  feet  high. 
Also  below  Hamilton,  there  is  a fortification  upon  the  top  of  a high  hill,  out  of 
view  from  the  river,  of  very  difficult  approach.  This  incloses  about  50  acres. 
Adjacent  to  this  work  is  a mound  25  feet  in  diameter  at  its  base,  and  about 
seven  feet  perpendicular  altitude. 

“On  the  elevated  point  of  land  above  the  confluence  of  the  Great  Miami 
and  Ohio,  there*  are  extensive  and  complicated  traces,  which,  in  the  opinion 
of  military  men,  eminently  qualified  to  judge,  are  the  remains  of  very  strong 
defensive  works.” 

In  the  vicinity  of  Milford,  on  the  Little  Miami,  are  fortifications,  the  largest 
of  which  are  upon  the  top  of  the  first  hill  above  the  confluence  of  the  East  Fork 
with  the  Miami.  “ On  the  opposite  side  of  the  Miami  River,  above  Round 
Bottom,  are  similar  antiquities  of  considerable  extent.  On  the  East  Fork,  at 
its  head  waters,  other  remains  have  been  discovered,  of  which  the  principal 
bears  a striking  resemblance  to  those  above  mentioned  ; but  within,  it  differs 
from  any  which  have  yet  been  examined  in  this  quarter,  in  having  nine 
parallel  banks  or  long  parapets  united  at  one  end,  exhibiting  very  exactly  the 
figure  of  a gridiron.” 

“Further  up  the  Little  Miami,  at  Deerfield,  are  other  interesting  remains  ; 
but  those  which  have  attracted  more  attention  than  any  others  in  the  Miami 
country,  are  situated  six  miles  from  Lebanon,  above  the  mouth  of  Todd’s 
Fork,  an  eastern  branch  of  the  Miami.  On  the  summit  of  a ridge  at  least  200 
feet  above  the  valley  of  the  liver,  there  are  two  irregular  trapezoidal  figures, 
connected  at  a point  where  the  ridge  is  very  much  narrowed  by  a ravine.  The 
wall,  which  is  entirely  of  earth,  is  generally  eight  or  ten  feet  high  ; but  in  one 
place,  where  it  is  conducted  over  level  ground  for  a short  distance,  it  rises  to 
18.  Its  situation  is  accurately  adjusted  to  the  brow  of  the  hill ; and  as  there 
is,  in  addition  to  the  Miami  on  the  west,  deep  ravines  on  the  north,  the  south- 
east, and  south,  it  is  a position  of  great  strength.  The  angles  in  this  wall, 
both  retreating  and  salient,  are  numerous,  and  generally  acute.  The  openings 
or  gateways  are  not  less  than  80 1 They  are  rarely  at  equal  distances,  and 
are  sometimes  within  two  or  three  rods  of  one  another.  They  are  not 
opposite  to,  or  connected  with  any  existing  artificial  objects  or  topographical 
peculiarities,  and  present,  therefore,  a paradox  of  some  difficulty.”  These 
works  inclose  almost  100  acres,  and  one  of  the  state  roads  from  Cincinnati  to 
Ohillicothe  passes  over  its  northern  part. 

On  Paint  Creek,  10  miles  from  Chiliicothe,  are  also  very  extensive  as  well  as 
wonderful  works.  “The  wall,  which  had  been  conducted  along  the  verge  of 
the  hill,  is  by  estimation  about  a mile  and  a half  in  length.  It  was  formed 
entirely  of  undressed  freestone,  brought  chiefly  from  the  streams  250  feet 
below,  and  laid  up  without  mortar  or  cement  of  any  sort.  It  is  now,  like  all 
the  walls  of  a similar  kind  which  have  been  discovered  in  the  western  country, 
in  a state  of  ruins.  It  exhibits  the  appearance  of  having  been  shaken  down 
by  an  earthquake,  not  a single  stone  being  found  upon  another  in  such  a man- 
ner as  to  indicate  that  to  have  been  its  situation  in  the  wall.  In  several  places 
there  are  openings,  immediately  opposite  which,  inside,  lie  piles  of  stone.” 

Dr.  Harris,  in  1803,  very  accurately  described  the  remains  at  Marietta,  at 
the  confluence  of  the  Muskingum  and  Ohio  Rivers.  “The  largest  square 
fort,”  he  observes,  “ by  some  called  the  town,  contains  40  acres,  encompassed 
by  a wall  of  earth  from  6 to  10  feet  high,  and  from  25  to  36  in  breadth  at  the 
base.  On  each  side  are  three  openings  at  equal  distances,  resembling  12  gate- 
ways.' The  entrances  at  the  middle  are  the  largest,  particularly  that  on  the 
side  next  the  Muskingupi.  From  this  outlet  is  a covert  way,  formed  of  two 
parallel  walls  of  earth.  231  feet  distant  from  each  other,  measuring  from  cen- 


Chap.  IV.] 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


43 


tre  to  centre.  The  walls  at  the  most  elevated  part  on  the  inside  are  21  feet  in 
height,  and  42  in  breadth  at  the  base,  but  on  the  outside  average  only  of  five 
feet  high.  This  forms  a passage  of  about  360  feet  in  length,  leading  by  a 
gradual  descent  to  the  low  grounds,  where  it,  probably,  at  the  time  of  its  com 
structiou,  reached  the  margin  of  the  river.  Its  walls  commence  at  60  feet 
from  the  ramparts  of  the  tort,  and  increase  in  elevation  as  the  way  descends 
towards  the  river ; and  the  bottom  is  crowned  in  the  centre,  in  the  manner  of 
a well-formed  turnpike  road.  Within  the  walls  of  the  fort,  at  the  north-west 
corner,  is  an  oblong,  elevated  square,  188  feet  long,  132  broad,  and  nine  feet 
high  ; level  on  the  summit,  and  nearly  perpendicular  at  the  sides.  At  the 
centre  of  each  of  the  sides  the  earth  is  projected,  forming  gradual  ascents  to 
the  top,  equally  regular,  and  about  six  feet  in  width.  Near  the  south  wall  is 
another  elevated  square,  150  feet  by  120,  and  eight  feet  high.  At  the  ♦south- 
east corner  is  the  third  elevated  square,  108  by  54  feet,  with  ascents  at  the 
ends.  At  the  south-east  corner  of  the  fort  is  a semicircular  parapet,  crowned 
with  a mound,  which  guards  the  opening  in  the  wall.  Towards  the  south-east 
is  a similar  fort,  containing  20  acres,  with  a gateway  in  the  centre  of  each 
side  and  at  each  corner.  These  openings  are  defended  with  circular  mounds.” 

There  are  also  other  works  at  Marietta,  but  a mere  description  of  them  can- 
not interest,  as  there  is  so  much  of  sameness  about  them.  And  to  describe 
all  that  may  be  met  with  would  fill  a volume  of  no . moderate  size : for  Dr. 
Harris  says,  “ You  cannot  ride  20  miles  in  any  direction  without  finding  some 
of  the  mounds,  or  vestiges  of  the  ramparts.”  We  shall,  therefore,  only  notice 
the  most,  prominent. 

Of  first  importance  are  doubtless  the  works  upon  the  Scioto.  The  most 
magnificent  is  situated  26  miles  south  from  Columbus,  and  consists  of  two 
nearly  exact  figures,  a circle  and  a square,  which  are  contiguous  to  each  other. 
A town,  having  been  built  within  the  former,  appropriately  received  the  name 
of  Circleville  from  that  circumstance.  According  to  Mr.  Atwater , who  has 
surveyed  these  works  with  great  exactness  and  attention,  the  circle  was  origi- 
nally 1138j|  feet  in  diameter,  from  external  parallel  tangents,  and  the  square 
was  907 £ feet  upon  a side;  giving  an  area  to  the  latter  of  3025  square  rods, 
and  to  the  circle  3739  nearly  ; both  making  almost  44  acres.  The  rampart 
of  the  circular  fort  consists  of  two  parallel  walls,  and  were,  at  least  in  the 
opinion  of  my  author,  20  feet  in  height,  measuring  from  the  bottom  of  the 
ditch  between  the  circumvallations,  before  the  town  of  Circleville  was  built. 
“The  inner  wall  was  of  clay,  taken  up  probably  in  the  northern  part  of  the 
fort,  where  was  a low  place,  and  is  still  considerably  lower  than  any  other 
part  of  the  work.  The  outside  wall  was  taken  from  the  ditch  which  is  be- 
tween these  walls,  and  is  alluvial,  consisting  of  pebbles  worn  smooth  in  water 
and  sand,  to  a very  considerable  depth,  more  than  50  feet  at  least.”  At  the 
time  Mr.  Atwater  wrote  his  account,  (about  1819,)  the  outside  of  the  walls  was 
but  about  five  or  six  feet  high,  and  the  ditch  not  more  than  15  feet  deep.  The 
walls  of  the  square  fort  were,  at  the  same  time,  about  10  feet  high.  This  fort 
had  eight  gateways  or  openings,  about  20  feet  broad,, each  of  which  was  de- 
fended by  a mound  four  or  five  feet  high,  all  within  the  fort,  arranged  in  the 
most  exact  manner ; equidistant  and  parallel.  The  circular  fort  had  but  one 
gateway,  which  was  at  its  south-east  point,  and  at  the  place  of  contact  with 
the  square.  In  the  centre  of  the  square  was  a remarkable  mound,  with  a 
semicircular  pavement  adjacent  to  its  eastern  half,  and  nearly  facing  the  pas- 
sage way  into  the  square  fort.  Just  without  the  square  fort,  upon  the  north 
side,  and  to  the  east  of  the  centre  gateway  rises  a large  mound.  In  the  op- 
posite point  of  the  compass,  without  the  circular  one,  is  another.  These, 
probably,  were  the  places  of  burial.  As  the  walls  of  the  square  fort  lie  pretty 
nearly  in  a line  with  the  cardinal  points  of  the  horizon,  some  have  supposed 
they  were  originally  projected  in  strict  regard  to  them  ; their  variation  not 
being  more  than  that  of  the  compass ; but  a single  fact  of  this  kind  can 
establish  nothing,  as  mere  accident  may  have  given  them  such  direction. 
“What  surprised  me,”  says  my  authority,  “on  measuring  these  forts,  was  the 
exact  manner  in  which  they  had  laid  down  their  circle  and  square ; so  that 
after  every  effort,  by  the  most  careful  survey,  to  detect  some  error  in  their 
measurement,  we  found  that  it  was  impossible.” 


44 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


[Book  1* 

As  it  is  not  my  design  to  waste  time  in  conjectures  upon  the  authors  of 
these  antiquities,  or  the  remoteness  of  the  period  in  which  they  were  con- 
structed, I will  continue  my  account  of  them,  after  an  observation  upon  a 
single  circumstance*  I refer  to  the  fact  of  the  immense  trees  found  growing 
upon  the  mounds  and  other  ancient  works.  Their  having  existed  for  a thou- 
sand years,  or  at  least  some  of  them,  can  scarcely  be  questioned,  when  we 
know  from  unerring  data  that  trees  have  been  cut  upon  them  of  the  age  of 
near  500  years;  and  from  the  vegetable  mould  out  of  which  they  spring, 
there  is  every  appearance  of  several  generations  of  decayed  trees  of  the  same 
kind ; and  no  forest  trees  of  the  present  day  appear  older  than  those  upon  the 
very  works  under  consideration. 

There  are  in  the  Forks  of  Licking  River,  above  Newark,  in  the  county  of 
Licking,  very  remarkable  remains  of  antiquity,  said  by  many  to  be  as  much 
so  as  any  in  the  west.  Here,  as  at  Circleville,  the  same  singular  fact  is  ob- 
servable, respecting  the  openings  into  the  forts;  the  square  ones  having  sev- 
eral, but  the  round  ones  only  one,  with  a single  exception. 

Not  far  below  Newark,  on  the  south  side  of  the  Licking,  are  found  numer- 
ous wells  or  holes  in  the  earth.  “There  are,”  says  Mr.  Atwater,  “ at  least  a 
thousand  of  them,  many  of  which  are  now  more  than  20  feet  deep.”  Though 
called  wells,  my  author  says  they  were  not  dug  for  that  purpose.  They  have 
the  appearance  of  being  of  the  same  age  as  the  mounds,  and  were  doubtless 
made  by  the  same  people ; but  for  what  purpose  they  could  have  been  made, 
few  seem  willing  to  hazard  a conjecture. 

Four  or  five  miles  to  the  north-west  of  Somerset,  in  the  county  of  Perry, 
and  southwardly  from  the  works  on  the  Licking,  is  a stone  fort,  inclosing 
about  40  acres.  Its  shape  is  that  of  a heart,  though  bounded  by  straight  lines. 
In  or  near  its  centre  is  a circular  stone  mound,  which  rises,  like  a sugar-loaf, 
from  12  to  15  feet.  Near  this  large  work  is  another  small  fort,  whose  walls 
are  of  earth,  inclosing  but  about  half  an  acre.  I give  these  the  name  of 
forts,  although  Mr.  Atwater  says  he  does  not  believe  they  were  ever  construct- 
ed for  defence. 

There  are  curious  remains  on  both  sides  of  the  Ohio,  above  and  opposite 
the  mouth  of  the  Scioto.  Those  on  the  north  side,  at  Portsmouth,  are  the 
most  extensive,  and  those  on  the  other  side,  directly  opposite  Alexandria,  are 
the  most  regular.  They  are  not  more  remarkable  than  many  already  de- 
scribed. 

What  the  true  height  of  these  ruined  works  originally  was,  cannot  be  very 
well  ascertained,  as  it  is  almost  impossible  to  know  the  rate  of  their  diminu- 
tion, even  were  the  space  of  time  given ; but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  most 
of  them  are  much  diminished  from  the  action  of  tempests  which  have  swept 
over  them  for  ages.  That  they  were  the  works  of  a different  race  from  the 
present  Indians,  has  been  pretty  confidently  asserted  ; but  as  yet,  proof  is 
entirely  wanting  to  support  such  conclusion.  In  a few  instances,  some 
European  articles  have  been  found  deposited  in  or  about  some  of  the  works ; 
but  few  persons  of  intelligence  pronounce  them  older  than  others  of  the 
same  kind  belonging  to  the  period  of  the  French  wars. 

As  it  respects  inscriptions  upon  stones,  about  which  much  has  been  said 
and  written,  I am  of  the  opinion,  that  such  are  purely  Indian,  if  they  were 
not  made  by  some  white  maniac,  as  some  of  them  most  unquestionably  have 
been,  or  other  persons  who  deserve  to  be  classed  among  such  ; but  I would 
not  be  understood  to  include  those  of  South  America,  for  there  the  inhabitants 
evidently  had  a hieroglyphic  language.  Among  the  inscriptions  upon  stone 
in  New  England,  the  “ Inscribed  Rock,”  as  it  is  called,  at  Dighton,  Mass.,  is 
doubtless  the  most  remarkable.  It  is  in  Taunton  River,  about  six  miles  below 
the  town  of  Taunton,  and  is  partly  immersed  by  the  tide.  If  this  inscription 
was  made  by  the  Indians,  it  doubtless  had  some  meaning  to  it ; but  I doubt 
whether  any  of  them,  except  such  as  happened  to  know  what  it  was  done 
for,  knew  any  thing  of  its  import.  The  divers  faces,  figures  of  half-formed 
animals,  and  zigzag  lines,  occupy  a space  of  about  20  square  feet.  The  whim- 
sical conjectures  of  many  persons  about  the  origin  of  the  inscription,  might 
amuse,  but  could  not  instruct ; and  it  would  be  a waste  of  time  to  give  an 
account  of  them. 


Chap.  IV.] 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


45 


A stone,  once  thought  to  contain  some  marvellous  inscription,  was  deposit- 
ed a few  years  since  in  the  Antiquarian  Hall  at  Worcester,  Mass. ; and  it  was 
with  some  surprise,  that,  on  examining  it,  I found  nothing  but  a few  lines  of 
quartz  upon  one  of  its  surfaces.  The  stone  was  singular  in  no  respect  beyond 
what  may  be  found  in  half  the  farmers’  fields  and  stone  fences  in  New  Eng- 
land. 

In  a cave  on  the  bank  of  the  Ohio  River,  about  20  miles  below  the  mouth 
of  the  Wabash,  called  Wilson’s  or  Murder’s  Cave,  are  figures  engraven  upon 
stone,  which  have  attracted  great  attention.  It  was  very  early  possessed  by 
one  Wilson,  who  lived  in  it  with  his  family.  He  at  length  turned  robber,  and, 
collecting  about  40  other  wretches  like  himself  about  him,  took  all  the  boats 
which  passed  on  the  river  with  any  valuable  goods  in  them,  and  murdered  the 
crews.  He  was  himself  murdered  by  one  of  his  own  gang,  to  get  the  reward 
which  was  offered  for  his  apprehension.  Never  having  had  any  drawings  of 
the  hieroglyphics  in  this  cave,  we  cannot  form  any  very  conclusive  opinion 
upon  them.  As  a proof  of  their  antiquity,  it  has  been  mentioned,  that  among 
these  unknown  characters  are  many  figures  of  animals  not  known  now  to  be 
in  existence;  but  in  my  opinion,  this  is  in  no  wise  a conclusive  argument  of 
their  antiquity ; for  the  same  may  be  said  of  the  uncouth  figures  of  the  In- 
dian manitos  of  the  present  day,  as  well  as  those  of  the  days  of  Poichatan. 

At  Harmony,  on  the  Mississippi,  are  to  be  seen  the  prints  of  two  feet  imbed- 
ded in  hard  limestone.  The  celebrated  Rappe  conveyed  the  stone  containing 
them  from  St.  Louis,  and  kept  it  upon  his  premises  to  show  to  travellers. 
They  are  about  the  size  of  those  made  by  a common  man  of  our  times,  un- 
accustomed to  shoes.  Some  conclude  them  to  be  remains  of  high  antiquity. 
They  may,  or  may  not  be : there  are  arguments  for  and  against  such  conclu- 
sion ; but  on  which  side  the  weight  of  argument  lies  is  a matter  not  easily  to 
be  settled.  If  these  impressions  of  feet  were  made  in  the  soft  earth  before  it 
was  changed  into  fossil  stone,  we  should  not  expect  to  find  impressions , but  a 
formation  filling  them  of  another  kind  of  stone  (called  organic)  from  that  in 
which  the  impressions  were  made;  for  thus  do  organic  remains  discover 
themselves, -and  not  by  their  absence. 

A review  of  the  theories  and  opinions  concerning  the  race  or  races  anterior 
to  the  present  race  of  Indians  would  perhaps  be  interesting  to  many,  and  it 
would  be  a pleasing  subject  to  write  upon  : but,  as  I have  elsewhere  intimated, 
my  only  object  is  to  present  facts  as  I find  them,  without  wasting  time  in 
commentaries;  unless  where  deductions  cannot  well  be  avoided  without  leav- 
ing the  subject  more  obscure  than  it  would  evidently  be  without  them. 

Every  conjecture  is  attended  with  objections  when  they  are  hazarded  upon 
a subject  that  cannot  be  settled.  It  is  time  enough  to  argue  a subject  of  the 
nature  of  this  we  are  upon,  when  all  the  facts  are  collected.  To  write 
volumes  about  Shem,  Ham,  and  Japhet,  in  connection  with  a few  isolated  facts, 
is  a most  ludicrous,  and  worse  than  useless  business.  Some  had  said,  it  is  an 
argument  that  the  first  population  came  from  the  north,  because  the  works  of 
which  we  have  been  speaking  increase  in  importance  as  we  proceed  south  ; 
but  why  they  should  not  begin  until  the  people  who  constructed  them  had  ar- 
rived within  40°  of  the  equator,  (for  this  seems  to  be  their  boundary  north,)  it 
is  not  stated.  Perhaps  this  people  came  in  by  way  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  and 
did  not  need  any  works  to  defend  them  before  arriving  at  the  40°  of  north 
latitude.  The  reader  will  readily  enough  ask,  perhaps,  For  what  purpose 
could  fortifications  have  been  built  by  the  first  people  ? To  defend  them- 
selves from  wild  beasts,  or  from  one  another  ? With  this  matter,  however,  we 
have  nothing  to  do,  but  were  led  to  these  remarks,  preparatory  to  a compari- 
son between  the  antiquities  of  the  north,  with  those  of  the  south. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  is  said  the  original  people  of  North  America  must  have 
come  from  the  south,  and  that  their  progress  northward  is  evident  from  the 
same  works  ; with  this  difference,  that  as  the  people  advanced,  they  dwindled 
into  insignificance ; and  hence  the  remains  which  they  left  are  proportionate 
to  their  ability  to  make  them.  But  there  is  nothing  artificial  among  the  ancient 
ruins  of  North  America  that  will  compare  with  the  artificial  mountain  of  Ana- 
huac,  called  Cholula,  or  Chlolula,  which  to  this  day  is  about  164  feet  in  perpen- 
dicular height,  whose  base  occupies  a square,  the  side  of  which  measures  1450 


46 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUITIES, 


[Book  L 


feet.  Upon  this  the  Mexicans  had  an  immense  wooden  temple  when  Cortez 
overrun  their  empire.  A city  now  bears  the  name  of  Choi u la,  in  Puebla, 
60  miles  east  of  Mexico.  Yet  it  appears  from  Dr.  Beck's  Gazetteer  of  Illinois, 
that  there  is  standing  between  Belleville  and  St.  Louis,  a mound  600  yards  in 
circumference  at  its  base,  and  90  feet  in  height.  Mount  Joliet,  so  named  from 
the  Sieur  Joliet , a Frenchman,  who  travelled  upon  the  Mississippi  in  1673,  is 
a most  distinguished  mound.  It  is  on  a plain  about  600  yards  west  of  the 
River  des  Plaines,  and  150  miles  above  Fort  Clark.  Mr.  Schoolcraft  computed 
its  height  at  60  feet,  its  length  about  450  yards,  and  its  width  75.  Its  sides  are 
so  steep  that  they  are  ascended  with  difficulty.  Its  top  is  a beautiful  plain,  from 
which  a most  delightful  prospect  is  had  of  the  surrounding  country.  It  seems 
to  have  been  composed  of  the  earth  of  the  plain  on  which  it  stands.  Lake 
Joliet  is  situated  in  front  of  it ; being  a small  body  of  water  about  a mile  in 
length. 

Although  the  remains  of  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  South  America  differ 
considerably  from  those  of  North  America,  yet  I have  no  doubt  but  that  the 
people  are  of  the  same  race.  The  condition  even  of  savages  changes.  No 
nation  remains  stationary.  The  western  Indians  in  the  neighborhood  of  the 
lakes  do  not  make  pottery  at  the  present  day,  but  earthen  utensils  are  still  in 
use  among  the  remote  tribes  of  the  west.  This  is  similar  to  that  dug  up  in 
Ohio,  and  both  are  similar  to  that  found  in  South  America. 

In  speaking  of  “ ancient  pottery,”  Mr.  Schoolcraft  observes,  “ It  is  common, 
in  digging  at  these  salt  mines,  [in  Illinois,]  to  find  fragments  of  antique  pot- 
tery, and  even  entire  pots  of  a coarse  earthenware,  at  great  depths  below  the 
surface.  One  of  these  pots,  which  was,  until  a very  recent  period,  preserved 
by  a gentleman  at  Shawaneetown,  was  disinterred  at  a depth  of  80  feet,  and 
was  of  a capacity  to  contain  eight  or  ten  gallons.” 

We  see  announced  from  time  to  time,  in  the  various  newspapers  and  other 
periodicals,  discoveries  of  wonderful  things  in  various  places ; but  on  exam- 
ination it  is  generally  found  that  they  fall  far  short  of  what  we  are  led  to  ex- 
pect fr6m  the  descriptions  given  of  them.  We  hear  of  the  mins  of  cities  in 
the  banks  of  the  Mississippi ; copper  and  iron  utensils  found  at  great,  depths 
below  the  surface,  and  in  situations  indicating  that  they  must  have  been  de- 
posited there  for  three,  four,  or  five  hundred  years ! Dr.  McMurtrie  relates,  in  his 
“Sketches  of  Louisville,”  that  an  iron  hatchet  was  found  beneath  the  roots  of 
a tree  at  Shippingsport,  upwards  of  200  years  old.  He  said  he  had  no  doubt 
that  the  tree  had  grown  over  the  hatchet  after  it  was  deposited  there,  because 
“no  human  power  could  have  placed  it  in  the  particular  position  in  which  it 
was  found.” 

Upon  some  other  matters  about  which  we  have  already  spoken,  the  same 
author  says,  “That  walls,  constructed  of  bricks  and  hewn  stones,  have  been 
discovered  in  the  western  country,  is  a fact  as  clear  as  that  the  sun  shines 
when  he  is  in  his  meridian  splendor ; the  dogmatical  assertion  of  writers  to 
the  contrary  notwithstanding.”  My  author,  however,  had  not  seen  such  re- 
mains himself,  but  was  well  assured  of  their  existence  by  a gentleman  of  un- 
doubted veracity.  Unfortunately  for  the  case  he  relates,  the  persons  who  dis- 
covered the  ruins,  came  upon  them  in  digging,  at  about  18  feet  below  the  sur- 
face of  the  ground,  and  when  about  to  make  investigation,  water  broke  in 
upon  them,  and  they  were  obliged  to  make  a hasty  retreat. 

“A  fortified  town  of  considerable  extent,  near  the  River  St.  Francis,”  upon 
the  Mississippi,  was  said  to  have  been  discovered  by  a Mr.  Savage,  of  Louis- 
ville. He  found  its  walls  still  standing  in  some  places,  and  “part  of  the  walls 
of  a citadel , built  of  bricks , cemented  by  mortar."  Upon  some  of  these  ruins 
were  trees  growing  whose  annual  rings  numbered  300.  Some  of  the  bricks, 
says  Dr.  McMurtrie,  were  at  Louisville  when  he  wrote  his  Sketches;  and 
they  were  “composed  of  clay,  mixed  with  chopped  and  twisted  straw,  of 
regular  figures,  hardened  by  the  action  of  fire,  or  the  sun.” 

Mr.  Priest,  in  his  “ American  Antiquities,”  mentions  the  ruins  of  two  cities 
within  a few  miles  of  each  other,  nearly  opposite  St.  Louis;  but  from  what  he 
says  of  them  I am  unable  to  determine  what  those  ruins  are  composed  of 
After  pointing  out  the  site  of  them,  he  continues,  “Here  is  situated  one  of 
those  pyramids,  which  is  150  rods  in  circumference  at  its  base,  and  100  feet 


Chap.  IV.] 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUfTIES. 


47 


high*”  He  speaks  of  “cities,”  but  describes  pyramids  and  mounds.  If  there 
be  any  thing  like  the  works  of  men,  at  the  places  he  points  out,  different  from 
what  is  common  in  the  west,  it  is  very  singular  that  they  should  not  have  at- 
tracted the  notice  of  some  one  of  the  many  thousands  of  people  who  have 
for  50  years  passed  by  them.  Mr.  Brackenridge  speaks  of  the  antiquities  at 
this  place,  but  does  not  say  any  thing  about  cities.  He  observes,  “ The  most 
remarkable  appearances  are  two  groups  of  mounds  or  pyramids,  the  one 
about  10  miles  above  Cahokia,  the  other  nearly  the  same  distance  below  jt, 
which,  in  all,  exceed  150,  of  various  sizes.  The  western  side  also  contains  a 
considerable  number. 

“ A more  minute  description  of  those  about  Cahokia,  which  I visited  in  the 
fall  of  1811,  will  give  a tolerable  idea  of  them  all.  I crossed  the  Mississippi 
at  St.  Louis,  and  after  passing  through  the  wood  which  borders  the  river, 
about  half  a mile  in  width,  entered  an  extensive  open  plain.  In  15  minutes, 
I found  myself  in  the  midst  of  a group  of  mounds,  mostly  of  a circular  shape, 
and  at  a distance  resembling  enormous  haystacks  scattered  through  a meadow. 
One  of  the  largest  which  I ascended  was  about  200  paces  in  circumference  at 
the  bottom,  the  form  nearly  square,  though  it  had  evidently  undergone  con- 
siderable alteration  from  the  washing  of  the  rains.  The  top  was  level,  with 
an  area  sufficient  to  contain  several  hundred  men.” 

When  Mr.  Barlram  travelled  into  South  Carolina,  Georgia  and  Florida,  be- 
tween the  years  1773  and  1776,  he  saw  many  interesting  antiquities.  At  the 
Cherokee  town  of  Cowe,  oil  the  Tennessee  River,  which  then  contained  about 
100'houses,  he  noticed  that  “The  council  or  town-house  was  a large  rotunda, 
capable  of  accommodating  several  hundred  people : it  stands  on  the  top  of  an 
ancient  artificial  mount  of  earth,  of  about  20  feet  perpendicular,  and  the  ro- 
tunda on  the  top  of  it  being  about  30  feet  more,  gives  the  whole  fabric  an  ele- 
vation of  about  60  feet  from  the  common  surface  of  the  ground.  But,”  Mr. 
Bartram  continues,  “it  may  be  proper  to  observe,  that  this  mount,  on  which 
the  rotunda  stands,  is  of  a much  ancienter  date  than  the  building,  and  perhaps 
was  raised  for  another  purpose.  The  Cherokees  themselves  are  as  ignorant 
as  we  are,  by  what  people  or  for  what  purpose  these  artificial  hills  were 
raised;  they  have  various  stories  concerning  them,  the  best  of  which  amount 
to  no  more  than  mere  conjecture,  and  leave  us  entirely  in  the  dark ; but  they 
have  a tradition  common  with  the  other  nations  of  Indians,  that  they  found 
them  in  much  the  same  condition  as  they  now  appear,  when  their  forefathers 
arrived  from  the  west,  and  possessed  themselves  of  the  country,  after  vanquish- 
ing the  nations  of  red  men  who  then  inhabited  it,  who  themselves  found  these 
mounts  when  they  took  possession  of  the  country,  the  former  possessors  de- 
livering the  same  story  concerning  them.” 

Hence  it  is  to  be  observed  that  the  mounds  in  the  south  are  not  only  the 
same  as  those  in  the  north,  but  Indian  traditions  concerning  them  are  the 
same  also. 

At  Ottasse,  an  important  town  of  the  Cherokees,  the  same  traveller  saw  a 
most  singular  column.  It  stood  adjacent  to  the  town,  in  the  centre  of  an  ob- 
long square,  and  was  about  40  feet  high,  and  only  from  two  to  three  feet  thick 
at  its  base,  and  tapered  gradually  from  the  ground  to  its  top.  What  is  very 
remarkable  about  this  pillar  is  that,  notwithstanding  it  is  formed  of  a single 
stick  of  pine  timber,  the  Indians  or  white  traders  could  give  no  account  for 
what  purpose  it  was  erected ; and  to  the  inquiries  which  Mr.  Bartram  made 
of  the  Indians  concerning  it,  the  same  answer  was  given  as  when  questioned 
about  the  mounds ; viz.  that  their  ancestors  found  it  there,  and  the  people  that 
those  ancestors  dispossessed  knew  nothing  of  its  origin.  This  is  not  singular 
when  reference  is  had  to  mounds  of  earth,  but  when  the  same  account  is 
given  concerning  perishable  material,  the  shade,  at  least,  of  a suspicion  is  seen 
lurking  in  the  back  ground.  As  another  singular  circumstance,  it  is  observed 
that  no  trees  of  the  kind  of  which  this  column  was  made,  (pin.  palustris)  were 
to  be  found  at  that  time  nearer  than  12  or  15  miles. 

In  the  great  council-houses  at  Ottasse  were  observed,  upon  the  pillars  and 
walls,  various  paintings  and  sculptures,  supposed  to  be  hieroglyphics  of  his- 
torical legends,  and  political  and  sacerdotal  affairs.  “ They  are,”  observes 
Mr,  Bartram , “ extremely  picturesque  or  caricature,  as  men  in  a variety  of  at- 


48 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


[Book  I- 


titudes,  some  ludicrous  enough,  others  having  the  head  of  some  kind  of  ani- 
mal, as  those  of  a duck,  turkey,  bear,  fox,  wolf,  buck,  &c.  and  again  those 
kind  of  creatures  are  represented  having  the  human  head.  These  designs  are 
not  ill  executed  ; the  outlines  bold,  free  and  well-proportioned.  The  pillars 
supporting  the  front  or  piazza  of  the  council-house  of  the  square,  are  ingeni- 
ously formed  in  the  likeness  of  vast  speckled  serpents,  ascending  upwards ; 
the  Ottasses  being  of  the  Snake  tribe.” 

In  the  fourth  book  of  this  work  mention  has  been  made  of  the  great  high- 
ways in  Florida.  Mr.  Bartram  mentions  them,  but  not  in  a very  particular 
manner,  upon  the  St.  John’s  River.  As  his  sentiments  seem  to  be  those  of  a 
man  of  intelligence,  I will  offer  here  his  concluding  remarks  upon  the  Indian 
antiquities  of  the  country  he  visited.  “ I deem  it  necessary  to  observe  as  my 
opinion,  that  none  of  them  that  I have  seen,  discover  the  least  signs  of  the 
arts,  sciences,  or  architecture  of  the  Europeans  or  other  inhabitants  of  the  old 
world  ; yet  evidently  betray  every  sign  or  mark  of  the  most  distant  antiquity.” 

The  above  remark  is  cited  to  show  how  different  different  people  make  up 
their  minds  upon  the  same  subject ; it  shows  how  futile  it  is  for  us  to  spend 
time  in  speculating  upon  such  matters.  And,  as  I have  before  observed,  it  is 
time  enough  to  build  theories  after  facts  have  been  collected.  It  can  add 
nothing  to  our  stock  of  knowledge  respecting  our  antiquities,  to  talk  or  write 
forever  about  Nebuchadnezzar  and  the  lost  tribes  of  Jews ; but  if  the  time 
which  has  been  spent  in  this  manner,  had  been  devoted  to  some  useful  pur- 
suit, some  useful  object  would  have  been  attained.  As  the  matter  now  stands, 
one  object,  nevertheless,  is  clearly  attained,  namely,  that  of  misleading  or  con- 
founding the  understandings  of  many  uninformed  people.  I am  led  to  make 
these  observations  to  put  the  unwary  upon  their  guard. 

In  the  preceding  chapter  I have  given  various  accounts  of,  or  accounts  from 
various  authors,  who  imagine  that  a colony  of  Welsh  came  to  America  7 or  800 
years  ago.  It  is  as  truly  astonishing  as  any  thing  we  meet  with  to  observe 
how  many  persons  had  found  proofs  of  the  existence  of  tribes  of  Welsh  In- 
dians, about  the  same  period.  As  a case  exactly  in  point  with  that  mentioned 
at  the  beginning  of  the  last  paragraph,  I offer  what  Mr.  Brackenridge  says 
upon  this  matter.  “That  no  Welsh  nation  exists,”  he  observes,  “at  present, 
on  this  continent,  is  beyond  a doubt.  Dr.  Barton  has  taken  great  pains  to  as- 
certain the  languages  spoken  by  those  tribes  east  of  the  Mississippi,  and  the 
Welsh  finds  no  place  amongst  them  ; since  the  cession  of  Louisiana,  the  tribes 
west  of  the  Mississippi  have  been  sufficiently  known;  we  have  had  inter- 
course with  them  all,  but  no  Welsh  are  yet  found.  In  the  year  1798,  a young 
Welshman  of  the  name  of  Evans  ascended  the  Missouri,  in  company  with 
Makey,  and  remained  two  years  in  that  country ; he  spoke  both  the  ancient 
and  modern  Welsh,  and  addressed  himself  to  every  nation  between  that  river 
and  New  Spain,  but  found  no  Welshmen.”  This,  it  would  seem,  is  conclu- 
sive enough. 

Mr.  Peck^  in  his  “ Gazetteer  of  Illinois,”  has  aimed  so  happy  a stroke  at  the 
writers  on  our  antiquity,  that,  had  I met  with  his  rod  before  I had  made  the 
previous  remarks,  I should  most  certainly  have  made  use  of  it.  I shall  never- 
theless use  it.  After  saying  something  upon  the  antiquities  of  Illinois,  he  pro- 
ceeds: “Of  one  thing  the  writer  is  satisfied,  that  very  imperfect  and  incorrect 
data  have  been  relied  upon,  and  very  erroneous  conclusions  drawn,  upon 
western  antiquities.  Whoever  has  time  and  patience,  and  is  in  other  respects 
qualified  to  explore  this  field  of  science,  and  will  use  his  spade  and  eyes  to- 
gether, and  restrain  his  imagination  from  running  riot  amongst  mounds,  forti- 
fications, horseshoes,  medals,  and  whole  cabinets  of  relics  of  the  “olden  time,” 
will  find  very  little  more  than  the  indications  of  rude  savages,  the  ancestors 
of  the  present  race  of  Indians.” 


END  OF  BOOK  FIRST. 


Interior  view  of  a modern  Wigwam  and  Papooses, 


BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY 


OF  THE 

INDIANS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 


BOOK  II. 


/ 


> 


. 


Indians  viewing  the  approach  of  an  European  ship 


Manner  in  which  some  tribes  of  the  West  dispose  of'their  dead 


BOOK  II. 


BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY  OF  THE  NORTHERN 
OR  NEW  ENGLAND  INDIANS. 


“ ’Tis  good  to  muse  on  nations  passed  away 
Forever  from  the  land  we  call  our  own.” 

Yamoyden. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Conduct  of  the  early  voyagers  towards  the  Indians. — Some  account  of  the  individuals 
Donacona—Agona — Tasquantum,  or  Squanto — Dehamda — Skettwarroes — Assacu- 
met — Manida — Pechmo — Monopet — Pekenimne — Sakaweston — Epanow — Manawet 
— Wanape — Coneconam . 

The  first  voyagers  to  a countiy  were  anxious  to  confirm  the  truth  of  their 
accounts,  and  therefore  took  from  their  newly-discovered  lands  whatever 
seemed  best  suited  to  that  object.  The  inhabitants  of  America  carried  off 
by  Europeans  were  not,  perhaps,  in  any  instance,  taken  away  by  voyagers 
merely  for  this  object,  but  that  they  might,  in  time,  learn  from  them  the  value 
of  the  country  from  whence  they  took  them.  Besides  those  forcibly  carried 
away,  there  were  many,  doubtless,  who  went  through  overpersuasion,  and 
ignorance  both  of  the  distance  and  usage  they  should  meet  with  in  a land  of 
strangers ; which  was  not  always  as  it  should  have  been,  and  hence  such  as 
were  ill  used,  if  they  ever  returned  to  their  own  country,  were  prepared  to 
be  revenged  on  any  strangers  of  the  same  color,  that  chanced  to  come  among 
them. 

In  the  first  voyage  of  Columbus  to  America,  he  took  along  with  him,  on  his 
return  to  Spain,  a considerable  number  of  Indians ; how  many  we  do  not 
know  ; but  several  died  on  their  passage,  and  seven  were  presented  to  the  king. 
Vincente  Yanez  Pinzon , a captain  under  Columbus,  kidnapped  four  natives, 
whom  he  intended  to  sell  in  Spain  for  slaves ; but  Columbus  took  them  from 
him,  and  restored  them  to  their  friends.  In  this  first,  voyage  to  the  islands  of 
the  new  world,  the  blood  of  several  Indians  was  shed  by  the  hostile  arms  of 
the  Spaniards.* 

There  were  three  natives  presented  to  Henry  VII.  by  Sebastian  Cabot,  in 
1502,  which  he  had  taken  from  Newfoundland.  What  were  their  names,  or 
what  became  of  them,  we  are  not  informed ; but  from  the  notice  of  historians, 
we  learn  that,  when  found,  “ they  were  clothed  with  the  skins  of  beasts,  and 
lived  on  raw  flesh ; but  after  two  years,  [residence  in  England,]  were  seen  in 
the  king’s  court  clothed  like  Englishmen,  and  could  not  be  discerned  from 


* My  present  concern  not  being  with  the  Indians  of  South  America,  I beg  leave  to  refer  the 
reader  to  a little  work  lately  published,  entitled  The  Old  Indian  Chronicle,  in  which  all 
the  prominent  facts  concerning  the  atrocities  of  the  Spaniards  towards  them  will  be  found 
stated. 


4 


CONDUCT  OF  EARLY  VOYAGERS 


[Book  II. 


Englishmen.”*  These  were  the  first  Indians  ever  seen  in  England.!  They 
were  brought  to  the  English  court  “ in  their  country  habit,”  and  “ spoke  a 
language  never  heard  before  out  of  their  own  country.”  | 

The  French  discovered  the  River  St.  Lawrence  in  1508,  and  the  captain 
of  the  ship  who  made  the  discovery,  carried  several  natives  to  Paris,  which 
were  the  first  ever  seen  in  France.  What  were  their  names,  or  even  how 
many  they  were  in  number,  is  not  set  down  in  the  accounts  of  this  voyage. 
The  name  of  this  captain  was  Thomas  Aubert.§ 

John  Verazzini , in  the  service  of  France,  in  1524,  sailed  along  the  American 
coast,  and  landed  in  several  places.  At  one  place,  which  we  judge  to  be 
some  part  of  the  coast  of  Connecticut,  “ 20  of  his  men  landed,  and  went 
about  two  leagues  up  into  the  country.  The  inhabitants  fled  before  them, 
but  they  caught  an  old  woman  who  had  hid  herself  in  the  high  grass,  with  a 
young  woman  about  18  years  of  age.  The  old  woman  carried  a child  on  her 
back,  and  had,  besides,  two  little  boys  with  her.  The  young  woman,  too, 
carried  three  children  of  her  own  sex.  Seeing  themselves  discovered,  they 
began  to  shriek,  and  the  old  one  gave  them  to  understand,  by  signs,  that  the 
men  were  fled  to  the  woods.  They  offered  her  something  to  eat,  which  she 
accepted,  but  the  maiden  refused  it.  This  girl,  who  was  tall  and  well  shaped, 
they  were  desirous  of  taking  along  with  them,  but  as  she  made  a violent 
outcry,  they  contented  themselves  with  taking  a boy  away  with  them.”|j 
The  name  of  New  France  was  given  to  North  America  in  this  voyage.  In 
another  voyage  here,  Verazzini  was  killed,  and,  as  some  say,  eaten  by  the 
Indians. 

Few  of  the  early  voyagers  were  better  than  demi  savages,  for  they  would 
retaliate  upon  the  Indians  as  though  they  had  been  on  equal  footing  with  them, 
in  respect  to  their  own  ideas  of  justice.  When  Capt.  Hudson  discovered  and 
sailed  up  the  river  which  now  bears  his  name,  the  most  flagrant  injustice  was 
(Committed  on  the  Indians  by  some  of  his  men.  To  set  that  affair  in  a clear 
light  before  the  reader,  we  will  give  the  following  passages  from  the  journal  of 
Robert  Juet , one  of  the  voyage. 

1609,  Sept.  6.  Our  master  sent  John  Colman  with  four  men  to  sound  the 
river,  four  leagues  distant,  which  they  did,  but  in  their  return  to  the  ship,  they 
were  set  upon  by  Indians  in  two  canoes,  to  the  number  of  26 ; in  which  affair 
John  Colman  was  killed  by  an  arrow  shot  into  his  throat,  and  two  others  were 
wounded.  The  next  day  Colman  was  buried  on  a point  of  land  which  to  this 
day  bears  his  name. 

What  offence,  if  any,  was  given  to  the  Indians  to  provoke  this  attack  from 
them,  can  never  be  discovered ; but  from  the  course  of  proceedings  of  Hudson's 
men,  there  can  be  but  little  doubt  of  offence  of  some  kind  on  their  part. 

Sept.  8.  The  people  came  on  board  us,  and  brought  tobacco  and  Indian 
wheat,  to  exchange  for  knives  and  beads,  and  offered  us  no  violence.  So  we, 
fitting  up  our  boat,  did  mark  them,  to  see  if  they  would  make  any  show  of  the 
death  of  our  man,  but  they  did  not. 

Sept.  9.  In  the  morning  two  great  canoes  came  on  board  full  of  men ; one 
with  bows  and  arrows,  and  the  other  in  show  of  buying  knives  to  betray  us ; 
but  we  perceived  their  intention.  We  took  two  of  them,  to  have  kept  them, 
and  put  red  coats  on  them,  and  would  not  suffer  the  others  to  come  near  us, 
and  soon  after  the  canoes  leave  them.  Immediately  two  other  natives  came 
on  board  us ; one  we  took,  and  let  the  other  go,  but  he  soon  escaped  by  jump- 
ing overboard. 

* Rapin’s  Hist.  England,  i.  685.  ed.  fol. 

f This  is  upon  the  authority  of  Berkely.  Instead  of  England,  however,  he  says  Europe ; 
but,  by  saying  the  six,  which  Columbus  had  before  taken  from  St.  Salvador,  made  their 
escape,  he  shows  his  superficial  knowledge  of  those  affairs.  Hear  Herrera 

“ En  suitte  de  cela,  [ that  is,  after  Columbus  had  replied  to  the  king’s  letter  about  a second 
voyage,]  il  [Columbus]  partit  pour  aller  a Barcel one  auec  sept  Indiens , parce  que  les  autres 
estoient  marts  en  cliemin.  II  ft  porter  aueque  luy  aes  perroquets  verds,  et  de  rouges,  et 
d’ autres  choses  dignes  d’ admiration  qui  n’auoient  iamais  este  veuPs  en  Espagne.”  Hist,  des 
Indes  Occident,  i.  102.  Ed.  1660,  3 tomes,  4to.  See  also  Harris,  Voyages,  ii.  15.  ed.  1764, 

2 v.  fol. ; Robertson,  America,  i.  94.  ed.  1778,  4to. 

£ Berkely's  Naval  Hist.  Brit.  268.  ed.  1756,  fol.  and  Harris,  Voyages,  ii.  191. 

$ Forster,  432.  ||  Ibid.  434,  435. 


TOWARDS  THE  INDIANS. 


o 


Chap.  I.] 


Sept.  11.  The  ship  had  now  anchored  at  considerable  distance  up  the 
river.  The  people  of  the  country  came  op  board,  making  show  of  love,  and 
gave  us  tobacco  and  Indian  wheat. 

Sept.  12.  This  morning  there  came  eight-and-twenty  canoes  full  of  men, 
women  and  children  to  betray  us ; but  we  saw  their  intent,  and  suffered  none 
of  them  to  come  on  board.  They  have  great  tobacco  pipes  of  yellow 
copper,  and  pots  of  earth  to  dress  their  meat  in. 

That  the  Indians  came  “ to  betray  them,”  with  their  women  and  children, 
was  a mistaken  notion  of  our  voyagers,  but  they  were  not  acquainted  with 
the  manners  of  these  people.  It  is,  and  always  has  been  then'  universal 
custom  to  send  away  or  leave  at  home  their  families  when  they  go  out  upon 
an  expedition. 

Sept.  15.  Hudson  sails  20  leagues  farther  up  the  river,  “passing  by  high 
mountains,”  probably  the  high  lands  of  West  Point.  This  morning  the  two 
captive  savages  got  out  of  a port  of  the  ship  and  made  their  escape. 

Sept.  18.  The  master’s  mate  went  on  shore  with  an  old  Indian,  a sachem 
of  the  country,  who  took  him  to  his  house  and  treated  him  kindly. 

Oct.  1.  The  ship,  having  fallen  down  the  river  “ seven  miles  below  the 
mountains,”  comes  to  anchor.  One  man  in  a canoe  kept  hanging  under  the 
stem  of  the  ship,  and  would  not  be  driven  off.  He  soon  contrived  to  climb 
up  by  the  rudder,  and  got  into  the  cabin  window,  which  had  been  left  open, 
from  which  he  stole  a pillow,  two  shirts,  and  two  bandoleers.  The  mate  shot 
him  in  the  breast  and  killed  him.  Many  others  were  in  canoes  about  the  ship, 
who  immediately  fled,  and  some  jumped  overboard.  A boat  manned  from 
the  ship  pursued  them,  and  coming  up  with  one  in  the  water,  he  laid  hold  of 
the  side  of  the  boat,  and  endeavored  to  overset  it ; at  which  one  in  the  boat 
cut  off  his  hands  with  a sword,  and  he  was  drowned. 

Oct.  2.  They  fall  down  seven  leagues  farther,  and  anchor  again.  Then,  says 
Juet , came  one  of  the  savages  that  swam  away  from  us  at  our  going  up  the 
river,  with  many  others,  thinking  to  betray  us,  but  we  suffered  none  of  them 
to  enter  our  ship.  Whereupon  two  canoes,  full  of  men  with  their  bows  and 
arrows,  shot  at  us  after  our  stem  ; in  recompense  whereof  we  discharged  six 
muskets,  and  killed  two  or  three  of  them.  Then  above  an  hundred  of  them 
came  to  a point  of  land  to  shoot  at  us.  There  I shot  a falcon  at  them,  and 
killed  two  of  them;  whereupon  the  rest  fled  into  the  woods.  Yet  they 
manned  off  another  canoe  with  nine  or  ten  men,  which  came  to  meet  us ; so  I 
shot  at  it  also  a falcon,  and  shot  it  through,  and  killed  one  of  them.  Then  our 
men,  with  their  muskets,  killed  three  or  four  more  of  them. 

Thus  are  recorded  the  Indian  events  of  Hudson's  voyage  in  the  River 
Manna-hata , (as  he  learned  its  name,)  in  1609. 

Donacona , a chief  upon  the  River  St.  Croix,  was  met  with,  in  1535,  by  the 
voyager  James  Cartier , who  was  well  received  and  kindly  treated  by  him  and 
his  people ; to  repay  which,  Cartier , “ partly  by  stratagem  and  partly  by  force,” 
carried  him  to  France,  where  he  soon  after  died.*  Notwithstanding,  Cartier 
was  in  the  country  five  years  after,  where  he  found  Agona , the  successor  of 
Donacona , and  exchanged  presents  with  him,  probably  reconciling  him  by 
some  plausible  account  of  the  absence  of  Donacona . 

Tasquantum,  or  Tisquantum,  was  one  of  the  five  natives  carried  from  the 
coast  of  New  England,  in  1605,  by  Capt.  George  Way  mouth,  who  had  been 
sent  out  to  discover  a north-west  passage.  This  Indian  was  known  afterwards 
to  the  settlers  of  Plimouth,  by  whom  he  was  generally  called  ’ Squanto  or 
' Squantum , by  abbreviation.  The  names  of  the  other  four  were  Manida, 
SkaUwarroes,  Dehamda  and  Assacumet. 

Although  Gorges  does  not  say  Dehamda  was  one  brought  over  at  this  time, 
it  is  evident  that  he  was,  because,  so  far  as  we  can  discover,  there  were  no 
other  natives,  at  that  time  in  England,  but  these  five. 

Sir  tkrdinando  Gorges  says,  Waymouth , “falling  short  of  his  course,  [in 
seeking  the  N.  W.  passage,]  happened  into  a river  on  the  coast  of  America, 
called  Pemmaquid,  from  whence  he  brought  five  of  the  natives.”  “And  it  so 
pleased  our  great  God  that  ” Waymouth,  on  his  return  to  England,  “ came  into 


1* 


* Forster,  440 — 442. 


6 


CONDUCT  OF  EARLY  VOYAGERS 


[Book  1L 


the  harbor  of  Plymouth,  where  I then  commanded.”  Three* * * §  of  whose 
natives,  namely,  Manida , Skettivarroes  and  Tasquantmn , “I  seized  upon. 
They  were  all  of  one  nation,  but  of  several  parts,  and  several  families.  This 
accident  must  be  acknowledged  the  means,  under  God,  of  putting  on  foot 
and  giving  life  to  all  our  plantations.” 

Paying  great  attention  to  these  natives,  he  soon  understood  enough  by  them 
about  the  country  from  whence  they  came  to  establish  a belief  that  it  was  of 
great  value ; not  perhaps  making  due  allowance  for  its  being  their  home.  And 
Sir  Ferdinando  adds,  “ After  I had  those  people  sometimes  in  my  custody,  I 
observed  in  them  an  inclination  to  follow  the  example  of  the  better  sort ; and 
in  all  their  carriages,  manifest  shows  of  great  civility,  far  from  the  rudeness 
of  our  common  people.  And  the  longer  I conversed  with  them,  the  better 
hope  they  gave  me  of  those  parts  where  they  did  inhabit,  as  proper  for  our 
uses;  especially  when  I found  what  goodly  rivers,  stately  islands,  and  safe 
harbors,  those  pails  abounded  with,  being  the  special  marks  I leveled  at  as  the 
only  want  our  nation  met  with  in  all  their  navigations  along  that  coast.  And 
having  kept  them  full  three  years,  I made  them  able  to  set  me  down  what 
great  rivers  run  up  into  the  land,  what  men  of  note  were  seated  on  them, 
what  power  they  were  of,  how  allied,  what  enemies  they  had,”  &c. 

Thus  having  gained  a knowledge  of  the  country,  Sir  Ferdinando  got  ready 
“ a ship  furnished  with  men  and  all  necessaries  ” for  a voyage  to  America,  and 
sent  as  her  captain  Mr.  Henry  Challoung ,]•  with  whom  he  also  sent  two  of  his 
Indians.  The  names  of  these  were  Assacumet  and  Manida.  Chalons , having 
been  taken  sick  in  the  beginning  of  the  voyage,  altered  his  course,  and  lost 
some  time  in  the  West  Indies.  After  being  able  to  proceed  northward,  he 
departed  from  Porto  Rico,  and  was  soon  after  taken  by  a Spanish  fleet,  and 
carried  into  Spain,  “ where  their  ship  and  goods  were  confiscate,  themselves 
made  prisoners,  the  voyage  overthrown,  and  both  my  natives  lost.”  One, 
however,  Assacumet , was  afterwards  recovered,  if  not  the  other.  This  voyage 
of  Chalons  was  in  1606. 

It  appears  that  the  Lord  Chief  Justice  Popham  J had  agreed  to  send  a vessel 
to  the  aid  of  Chalons , which  was  accordingly  done  before  the  news  of  his 
being  taken  was  known  in  England.  For  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  says,  “ It 
pleased  the  lord  chief  justice,  according  to  his  promise,  to  despatch  Capt. 
[Martin]  Prin  from  Bristol,  with  hope  to  have  found  Capt.  Challounge ;” 
“ but  not  hearing  by  any  means  what  became  of  him,  after  he  had  made  a 
perfect  discovery  of  all  those  rivers  and  harbors,”  “brings  with  him  the  most 
exact  discovery  of  that  coast  that  ever  came  to  my  hands  since,  and,  indeed, 
he  was  the  best  able  to  perform  it  of  any  I met  withal  to  this  present,  [time,] 
which,  with  his  relation  of  the  country,  wrought  such  an  impression  in  the 
lord  chief  justice,  and  us  all  that  were  his  associates,  that  (notwithstanding  our 
first  disaster)  we  set  up  our  resolutions  to  follow  it  with  effect.” 

Dehamda  and  Sketlwarroes  were  with  Prin§  in  this  voyage,  and  were,  with- 
out doubt,  his  most  efficient  aids  in  surveying  the  coast.  It  appears  from 
Gorges,  that  Dehamda  was  sent  by  the  chief  justice,  who  we  suppose  had 
considered  him  his  property, ||  and  Skettwarroes  by  himself.  They  returned 
again  to  England  with  Prin. 

* It  seems,  from  this  part  of  his  narrative,  that  he  had  but  three  of  them,  but,  from  subsequent 
passages,  it  appears  he  had  them  all.  See  also  America  painted  to  the  Life. 

f Citations,  by  some.  Gorges  has  him,  sometimes,  Chalowns,  Chalon,  &c. 

j The  same  who  presided  at  the  trial  of  Sir  W.  Ralegh  and  his  associates,  in  1603.  See 
Prince’s  Worthies  of  Devon , 672,  673.  Fuller,  in  his  Worthies  of  England,  ii.  284,  says, 

“ Travelers  owed  their  safety  to  this  judge's  severity  many  years  after  his  death,  which 
happened  Anno  Domini  16*  thinking,  no  doubt,  he  had  much  enlightened  his  reader  by 
definitely  stating  that  Sir  John  Popham  died  some  time  within  a hundred  years.  The  severity 
referred  to  has  reference  to  his  importuning  King  James  not  to  pardon  so  many  robbers  and 
thieves,  which,  he  said,  tended  to  render  the  judges  contemptible,  and  “ which  made  him 
more  sparing  afterward."  * 

§ Gorges,  one  of  the  main  springs  of  these  transactions,  who  wrote  the  account  we  give, 
makes  no  mention  of  any  other  captain  accompanying  him ; yet  Dr.  Holmes’s  authorities, 
Annals,  i.  125,  led  him  to  record  Thomas  Hanam  as  the  performer  of  this  voyage.  And  a 
writer  of  1622  says,  Hanam,  or,  as  he  calls  him,  Hainan,  went  commander,  and  Prinne 
master.  See  2 Col.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  ix.  3.  This  agrees  with  the  account  of  Gorges  the 
younger. 

)|  He  had  probably  been  given  to  him  by  Sir  Ferdinando. 


Chap  I.] 


TOWARDS  THE  INDIANS. 


7 

The  next  year,  1607,  these  two  natives  piloted  the  first  New  England  colony 
to  the  mouth  of  Sagadahock  River,  since  the  Kennebeck.  They  left  England 
30  May,  and  did  not  arrive  here  until  8 August  following.  “ As  soon  as  the 
president  had  taken  notice  of  the  place,  and  given  order  for  landing  the 
provisions,  he  despatched  away  Captain  Gilbert,  with  Skitwarres  his  guide, 
for  the  thorough  discovery  of  the  rivers  and  habitations  of  the  natives,  bv 
whom  he  was  brought  to  several  of  them,  where  he  found  civil  entertainment, 
and  kind  respects,  far  from  brutish  or  savage  natures,  so  as  they  suddenly 
became  familiar  friends,  especially  by  the  means  of  Dehamda  and  Skitwarrers .” 
“ So  as  the  president  was  earnestly  intreated  by  Sassenow,  Aberemet,  and  others, 
the  principal  Sagamores,  (as  they  call  their  great  lords,)  to  go  to  the  Bashabas, 
who  it  seems  was  their  king.”  They  were  prevented,  however,  by  adverse 
weather,  from  that  journey,  and  thus  the  promise  to  do  so  was  unintentionally 
broken,  “ much  to  the  grief  of  those  Sagamores  that  were  to  attend  him.  The 
Bashebas,  notwithstanding,  hearing  of  his  misfortune,  sent  his  own  son  to  visit 
him,  and  to  beat  a trade  with  him  for  furs.” 

Several  sad  and  melancholy  accidents  conspired  to  put  an  end  to  this  first 
colony  of  New  England.  The  first  was  the  loss  of  meir  store-house,  contain- 
ing most  of  their  supplies,  by  fire,  in  the  winter  following,  and  another  was  the 
death  of  Lord  Popham.  It  consisted  of  100  men,  and  its  beginning  was 
auspicious ; but  these  calamities,  together  with  the  death  of  their  president, 
broke  down  their  resolutions.  So  many  discouragements,  notwithstanding  a 
ship  with  supplies  had  arrived,  determined  them  to  abandon  the  country, 
which  they  did  in  the  spring.* *  What  became  of  Dehamda  and  Skettwarroes 
there  is  no  mention,  but  they  probably  remained  in  the  country  with  their 
friends,  unless  the  passage  which  we  shall  hereafter  extract,  be  construed  to 
mean  differently .f 

To  return  to  Tisquantum . There  is  some  disagreement  in  the  narratives  of 
the  cotemporary  writers  in  respect  to  this  chief,  which  shows,  either  that  some 
of  them  are  in  error,  or  that  there  were  two  of  the  same  name — one  carried 
away  by  Waymouth,  and  the  other  by  Hunt . From  a critical  examination  of 
the  accounts,  it  is  believed  there  was  but  one,  and  that  he  was  earned  away 
by  Waymouth , as  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  relates,  whose  account  we  have  given 
above.!  It  is  impossible  that  Sir  Ferdinando  should  have  been  mistaken  in 
the  names  of  those  he  received  from  Waymouth.  The  names  of  those  carried 
off  by  Hunt  are  not  given,  or  but  few  of  them,  nor  were  they  kidnapped  until 
nine  years  after  Way  mouth’s  voyage.  It  is,  therefore,  possible  that  Squantum ,, 
having  returned  home  from  the  service  of  Gorges,  went  again  to  England 
with  some  other  person,  or  perhaps  even  with  Hunt.  But  we  are  inclined  to 
think  that  there  was  but  one  of  the  name,  and  his  being  carried  away  an  error 
of  inadvertence. 

Patuxet,  afterward  called  Plimouth,  was  the  place  of  residence  of  Squantum, 
who,  it  is  said,  was  the  only  person  that  escaped  the  great  plague  of  which 
we  shall  particularly  speak  in  the  life  of  Massasoit ; where,  at  the  same  time, 
we  shall  take  up  again  the  life  of  Squantum,  whose  history  is  so  intimately 
connected  with  it. 

It  was  in  1611  that  Captain  Edward  Harlow§  was  sent  “ to  discover  an  lie 
supposed  about  Cape  Cod,”  who  “ falling  with  Monagigan,  they  found  onely 
Caps  Cod  no  lie  but  the  maine ; there  [at  Monhigon  Island]  they  detained 
three  Saluages  aboord  them,  called  Pechmo,  Monopet  and  Pekenimne,  but 
Pechmo  leapt  ouerboard,  and  got  away  ; and  not  long  after,  with  his  consorts, 
cut  their  Boat  from  their  sterne,  got  her  on  shore,  and  so  filled  her  with  sand 
and  guarded  her  with  bowes  and  arrowes,  the  English  lost  her.”|| 

This  exploit  of  Pechmo  is  as  truly  brave  as  it  was  daring.  To  have  got 


* They  had  “ seated  themselves  in  a peninsula,  which  is  at  the  mouth  of  this  river,  [Sagada- 
hock,] where  they  built  a fortress  to  defend  themselves  from  their  enemies,  which  they  named 
St.  George.”  America  ■painted  to  the  Life,  by  Ferd.  Gorges,  Esq.  p.  19. 

t See  life  Massasoit. 

* It  is  plain,  from  Prince,  Chron.  134,  that  his  authors  had  confounded  the  names  of  these 
Indians  one  with  another. 

§ Sir  Ferd.  Gorges  is  probably  wrong  in  calling  him  Henry  Harley. 

1|  Capt.  Smith’s  Gen.  Hist.  N.  Eng. 


8 


HUNT’S  VOYAGE. 


[Book  IL 


under  the  stern  of  a ship,  in  the  face  of  armed  men,  and  at  the  same  time  to 
have  succeeded  in  his  design  of  cutting  away  and  carrying  off  their  boat,  was 
an  act  as  bold  and  daring,  to  say  the  least,  as  that  performed  in  the  harbor  of 
Tripoli  by  our  countryman  Decatur. 

From  Monhigon  Harlow , proceeding  southward,  fell  in  with  an  island 
called  then  by  the  Indians  JVohono.  From  this  place  “ they  tooke  Sakawes - 
ton,  that  after  he  had  lived  many  years  in  England,  went  a soldier  to  the  wars 
of  Bohemia.”* * * §  Whether  he  ever  returned  we  are  not  told.  From  this 
island  they  proceeded  to  Capawick,  since  called  Capoge,  [Martha’s  Vineyard.] 
Here  “ they  tooke  Corieconam  and  Epenow ,”  and  “ so,  with  fiue  Saluages,  they 
returned  for  England.” 

Epenow , or,  as  some  wrote,  Epanoiv,  seems  to  have  been  much  such  a 
character  as  Pechmo — artful,  cunning,  bold  and  daring.  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges 
is  evidently  erroneous  in  part  of  his  statement  about  this  native,  in  as  far  as  it 
relates  to  his  having  been  brought  away  by  Hunt  For  Harlow's  voyage  was 
in  1611,  and  Epanoiv  was  sent  over  to  Cape  Cod  with  Captain  Hobson,  in 
1614,  some  months  before  Hunt  left. 

As  it  is  peculiarly  gratifying  to  the  writer  to  hear  such  old  venerable  writers 
as  Smith,  Gorges,  &c.  speak,  the  reader  perhaps  would  not  pardon  him  were 
he  to  withhold  what  the  intimate  acquaintance  of  the  interesting  Epanoiv  says 
of  him.  Hear,  then,  Sir  Ferdinando  : — 

“ While  I was  laboring  by  what  means  I might  best  continue  life  in  my 
languishing  hopes,  there  comes  one  Henry  Harley\  unto  me,  bringing  with  him 
a native  of  the  Island  of  Capawick,  a place  seated  to  the  southward  of  Cape 
Cod,  whose  name  was  Epenewe,  a person  of  goodly  stature,  strong  and  well 
proportioned.  This  man  was  taken  upon  the  main,  [by  force,]  with  some  29J 
others  by  a ship  of  London  that  endeavored  to  sell  them  for  slaves  in  Spaine, 
but  being  understood  that  they  were  Americans,  and  being  found  to  be  unapt 
for  their  uses,  they  would  not  meddle  with  them,  this  being  one  of  them  they 
refused,  wherein  they  exprest  more  worth  than  those  that  brought  them  to  the 
market,  who  could  not  but  known  that  our  nation  was  at  that  time  in  travel  for 
setling  of  Christian  colonies  upon  that  continent,  it  being  an  act  much  tending 
to  our  prejudice,  when  we  came  into  that  part  of  the  countries,  as  it  shall 
further  appear.  How  Capt.  Harley  came  to  be  possessed  of  this  savage,  I 
know  not,  but  I understood  by  others  how  he  had  been  shown  in  London  for 
a wonder.  It  is  true  ( as  I have  said)  he  was  a goodly  man,  of  a brave  aspect, 
stout  and  sober  in  his  demeanor,  and  had  learned  so  much  English  as  to  bid 
those  that  wondered  at  him,  Welcome,  welcome  ; this  being  the  last  and  best 
use  they  could  make  of  him,  that  was  now  grown  out  of  the  people’s  wonder. 
The  captain,  falling  further  into  his  familiarity,  found  him  to  be  of  acquaintance 
and  friendship  with  those  subject  to  the  Bashaba,  whom  the  captain  well  knew, 
being  himself  one  of  the  plantation,  sent  over  by  the  lord  chief  justice, 
[ Popham,\  and  by  that  means  understood  much  of  his  language,  found  out 
the  place  of  his  birth,”  &c. 

Before  proceeding  with  the  history  of  Epanow,  the  account  of  Capt.  Thomas 
Hunt's  voyage  should  be  related  ; because  it  is  said  that  it  was  chiefly  owing 
to  his  perfidy  that  the  Indians  of  New  England  were  become  so  hostile  to  the 
voyagers.  Nevertheless,  it  is  plain,  that  (as  we  have  already  said)  Hunt  did 
not  commit  his  depredations  until  after  Epanow  had  escaped  out  of  the  hands 
of  the  English.  Capt.  John  Smith  was  in  company  with  Hunt,  and  we  will 
hear  him  relate  the  whole  transaction.  After  stating  that  they  arrived  at  Mon- 
higon in  April,  1614, § spent  a long  time  in  trying  to  catch  whales  without 
success  ; and  as  “ for  gold,  it  was  rather  the  master’s  device  to  get  a voyage, 
that  projected  it;”  that  for  trifles  they  got  “near  11000  beaver  skins,  100 


* Capt.  Smith’s  Gen.  Hist.  N.  Eng. 

f Perhaps  not  the  Capt.  Harlow  before  mentioned,  though  Prince  thinks  Gorges  means  him. 

j If  in  this  he  refers  to  those  taken  by  Hunt,  as  I suppose,  he  sets  the  number  higher  than 
others.  His  grandson,  F.  Gorges,  in  America  Painted,  &c.,  says  24  was  the  number  seized 
by  Hunt. 

§ Smith  had  an  Indian  named  Tantum  with  him  in  this  voyage,  whom  he  set  on  shore  at 
Cape  Cod. 


EPANOW. 


9 


Chap.  I.] 

martin,  and  as  many  otters,  the  most  of  them  within  the  distance  of  20  leagues,” 
and  his  own  departure  for  Europe,  Capt.  Smith  proceeds  : — 

“ The  other  ship  staid  to  fit  herself  for  Spain  with  the  dry  fish,  which  was 
sold  at  Malaga  at  4 rials  the  quintal,  each  hundred  weight  two  quintals  and  a 
half. — But  one  Thomas  Hunt , the  master  of  this  ship,  ( when  I was  gone,) 
thinking  to  prevent  that  intent  I had  to  make  there  a plantation,  thereby  to 
keep  this  abounding  country  still  in  obscurity,  that  only  he  and  some  few 
merchants  more  might  enjoy  wholly  the  benefit  of  the  trade,  and  profit  of  this 
country,  betrayed  four-and-twenty  of  those  poor  salvages  aboard  his  ship,  and 
most  dishonestly  and  inhumanly,  for  their  kind  usage  of  me  and  all  our  men, 
carried  them  with  him  to  Malaga  ; and  there,  for  a little  private  gain,  sold  these 
silly  salvages  for  rials  of  eight ; but  this  vile  act  kept  him  ever  after  from  any 
more  employment  to  those  parts.” 

F.  Gorges  the  younger  is  rather  confused  in  his  account  of  Hunt's  voyage, 
as  well  as  the  elder.  But  the  former  intimates  that  it  was  on  account  of  Hunt's 
selling  the  Indians  he  took  as  slaves,  the  news  of  which  having  got  into 
England  before  Epanow  was  sent  out,  caused  this  Indian  to  make  his  escape, 
and  consequently  the  overthrow  of  the  voyage  ; whereas  the  latter,  Sir  Ferdi- 
nando,  does  not  attribute  it  to  that.  We  will  now  hear  him  again  upon  this 
interesting  subject : — 


“ The  reasons  of  my  undertaking  the  employment  for  the  island  of  Capawick. 

“ At  the  time  this  new  savage  [Epanow]  came  unto  me,  I had  recovered 
. issacumet , one  of  the  natives  I sent  with  Capt.  Chalownes  in  his  unhappy 
employment,  with  whom  I lodged  Epenaw , who  at  the  first  hardly  understood 
one  the  other’s  speech,  till  after  a while ; I perceived  the  difference  was  no 
more  than  that  as  ours  is  between  the  northern  and  southern  people,  so  that  1 
was  a little  eased  in  the  use  I made  of  my  old  servant,  whom  I engaged  to  give 
account  of  what  he  learned  by  conference  between  themselves,  and  he  as 
faithfully  performed  it.” 

There  seems  but  little  doubt  that  Epanow  and  Assacumet  had  contrived  a plan 
of  escape  before  they  left  England,  and  also,  by  finding  out  what  the  English 
most  valued,  and  assuring  them  that  it  was  in  abundance  to  be  had  at  a certain 
place  in  their  own  country,  prevailed  upon  them,  or  by  this  pretended  dis- 
covery were  the  means  of  the  voyage  being  undertaken,  of  which  we  are  now 
to  speak.  Still,  as  will  be  seen,  Sir  Ferdinando  does  not  speak  as  though  he  had 
been  quite  so  handsomely  duped  by  his  cunning  man  of  the  woods.  Gold,  it 
lias  been  said,  was  the  valuable  commodity  to  which  Epanow  was  to  pilot  the 
English.  Gorges  proceeds  : — 

“ They  [Capt.  Hobson  and  those  who  accompanied  him]  set  sail  in  June,  in 
Anno  1614,  being  fully  instructed  how  to  demean  themselves  in  every  kind, 
carrying  with  them  Epenow , Assacomet , and  Wanape*  another  native  of  those 
parts  sent  me  out  of  the  Isle  of  Wight, f for  my  better  information  in  the  parts 
of  the  country  of  his  knowledge : when  as  it  pleased  God  that  they  were 
arrived  upon  the  coast,  they  were  piloted  from  place  to  place,  by  the  natives 
themselves,  as  well  as  their  hearts  could  desire.  And  coming  to  the  harbor 
where  Epenow  was  to  make  good  his  undertaking,  [to  point  out  the  gold  mine, 
no  doubt,]  the  principal  inhabitants  of  the  place  came  aboard  ; some  of  them 
being  his  brothers,  others  his  near  cousins,  [or  relatives,]  who,  after  they  had 
communed  together,  and  were  kindly  entertained  by  the  captain,  departed  in 
then*  canoes,  promising  the  next  morning  to  come  aboard  again,  and  bring 
some  trade  with  them.  But  Epenow  privately  (as  it  appeared)  had  contracted 
with  his  friends,  how  he  might  make  his  escape  without  performing  what  he 
had  undertaken,  being  in  truth  no  more  than  he  had  told  me  he  was  to  do 
though  with  loss  of  his  life.  For  otherwise,  if  it  were  found  that  he  had  dis- 


* Doubtless  the  same  called  by  others  Manawet,  who,  it  would  seem  from  Mr.  Hubbard, 
(Hist.  N.  Eng.  39.)  died  before  Epanow  escaped,  u soon  after  the  ship’s  arrival.” 
t How  he  came  there,  we  are  at  a loss  to  determine,  unless  natives  were  carried  off,  of 
whom  no  mention  is  made.  This  was  unquestionably  the  case,  for  when  it  came  to  be  a 
common  thing  for  vessels  to  bring  home  Indians,  no  mention,  of  course,  would  be  made 
of  them,  especially  if  they  went  voluntarily,  as,  no  doubt,  many  did. 


10 


EPANOW. 


[Book  II. 


covered  the  secrets  of  his  country,*  he  was  sure  to  have  his  brains  knockt  out 
as  soon  as  he  came  ashore  ;f  for  that  cause  I gave  the  captain  strict  charge  to 
endeavor  by  all  means  to  prevent  his  escaping  from  them.  And  for  the  more 
surety,  I gave  order  to  have  three  gentlemen  of  my  own  kindred  to  be  ever  at 
hand  with  him  ; clothing  him  with  long  garments,  fitly  to  be  laid  hold  on,  if 
occasion  should  require.  Notwithstanding  all  this,  his  friends  being  all  come 
at  the  time  appointed  with  twenty  canoes,  and  lying  at  a certain  distance  with 
their  bows  ready,  the  captain  calls  to  them  to  come  aboard  ; but  they  not 
moving,  he  speaks  to  Epenow  to  come  unto  him,  where  he  was  in  the  fore- 
castle of  the  ship,  he  being  then  in  the  waste  of  the  ship,  between  the  two 
gentlemen  that  had  him  in  guard  ; starts  suddenly  from  them,  and  coming  to 
the  captain,  calls  to  his  friends  in  English  to  come  aboard,  in  the  interim  slips 
himself  overboard : And  although  he  were  taken  hold  of  by  one  of  the  com- 
pany, yet,  being  a strong  and  heavy  man,  could  not  be  stayed,  and  was  no 
sooner  in  the  water,  but  the  natives,  [his  friends  in  the  boats,]  sent  such  a 
shower  of  arrows,  and  came  withal  desperately  so  near  the  ship,  that  they 
carried  him  away  in  despight  of  all  the  musquetteers  aboard,  who  were,  for  the 
number,  as  good  as  our  nation  did  afford.  And  thus  were  my  hopes  of  that 
particular  [voyage]  made  void  and  frustrate.” 

From  the  whole  of  this  narration  it  is  evident  that  Epanow  was  forcibly 
retained,  if  not  forcibly  carried  off,  by  the  English.  And  some  relate];  that  he 
attacked  Capt.  Dermer  and  his  men,  supposing  they  had  come  to  seize  and 
carry  him  back  to  England.  It  is  more  probable,  we  think,  that  he  meant 
to  be  revenged  for  his  late  captivity,  and,  according  to  real  Indian  custom, 
resolved  that  the  first  whites  should  atone  for  it,  either  with  their  life  or  liberty. 
Gorges  does  not  tell  us  what  his  brave  “ musquetteers  ” did  when  Epanow 
escaped,  but  from  other  sources  we  learn  that  they  fired  upon  his  liberators, 
killing  and  wounding  some,  but  how  many,  they  could  only  conjecture.  But 
there  is  no  room  for  conjecture  about  the  damage  sustained  on  the  part  of  the 
ship’s  crew,  for  it  is  distinctly  stated  that  when  they  received  the  “ shower  of 
arrows,”  Capt.  Hobson  and  many  of  his  men  were  wounded.§  And  Smith\\ 
says,  “ So  well  he  had  contrived  his  businesse,  as  many  reported  he  intended 
to  have  surprised  the  ship ; but  seeing  it  could  not  be  effected  to  his  liking, 
before  them  all  he  leaped  ouer  boord.” 

We  next  meet  with  Epanow  in  1619.  Capt.  Thomas  Dormer , or  Dermer , in 
the  employ  of  Sir  F.  Gorges,  met  with  him  at  Capoge,  the  place  where,  five 
years  before,  he  made  his  escape  from  Capt.  Hobson.  Gorges  writes,  “ This 
savage,  speaking  some  English,  laughed  at  his  owne  escape,  and  reported  the 
story  of  it.  Mr.  Dormer  told  him  he  came  from  me,  and  was  one  of  my  ser- 
vants, and  that  I was  much  grieved  he  had  been  so  ill  used  as  to  be  forced  to 
steal  away.  This  savage  was  so  cunning,  that,  after  he  had  questioned  him 
about  me,  and  all  he  knew  belonged  unto  me,  conceived  he  was  come  on  .pur- 
pose to  betray  him ; and  [so]  conspired  with  some  of  his  fellows  to  take  the 
captain  ; thereupon  they  laid  hands  upon  him.  But  he  being  a brave,  stout 
gentleman,  drew  his  sword  and  freed  himself,  but  not  without  14  wounds. 
This  disaster  forced  him  to  make  all  possible  haste  to  Virginia  to  be  cured  of 
his  wounds.  At  the  second  return  [he  having  just  come  from  there]  he  had 
the  misfortune  to  fall  sick  and  die,  of  the  infirmity  many  of  our  nation  are 
subject  unto  at  their  first  coming  into  those  parts.” 

The  ship’s  crew  being  at  the  same  time  on  shore,  a fight  ensued,  in  which 
some  of  Epanow' s company  were  slain.  “ This  is  the  last  time,”  says  a writer 
in  the  Historical  Collections,  “ that  the  soil  of  Martha’s  Vineyard  was  stained 
with  human  blood ; for  from  that  day  to  the  present  [1807]  no  Indian  has  been 
killed  by  a white  man,  nor  white  man  by  an  Indian.” 

In  relation  to  the  fight  which  Dermer  and  his  men  had  with  the  Indians  at 
the  Vineyard,  Morton  IF  relates  that  the  English  went  on  shore  to  trade  with 
them,  when  they  were  assaulted  and  all  the  men  slain  but  one  that  kept  the 

* The  secrets  of  the  sandy  island  Capoge,  or  the  neighboring  shores  of  Cape  Cod,  whatever 
they  are  now,  existed  only  in  faith  of  such  sanguine  minds  as  Sir  Ferdinando  and  his  adherents. 

f We  need  no  better  display  of  the  craft  of  Epanow,  or  proof  of  his  cunning  in  deep  plots. 

| Belknap , Amer.  Biog.  i.  362.  $ Smith’s  New  England. 

||  Ibid.  IT  N.  Eng.  Memorial,  58,  59. 


Chap.  II.]  FIRST  SETTLEMENT  AT  PLIMOUTH.  11 

boat.  “But  the  [captain]  himself  got  on  board  very  sore  wounded,  and  they 
had  cut  off  his  head  upon  the  cuddy  of  the  boat,  had  not  his  man  rescued  him 
with  a sword,  and  so  they  got  him  away.”  Squanto  was  with  Capt.  Dermer  at 
this  time,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  life  of  Massasoit. 

CHAPTER  II. 

Arrival  and  first  Proceedings  of  the  English  who  settle  at  Plimouth  Their  first 
discovery  of  Indians — Their  first  battle  with  them — Samoset — Squanto — Massasoit 
— Iyanough — Aspinet — Cauneconam — Caunbitant — Wittuwamet — Peksuot — 
Hobomok- — Tokamahamon — Obbatinewat — Nanepashamet — Squaw-Sachem  of 
Massachusetts — Webcowct. 

In  1620  some  determined  white  people,  with  the  most  astonishing  and 
invincible  firmness,  undertook  to  wander  3000  miles  from  the  land  of  their 
birth,  and,  in  the  most  hazardous  manner,  to  take  up  a permanent  abode  upon 
the  borders  of  a boundless  wilderness, — a wilderness  as  great,  or  far  greater, 
for  aught  they  knew,  than  the  expanse  of  ocean  which  they  were  to  pass. 
But  all  dangers  and  difficulties,  there  to  be  encountered,  weighed  nothing  in 
; comparison  with  the  liberty  of  conscience  which  they  might  enjoy  when 
once  beyond  the  control  of  their  bigoted  persecutors. 

These  singular  people  had  liberty  from  their  oppressor,  James  I.,  to  go  and 
settle  in  this  wilderness,  and  to  possess  themselves  of  some  of  the  lands  of 
the  Indians,  provided  they  paid  him  or  some  of  his  friends  for  them.  No  one 
1 seems  then  to  have  questioned  how  this  king  came  by  the  right  and  title  to 
lands  here,  any  more  than  how  he  came  by  his  crown.  They  were  less  scru- 
pulous, perhaps,  in  this  matter,  as  the  king  told  them,  in  a charter  * which 
he  granted  them,  though  not  till  after  they  had  sailed  for  America,  “that  he 

\ HAD  BEEN  GIVEN  CERTAINLY  TO  KNbWE,  THAT  WITHIN  THESE  LATE  YEARES 
; THERE  HATH,  BY  God’s  VISITATION,  RAIGNED  A WONDERFULL  PLAGUE,  TO- 
! GETHER  WITH  MANY  HORRIBLE  SLAUGHTERS  AND  MLRTHERS,  COMMITTED 
AMOUNGST  THE  SAUAGES  AND  BRUTISH  PEOPLE  THERE  HEERTOFORE  INHAB- 
j ITING,  IN  A MANNER  TO  THE  UTTER  DESTRUCTION,  DEVASTACION  AND  DEPOP- 
I ULACION  OF  THAT  WHOLE  TERR1TORYE,  SO  THAT  THERE  IS  NOT  LEFT,  FOR 
' MANY  LEAGUES  TOGETHER  IN  A MANNER,  ANY  THAT  DOE  CLAIME  OR  CHALLENGE 

any  kind  of  interests  therein.”  f This  was,  doubtless,  as  well  known,  if 
not  better,  to  the  Pilgrims  (as  they  were  aptly  called)  as  to  King  James. 

After  numerous  delays  and  disappointments,  the  Pilgrims,  to  the  number  of 
| 41,  with  their  wives,  J;  children,  and  servants,  sailed  from  Plimouth,  in  England, 
( in  one  small  ship,  called  the  Mayflower,  on  Wednesday,  the  6th  of  September, 
j Their  passage  was  attended  with  great  peril ; but  they  safely  arrived  at  Cape 
] Cod,  9 Nov.  following,  without  the  loss  of  any  of  their  number.  They  now 
1 proceeded  to  make  the  necessary  discoveries  to  seat  themselves  on  the  barren 
4 coast.  One  of  the  first  things  they  found  necessary  to  do,  to  preserve  order 
« among  themselves,  was,  to  form  a kind  of  constitution,  or  general  outline  of 
j government.  Having  done  this,  it  was  signed  by  the  41,  two  days  after  their 
i arrival,  viz.  11  Nov.  The  same  day,  15  or  16  of  their  number,  covered  with 
i armor,  proceeded  to  the  land,  and  commenced  discoveries.  The  Indians  did 
not  show  themselves  to  the  English  until  the  15th,  and  then  they  would  have 
; nothing  to  say  to  them.  About  5 or  6 at  first  only  appeared,  who  fled  into  the 
I woods  as  soon  as  they  had  discovered  themselves.  The  Englishmen  followed 
t them  many  miles,  but  could  not  overtake  them. 

First  Battle  with  the  Indians. — This  was  upon  8 Dec.  1620,  and  we  will 
give  the  account  of  it  in  the  language  of  one  that  was  an  actor  in  it  “ We 
went  ranging  up  and  down  till  the  sun  began  to  draw  low,  and  then  we  hasted 


* This  charter  bears  date  3 Nov.  1620.  Chalmers , Polit.  Annals,  81. 
i t Hazard’s  Hist.  Collections,  I,  105,  where  the  entire  charter  may  be  seen.  It  was 
i afterwards  called  The  Grand  Plimouth  Patent.  Chalmers,  ib. 

J There  were,  in  all,  28  females. 


12  FIRST  BATTLE  WITH  THE  INDIANS.— SAMOSET.  [Book  II. 

out  of  the  woods  that  we  might  come  to  our  shallop.  By  that  time  we  had 
done,  and  our  shallop  come  to  us,  it  was  within  night  [7  Dec.],  and  we  betook 
us  to  our  rest,  after  we  had  set  our  watch. 

“ About  midnight  we  heard  a great  and  hideous  ciy,  and  our  sentinel  called 
Arm!  arm!  So  we  bestirred  ourselves,  and  shot  off  a couple  of  muskets,  and 
[the]  noise  ceased.  We  concluded  that  it  was  a company  of  wolves  and  foxes, 
for  one  [of  our  company]  told  us  he  had  heard  such  a noise  in  Newfoundland. 
About  5 o’clock  in  the  morning  [8  Dec.]  we  began  to  be  stirring.  Upon  a 
sudden  we  heard  a great  and  strange  cry,  which  we  knew  to  be  the  same 
voices,  though  they  varied  their  notes.  One  of  our  company,  being  abroad, 
came  running  in  and  cried,  They  are  men!  Indians!  Indians !!  and  withal 
their  arrows  came  flying  amongst  us.  Our  men  ran  out  with  all  speed  to 
recover  their  arms.  The  cry  of  our  enemies  was  dreadful,  especially  when 
our  men  ran  out  to  recover  their  arms.  Their  note  was  after  this  manner, 
JVoaeh  icoach  ha  ha  hack  woach.  Our  men  were  no  sooner  come  to  their  arms, 
but  the  enemy  was  ready  to  assault  them.  There  was  a lusty  man,  and  no 
whit  less  valiant,  who  was  thought  to  be  their  captain,  stood  behind  a tree, 
within  half  a musket  shot  of  us,  and  there  let  his  arrows  fly  at  us.  He  stood 
three  shots  of  a musket.  At  length  one  of  us,  as  he  said,  taking  full  aim  at 
him,  he  gave  an  extraordinary  cry,  and  away  they  went  all.” 

It  is  not  certain  that  any  blood  was  shed  in  this  battle ; but  it  was  pretty 
strongly  presumed  that  the  big  captain  of  the  Indians  was  wounded.  The 
Indians  having  retreated,  the  conquerors  were  left  in  possession  of  the  battle- 
ground, and  they  proceeded  to  gather  together  the  trophies  of  this  their  first 
victory.  They  picked  up  18  arrows,  which  they  sent  to  their  friends  in  Eng- 
land by  the  return  of  the  Mayflower.  Some  of  these  were  curiously  “ headed 
with  brass,  some  with  harts’  horn,  and  others  with  eagles’  claws.”  * 

It  appeared  afterwards  that  this  attack  was  made  by  the  Nauset  Indians, 
whose  chief’s  name  was  Aspinet.  Whether  he  was  the  leader  in  this  fight,  is 
not  known ; but  he  probably  was.  The  place  where  the  affair  happened  was 
called  by  the  Indians  JYamskeket ; but  the  English  now  called  it  The  First 
Encounter. 

The  ELEVENTH  OF  DECEMBER,  ever  memorable  in  the  history  of 
New  England,  was  now  come,  and  this  was  the  day  of  the  LANDING  OF 
THE  PILGRIMS.  A place  upon  the  inhospitable  shore  had  been  fixed  upon, 
and  was  this  day  taken  possession  of,  and  never  again  deserted.  The  ship 
until  then  had  been  their  permanent  abode,  which  now  they  gladly  exchanged 
for  the  sandy  shore  of  the  bay  of  Cape  Cod. 

Welcome,  Englishmen!  Welcome,  Englishmen!  are  words  so  inseparably 
associated  with  the  name  of  Samoset , that  we  can  never  hear  the  one  without 
the  pleasing  recollection  of  the  other.  These  were  the  first  accents  our  pilgrim 
fathers  heard,  on  the  American  strand,  from  any  native.  We  mean  intelligible 
accents,  for  when  they  were  attacked  at  Namskeket,  on  their  first  arrival,  they 
heard  only  the  frightful  war-whoop. 

The  first  time  Indians  were  seen  by  the  pilgrims,  was  upon  15th  Nov.  1620. 
“ They  espied  5 or  6 people,  with  a dog,  coming  towards  them,  who  were 
savages ; who,  when  they  saw  them,  ran  into  the  woods,  and  whistled  the  dog 
after  them.”  f And  though  the  English  ran  towards  them,  when  the  Indians 
perceived  it  “ they  ran  away  might  and  main,”  and  the  English  “ could  not 
come  near  them.”  Soon  after  this,  Morton  says  the  Indians  “got  all  the 
powaws  in  the  country,  who,  for  three  days  together,  in  a horid  and  devilish 
maner  did  curse  and  execrate  them  with  their  conjurations,  which  assembly 


* Mourt’s  Relation , in  1 Mass.  Hist.  Col.  VIII,  218,  219. 

f Relation  or  Journal  of  a Plantation  settled  at  Plymouth , in  N.  E.  usually  cited  Mourt}s 
Relation.  It  was,  no  doubt,  written  by  several  of  the  company,  or  the  writer  was  assisted  by 
several.  Mourt  seems  to  have  been  the  publisher.  I have  no  scruple  but  that  the  suggestion 
of  Judge  Davis  is  correct,  viz.  that  Richard  Gardner  was  the  principal  author.  About  the 
early  settlement  of  any  country,  there  never  was  a more  important  document.  It  was  printed 
in  1622,  and  is  now  reprinted  in  the  Mass.  Hist.  Col.,  and  we  hope  soon  to  see  it  printed  in  a 
volume  by  itself  in  a style  worthy  of  its  importance.  As  it  stands  in  the  Hist.  Collections,  it  is 
very  difficult  to  consult,  a part  of  it  being  contained  in  one  volume,  and  the  remainder  in 
another. 


Chap.  II  ] THE  PLAGUE.— NEW  INTERVIEW.  13 

and  service  they  held  iu  a dark  and  dismal  swamp.  Behold  how  Satan  labor- 
ed to  hinder  the  gospel  from  coming  into  New  England!  ” 

It  was  on  Friday,  lGth  March,  1G21,  that  Samoset  suddenly  appeared  at 
Plimouth,  and,  says  Mourt , “ He  very  boldly  came  all  alone,  and  along  the 
houses,  strait  to  the  rendezvous,  where  we  intercepted  him,  not  suffering  him 
to  go  in,  as  undoubtedly  he  would,  out  of  his  boldness.”  He  was  naked,  “ only 
a leather  about  his  waist,  with  a fringe  about  a span  long.”  The  weather  was 
very  cold,  and  this  author  adds,  “We  cast  a horseman’s  coat  about  him.”  To 
reward  them  for  their  hospitality,  Samoset  gave  them  whatever  information 
they  desired.  “ He  had,  say  they,  learned  some  broken  English  amongst  the 
Englishmen  that  came  to  fish  at  Monhiggon,  and  knew  by  name  the  most  of 
the  captains,  commanders,  and  masters,  that  usually  come  [there].  He  was  a 
man  free  in  speech,  so  far  as  he  could  express  his  mind,  and  of  seemly  car- 
riage. We  questioned  him  of  many  things  : he  was  the  first  savage  we  could 
meet  withal.  He  said  he  was  not  of  those  parts,  but  of  Moratiggon,  and  one 
of  the  sagamores  or  lords  thereof : had  been  8 months  in  these  parts,  it  lying 
hence  [to  the  eastward]  a day’s  sail  with  a great  wind,  and  five  days  by  land. 
He  discoursed  of  the  whole  country,  and  of  every  province,  and  of  their  sag- 
amores, and  their  number  of  men,  and  strength.”  “ He  had  a bow  and  two 
arrows,  the  one  headed,  and  the  other  unheaded.  He  was  a tall,  strait  man ; 
the  hair  of  his  head  black,  long  behind,  only  short  before  ; none  on  his  face  at 
all.  He  asked  some  beer,  but  we  gave  him  strong  water,  and  biscuit,  and 
butter,  and  cheese,  and  pudding,  and  a piece  of  a mallard ; all  which  he  liked 
well.”  “ He  told  us  the  place  where  we  now  live  is  called  Patuxet,  and  that 
about  4 years  ago  all  the  inhabitants  died  of  an  extraordinary  plague,  and  there 
is  neither  man,  woman,  nor  child  remaining,  as  indeed  we  have  found  none ; 
so  as  there  is  none  to  hinder  our  possession,  or  lay  claim  unto  it.  All  the 
afternoon  we  spent  in  communication  with  him.  We  would  gladly  been  rid 
of  him  at  night,  but  he  was  not  willing  to  go  this  night.  Then  we  thought  to 
carry  him  on  ship-board,  wherewith  he  was  well  content,  and  went  into  the 
shallop ; but  the  wind  was  high  and  water  scant,  that  it  could  not  return  back. 
We  lodged  [with  him]  that  night  at  Stephen  Hopkins'  house,  and  watched 
him.” 

Thus,  through  the  means  of  this  innocent  Indian,  was  a correspondence 
happily  begun.  He  left  Plimouth  the  next  morning  to  return  to  Massasoit, 
who,  he  said,  was  a sachem  having  under  him  60  men.  The  English  having 
left  some  tools  exposed  in  the  woods,  on  finding  that  they  were  missing,  rightly 
judged  the  Indians  had  taken  them.  They  complained  of  this  to  Samoset  in 
rather  a threatening  air.  “We  willed  him  (say  they)  that  they  should  be 
brought  again,  otherwise  we  would  right  ourselves.”  When  he  left  them  “ he 
promised  within  a night  or  two  to  come  again,”  and  bring  some  of  Massasoit's 
men  to  trade  with  them  in  beaver  skins.  As  good  as  his  word,  Samoset  came 
the  next  Sunday,  “ and  brought  with  him  5 other  tall,  proper  men.  They  had 
every  man  a deer’s  skin  on  him ; and  the  principal  of  them  had  a wild  cat’s 
skin,  or  such  like,  on  one  arm.  They  had  most  of  them  long  hosen  up  to  their 
groins,  close  made ; and  aboue  their  groins,  to  their  waist,  another  leather : 
they  were  altogether  like  the  Irish  trousers.  They  are  of  complexion  like  our 
English  gipsies ; no  hair,  or  very  little,  on  their  faces ; on  their  heads  long  hair 
to  then  shoulders,  only  cut  before;  some  trussed  up  before  with  a feather, 
broadwise  like  a fan ; another  a fox-tail  hanging  out.”  The  English  had 
charged  Samoset  not  to  let  any  who  came  with  him  bring  their  arms ; these, 
therefore,  left  “their  bows  and  arrows  a quarter  of  a mile  from  our  town. 
We  gave  them  entertainment  as  we  thought  was  fitting  them.  They  did  eat 
liberally  of  our  English  victuals,”  and  appeared  very  friendly ; “ sang  and 
danced  after  their  manner,  like  anticks.”  “Some  of  them  had  their  faces 
painted  black,  from  the  forehead  to  the  chin,  four  or  five  fingers  broad  : others 
after  other  fashions,  as  they  liked.  They  brought  three  or  four  skins,  but  we 
would  not  truck  with  them  all  that  day,  but  wished  them  to  bring  more,  and 
we  would  truck  for  all;  which  they  promised  within  a night  or  two,  and 
would  leave  these  behind  them,  though  we  were  not  willing  they  should  ; and 
they  brought  all  our  tools  again,  which  were  taken  in  the  woods,  in  our 
absence.  So,  because  of  the  day  [Sunday],  we  dismissed  them  so  soon  as  we 


14 


CAPT.  HUNT.— IYANOUGH  OF  CUMMAQUID. 


[floor:  If. 


could.  But  Samoset,  our  first  acquaintance,  either  was  sick,  or  feigned  himself 
so,  and  would  not  go  with  them,  and  stayed  with  us  till  Wednesday  morning. 
Then  we  sent  him  to  them,  to  know  the  reason  they  came  not  according  to 
their  words  ; and  we  gave  him  a hat,  a pair  of  stockings  and  shoes,  a shirt,  and 
a piece  of  cloth  to  tie  about  his  waist.” 

Samoset  returned  again,  the  next  day,  bringing  with  him  Squanto,  mentioned 
in  the  last  chapter.  He  was  “the  only  native  (says  Mourt’s  Relation)  of 
Patuxet,  where  we  now  inhabit,  who  was  one  of  the  20  [or  24]  captives,  that 
by  Hunt  were  carried  away,  and  had  been  in  England,  and  dwelt  in  Comhil! 
with  master  John  Slaine , a merchant,  and  could  speak  a little  English,  with 
three  others.”  They  brought  a few  articles  for  trade,  but  the  more  important 
news  “that  their  great  sagamore,  Massasoyt,  was  hard  by,”  whose  introduc- 
tion to  them  accordingly  followed. 

In  June,  1621,  a boy,  John  Billington , having  been  lost  in  the  woods,  several 
English,  with  Squanto  and  Tokamahamon , undertook  a voyage  to  Nauset  in 
search  for  him.  Squanto  was  their  interpreter  ; “ the  other,  Tokamahamon , a 
special  friend.”  The  weather  was  fair  when  they  set  out,  “but  ere  they  had 
been  long  at  sea,  there  arose  a storm  of  wind  and  rain,  with  much  lightning 
find  thunder,  insomuch  that  a [water]  spout  arose  not  far  from  them.”  How- 
ever, they  escaped  danger,  and  arrived  at  night  at  Cummaquid.  Here  they 
met  with  some  Indians,  who  informed  them  that  the  boy  was  at  Nauset. 
These  Indians  treated  them  with  great  kindness,  inviting  them  on  shore  to  eat 
with  them. 

Iyanough  was  sachem  of  this  place,  and  these  were  his  men.  “ They  brought 
us  to  their  sachim  (says  Mourt)  or  governor,  whom  they  call  Iyanough ,”  who 
then  appeared  about  26  years  of  age,  “ but  very  personable,  gentle,  courteous, 
and  fair-conditioned,  indeed,  not  like  a savage,  save  for  his  attire.  His  enter- 
tainment was  answerable  to  his  parts,  and  his  cheer  plentiful  and  various.” 
Thus  is  portrayed  the  amiable  character,  Iyanough , by  those  who  knew  him. 
We  can  add  but  little  of  him  except  his  wretched  fate.  The  severity  executed 
upon  Wittuwamet  and  Peksuot  caused  such  consternation  and  dread  of  the 
English  among  many,  that  they  forsook  their  wonted  habitations,  fled  into 
swamps,  and  lived  in  unhealthy  places,  in  a state  of  starvation,  until  many  died 
with  diseases  which  they  had  thus  contracted.  Among  such  victims  were 
Iyanough , /{spinet,  Coneconam , and  many  more.  Hence  the  English  supposed 
they  were  in  PeksuoVs  conspiracy,  as  will  be  more  particularly  related  here- 
after. 

While  the  English  were  with  Iyanough , at  Cummaquid,  they  relate  that 
there  was  an  old  woman,  whom  they  judged  to  be  no  less  than  100  years  old, 
who  came  to  see  them,  because  she  had  never  seen  English ; “yet  (say  they) 
[she]  could  not  behold  us  without  breaking  forth  into  great  passion,  weeping 
and  crying  excessively.”  They  inquired  the  reason  of  it,  and  were  told  that 
she  had  three  sons,  “ who,  when  master  Hunt  was  in  these  parts,  went  aboard 
his  ship  to  trade  with  him,  and  he  carried  them  captives  into  Spain.”  Squanto 
being  present,  who  was  earned  away  at  the  same  time,  was  acquainted  with 
the  circumstances,  and  thus  the  English  became  knowing  to  her  distress,  and 
told  her  they  were  sorry,  that  Hunt  was  a bad  man,  but  that  all  the  other  Eng- 
lish were  well  disposed,  and  would  never  injure  her.  They  then  gave  her  a 
few  trinkets,  which  considerably  appeased  her. 

Our  voyagers  now  proceed  to  Nauset,  accompanied  by  Iyanough  and  two 
of  his  men.  Aspinet  was  the  sachem  of  this  place,  to  whom  Squanto  was  sent, 
Iyanough  and  his  men  having  gone  before.  Squanto  having  informed  Aspinet 
that  his  English  friends  had  come  for  the  boy,  he  “ came  (they  relate)  with  a 
great  train,  and  brought  the  boy  with  him,”  one  carrying  him  through  the 
water.  This  being  at  or  near  the  place  where  an  attack  was  made  on  the 
English,  on  their  first  arrival  in  the  country,  as  has  been  related,  caused  them 
to  be  on  their  guard  at  this  time. 

At  this  time,  Aspinet  had  in  his  company  “ not  less  than  an  hundred  f half 
of  whom  attended  the  boy  to  the  boat,  and  the  rest  “stood  aloof,”  with  their 
bows  and  arrows,  looking  on.  Aspinet  delivered  up  the  boy  in  a formal  man- 
ner, “ behung  with  beads,  and  made  peace  with  us  ; we  bestowing  a knife  on 
him,  and  likewise  on  another,  that  first  entertained  the  boy,  and  brought  him 
thither.” 


Chap.  II.]  IYANOUGH. — ASPINET. — DEATH  OF  SQUANTO.  15 

lyanougk  did  not  accompany  the  expedition  in  their  return  from  Nauset,  but 
went  home  by  land,  and  was  ready  to  entertain  the  company  on  their  return. 
From  contrary  winds  and  a want  of  fresh  water,  the  voyagers  were  obliged  to 
touch  again  at  Cummaquid.  “ There  (say  they)  we  met  again  with  lyanougk, 
and  the  most  of  his  town.”  “ He,  being  still  willing  to  gratif}'-  us,  took  a runti- 
iet,  and  led  our  men  in  the  dark  a great  way  for  water,  but  could  find  none 
good,  yet  brought  such  as  there  was  on  his  neck  with  them.  In  the  meantime 
the  women  joined  hand  in  iiand,  singing  and  dancing  before  the  shallop  ;*  the 
men  also  showing  all  the  kindness  they  could,  lyanougk  himself  taking  a 
bracelet  from  about  his  neck,  and  hanging  it  about  one  of  us.” 

They  were  not  able  to  get  out  of  the  harbor  of  Cummaquid  from  baffling 
winds  and  tides,  which  lyanougk  seeing,  the  next  morning  he  ran  along  the 
shore  after  them,  and  they  took  him  into  their  shallop,  and  returned  with  him 
to  his  town,  where  he  entertained  them  in  a manner  not  inferior  to  what  he  had 
done  before.  They  now  succeeded  in  getting  water,  and  shortly  after  returned 
home  in  safety. 

While  at  Nauset,  the  English  heard  that  Massasoit  had  been  attacked  and 
carried  off  by  the  Narragansets,  which  led  to  the  expedition  of  Standish  and 
Allerton  against  Caunbitant , as  will  be  found  related  in  his  life. 

About  this  time,  six  sachems  of  the  neighboring  country  had  their  fidelity 
tested,  by  being  called  upon  to  sign  a treaty  subjecting  themselves  to  King 
James , as  will  be  found,  also,  in  that  life.  But  to  return  again  to  Aspinet,  and 
other  sachems  of  Cape  Cod. 

By  the  improvidence  of  a company  settled  at  Wessaguscus,  under  the  direc- 
tion of  Mr.  Thomas  fVeston , in  1622,  they  had  been  brought  to  the  very  brink 
of  starvation  in  the  winter  of  that  year.  In  fact,  the  Plimouth  people  were  but. 
very  little  better  off ; and  but  for  the  kindness  of  the  Indians,  the  worst  of 
consequences  might  have  ensued  to  both  these  infant  colonies. 

As  the  winter  progressed,  the  two  colonies  entered  into  articles  of  agreement 
to  go  on  a trading  voyage  among  the  Indians  of  Cape  Cod  to  buy  corn,  and 
whatever  else  might  conduce  to  then*  livelihood.  Squanto  was  pilot  in  this 
expedition;  but  he  died  before  it  was  accomplished,  and  the  record  of  his 
death  stands  thus  in  Winslow’s  Relation  : — 

“But  here  [at  Manamoyk,  since  Chatham],  though  they  had  determined  to 
make  a second  essay  [to  pass  within  the  shoals  of  Cape  Cod] ; yet  God  had 
otherwise  disposed,  who  struck  Tisquantum  with  sickness,  insomuch  as  he 
there  died,  which  crossed  their  southward  trading,  and  the  more,  because  the 
master’s  sufficiency  was  much  doubted,  and  the  season  very  tempestuous,  and 
not  fit  to  go  upon  discovery,  having  no  guide  to  direct  them.”  His  disorder, 
according  to  Prince , was  a fever,  “bleeding  much  at  the  nose,  which  the 
Indians  reckon  a fatal  symptom.”  He  desired  the  governor  would  pray  for 
him,  that  he  might  go  to  the  Englishmen’s  God,  “bequeathing  his  things  to 
sundry  of  his  English  friends,  as  remembrances  of  his  love ; of  whom  we 
have  a great  loss.” 

Thus  died  the  famous  Squanto , or  Tasquantum , in  December,  1622.  To 
him  the  pilgrims  were  greatly  indebted,  although  he  often,  through  extreme 
folly  and  shortsightedness,  gave  them,  as  well  as  himself  and  others,  a great 
deal  of  trouble,  as  in  the  life  of  Massasoit  and  Hobomok  will  appear. 

Thus,  at  the  commencement  of  the  voyage,  the  pilot  was  taken  away  by 
death,  and  the  expedition  came  near  being  abandoned.  However,  before 
Squanto  died,  he  succeeded  in  introducing  his  friends  to  the  sachem  of  Mana- 
moick  and  his  people,  where  they  were  received  and  entertained  in  a manner 
that  would  do  honor  to  any  people  in  any  age.  It  is  the  more  worthy  of 
remark,  as  none  of  the  English  had  ever  been  there  before,  and  were  utter 
strangers  to  them.  After  they  had  refreshed  them  “with  store  of  venison  and 
other  victuals,  which  they  brought  them  in  great  abundance,”  they  sold  them 
“ 8 hogsheads  of  com  and  beans , though  the  people  were  but  few .” 

From  Manamoick  they  proceeded  to  Massachusetts,  but  could  do  nothing 

* It  was  a custom  with  most  Indian  nations  to  dance  when  strangers  came  among  them. 
Baron  Lahontan  says  it  was  the  manner  of  the  Iroquois  to  dance  u lorsque  les  elrangers 
passent  dans  leur  pais,  ou  que  leurs  ennemis  envoient  des  ambassadeurs  pour  faire  des  propo- 
sitions de  paix.”-— Memoir es  de  U Amerique,  ii.  110, 


16 


SQUANTO. 


[Book  II, 


there,  as  Mr.  Weston’s  men  had  ruined  the  market  by  giving  “as  much  for  a 
quart  of  corn,  as  we  used  to  do  for  a beaver’s  skin.”  Therefore  they  returned 
again  to  Cape  Cod,  to  Nauset,  “ where  the  sachem  Aspimt  used  the  governor 
very  kindly,  and  where  they  bought  8 or  10  hogsheads  of  corn  and  beans:  also 
at  a place  called  Mattachiest , where  they  had  like  kind  entertainment  and  corn 
also.”  While  here,  a violent  storm  drove  on  shore  and  so  damaged  their  pinnace, 
that  they  could  not  get  then*  corn  on  board  the  ship : so  they  made  a stack  of  it, 
and  secured  it  from  the  weather,  by  covering  it  with  mats  and  sedge.  Aspinet 
was  desired  to  watch  and  keep  wild  animals  from  destroying  it,  until  they 
could  send  for  it ; also,  not  to  suffer  then*  boat  to  be  concerned  with.  All  this 
lie  faithfully  did,  and  the  governor  returned  home  by  land,  “receiving  great 
kindness  from  the  Indians  by  the  way.”  At  this  time  there  was  a great  sick- 
ness among  the  Massachusetts  Indians,  “ not  unlike  the  plague,  if  not  the 
same ;”  but  no  particulars  of  it  are  recorded. 

Some  time  after,  Standish  went  to  bring  the  corn  left  at  Nauset,  and,  as  usual, 
gets  himself  into  difficulty  with  the  Indians.  One  of  Aspinet’ s men  happening 
to  come  to  one  of  Standish’ s boats,  which  being  left  entirely  without  guard,  he 
took  out  a few  trinkets,  such  as  “beads,  scissors,  and  other  trifles,”  which  when 
the  English  captain  found  out,  “he  took  certain  of  his  company  with  him,  and 
went  to  the  sachem,  telling  him  what  had  happened,  and  requiring  the  same 
again,  or  the  party  that  stole  them,”  “ or  else  he  would  revenge  it  on  them  before 
Ids  departure ,”  and  so  departed  for  the  night,  “ refusing  whatsoever  kindness  they 
offered.”  However,  the  next  morning,  Aspinet , attended  by  many  of  his  men, 
went  to  the  English,  “in  a stately  manner,”  and  restored  all  the  “trifles;”  for 
the  exposing  of  which  the  English  deserved  ten  times  as  much  reprehension 
as  the  man  for  taking  them. 

Squanto  being  the  only  person  that  escaped  the  great  sickness  at  Patuxet, 
inquirers  for  an  account  of  that  calamity  will  very  reasonably  expect  to  find  it 
in  a history  of  his  life.  We  therefore  will  relate  all  that  is  known  of  it,  not 
elsewhere  to  be  noticed  in  our  progress.  The  extent  of  its  ravages,  as  near  as 
we  can  judge,  was  from  Narraganset  Bay  to  Kennebeck,  or  perhaps  Penob- 
scot, and  was  supposed  to  have  commenced  about  1617,  and  the  length  of  its 
duration  seems  to  have  been  between  two  and  three  years,  as  it  was  nearly 
abated  in  1619.  The  Indians  gave  a frightful  account  of  it,  saying  that  they 
died  so  fast  “that  the  living  were  not  able  to  bury  the  dead.”  When  the  Eng- 
lish arrived  in  the  country,  their  bones  were  thick  upon  the  ground  in  many 
places.  This  they  looked  upon  as  a great  providence,  inasmuch  as  it  had 
destroyed  “multitudes  of  the  barbarous  heathen  to  make  way  for  the  chosen 
people  of  God.” 

“ Some  had  expired  in  fight, — the  brands 
Still  rusted  in  their  bony  hands, — 

In  plague  and  famine  some/’' — Campbet.i,. 

All  wars  and  disasters,  in  those  days,  were  thought  to  be  preceded  by  some 
strange  natural  appearance,  or,  as  appeared  to  them,  unnatural  appearance  or 
phenomenon  ; hence  the  appearance  of  a comet,  in  1618,  was  considered  by 
some  the  precursor  of  this  pestilence.* 

We  will  give  here,  from  a curious  work,  | in  the  language  of  the  author,  an 
interesting  passage,  relating  to  this  melancholy  period  of  the  history  of  the 
people  of  Massasoit , in  which  he  refers  to  Squanto.  After  relating  the  fate  of 
a French  ship’s  crew  among  the  Wampanoags,  as  extracted  in  the  life  of  Mas- 
sasoit, in  continuation  of  the  account,  he  proceeds  thus  : “But  contrary  wise, 
[the  Indians  having  said  “they  were  so  many  that  God  could  not  kill  them,” 
when  one  of  the  Frenchmen  rebuked  them  for  their  “wickedness,”  telling 
them  God  would  destroy  them,]  in  short  time  after,  the  hand  of  God  fell 
heavily  upon  them,  with  such  a mortall  stroake,  that  they  died  on  heaps,  as 
they  lay  in  their  houses,  and  the  living,  that  were  able  to  shift  for  themselves, 
would  runne  away  and  let  them  dy,  and  let  their  carkases  ly  above  the  ground 

* The  year  1618  seems  to  have  been  very  fruitful  in  comets,  “ as  therein  no  less  than  four 
were  observed.”  I.  Mather's  Discourse  concerning  Comets,  108.  Boston,  12mo.  1683. 
There  may  be  seen  a curious  passage  concerning  the  comet  of  1618  in  Kushworth's  Hist. 
Col.  of  that  year. 

fNew  English  Canaan,  23,  by  Thomas  Morton,  4to.  Amsterdam,  1637. 


Chap.  II.] 


SQUANTO. — MASSASOIT. 


17 


without  buriall.  For  in  a place  where  many  inhabited,  there  hath  been  but 
one  left  alive  to  tell  what  became  of  the  rest ; the  living  being  (as  it  seems)  not 
able  to  bury  the  dead.  They  were  left  for  crowes,  kites,  and  vermine  to  pray 
upon.  And  the  bones  and  skulls,  upon  the  several!  places  of  their  habitations, 
made  such  a spectacle,  after  my  comming  into  those  parts,*  that,  as  I travailed 
in  that  forrest  nere  the  Massachussets,  it  seemed  to  me  a new-found  Golgotha.” 

Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges , as  we  have  seen,  was  well  acquainted  with  the  coast 
of  New  England.  After  his  design  failed  at  Sagadahock,  he  tells  us  that  he 
sent  over  a ship  upon  his  own  account,  which  was  to  leave  a company  under 
one  Vines, \ to  remain  and  trade  in  the  country.  These  were  his  own  servants, 
and  he  ordered  “ them  to  leave  the  ship  and  ship’s  company,  for  to  follow  their 
business  in  the  usual  place,  (for,  he  says,  I knew  they  would  not  be  drawn  to 
seek  by  any  means,)  by  these,  and  the  help  of  those  natives  formerly  sent  over, 
I come  to  be  truly  informed  of  so  much  as  gave  me  assurance  that  in  time  I 
should  want  no  undertakers,  though  as  yet  I was  forced  to  hire  men  to  stay 
there  the  winter  quarter,  at  extreme  rates,  and  not  without  danger,  for  that  the 
war}:  had  consumed  the  Bashaba,  and  the  most  of  the  great  sagamores,  with 
such  men  of  action  as  followed  them,  and  those  that  remained  were  sore 
afflicted  with  the  plague  ; for  that  the  country  was  in  a manner  left  void  of 
inhabitants.  Notwithstanding,  Vines , and  the  rest  with  him  that  lay  in  the 
cabins  with  those  people  that  died,  some  more,  some  less,  mightily,  (blessed  be 
God  for  it)  not  one  of  them  ever  felt  their  heads  to  ache  while  they  stayed 
there.”  Here,  although  we  are  put  in  possession  of  several  of  the  most  impor- 
tant facts,  yet  our  venerable  author  is  deficient  in  one  of  the  main  particulars — 
I mean  that  of  dates.  Therefore  we  gain  no  further  data  as  to  the  time  or 
continuance  of  this  plague  among  the  Indians  ; for  Sir  Ferdinando  adds  to  the 
above,  “ and  this  course  I held  some  years  together,  but  nothing  to  my  private 
profit,”  &c. 

In  Capt.  Smith's  account  of  New  England,  published  in  1631,  he  has  a 
passage  about  the  plague,  which  is  much  like  that  we  have  given  above  from 
Morton.  The  ship  cast  away,  he  says,  was  a fishing  vessel,  and  the  man  that 
they  kept  a prisoner,  on  telling  them  he  feared  his  God  would  destroy  them, 
their  king  made  him  stand  on  the  top  of  a hill,  and  collected  his  people  about 
it  that  the  man  might  see  how  numerous  they  were.  When  he  had  ‘done  this, 
he  demanded  of  the  Frenchman  whether  his  God,  that  he  told  so  much  about, 
had  ao  many  men,  and  whether  they  could  kill  all  those.  On  his  assuring  the 
king  that  he  could,  they  derided  him  as  before.  Soon  after,  the  plague  carried 
off  all  of  the  Massachusetts,  5 or  600,  leaving  only  30,  of  whom  28  were  killed 
by  their  neighbors,  the  other  two  escaping  until  the  English  came,  to  whom 
they  gave  their  country.  The  English  told  the  Indians  that  the  disease  was 
the  plague.  Capt.  Smith  says  this  account  is  second  hand  to  him,  and  therefore 
begs  to  be  excused  if  it  be  not  true  in  all  its  particulars. 

We  have  now  come  to  one  of  the  most  interesting  characters  in  Indian 
history. 

Massasoit,  chief  of  the  Wampanoags,  resided  at  a place  called  Pokanoket 
or  Pawkunnawkut,  by  the  Indians,  which  is  now  included  in  the  town  of  Bris- 
tol, Rhode  Island.  He  was  a chief  renowned  more  in  peace  than  war,  and 
was,  as  long  as  he  lived,  a friend  to  the  English,  notwithstanding  they  committed 
repeated  usurpations  upon  his  lands  and  liberties. 

This  chief’s  name  has  been  written  with  great  variation,  as  Woosamequin , Asuh- 
mequin , Oosamequen , Osamekin , Owsamequin , Oivsamequine , Ussamequen,  Wasam- 
egin,  &c. ; but  the  name  by  which  he  is  generally  known  in  history,  is  that  with 
which  we  commence  his  life.§  Mr.  Prince , in  his  Annals,  says  of  that  name, 


# Mr.  Morton  first  came  over  in  1622.  He  settled  near  Weymouth.  After  great  trouble 
-and  losses  from  those  of  a different  religion,  he  was  banished  out  of  the  country,  and  had  his 
property  sequestered,  but  soon  after  returned.  He  died  in  York,  Me.,  1646.  If  it  be  pretended 
that  Morton  had  no  religion,  we -say,  “ Judge  not/’  He  professed  to  have. 

t Mr.  Richard  Vines.  America  painted  to  the  Life,  by  Ferd.  Gorges,  Esq.  4to.  Lond.  1659. 
t A great  war  among  the  Indians  at  this  time  is  mentioned  by  most  of  the  first  writers,  but 
the  particulars  of  it  cannot  be  known.  It  seems  to  have  been  between  the  Tarratines  and 
tribes  to  the  west  of  Pascataqua. 

§ Some  have  derived  the  name  of  Massachusetts  from  this  chief,  but  that  conjecture  is  not 
to  be  heeded.  If  any  man  knew,  we  may  be  allowed  to  suppose  that  Roger  Williams  did. 

2* 


18 


MASSASOIT. 


[Book  II. 


“ the  printed  accounts  generally  spell  him  Massasoit ; Gov.  Bradford  writes 
him  Massasoyt , and  Massasoyet ; but  I find  the  ancient  people,  from  their 
lathers  in  Plimouth  colony,  pronounced  his  name  Ma-sas-so-it."  Still  we  find 
no  inclination  to  change  a letter  in  a name  so  venerable,  and  which  has  been  so 
long  established ; for  if  a writer  suffer  the  spirit  of  innovation  in  himself,  he 
knows  not  where  to  stop,  and  we  pronounce  him  no  antiquaiy. 

It  has  often  been  thought  strange,  that  so  mild  a sachem  as  Massasoit  should 
have  possessed  so  great  a country,  and  our  wonder  has  been  increased  when 
we  consider,  that  Indian  possessions  are  generally  obtained  by  prowess  and 
great  personal  courage.  We  know  of  none  who  could  boast  of  such  extensive 
dominions,  where  all  were  contented  to  consider  themselves  his  friends  and 
children.  Poivhatan , Pontiac , Little-turtle , Tecumseh , and  many  more  that  we 
could  name,  have  swayed  many  tribes,  but  theirs  was  a temporary  union,  in  an 
emergency  of  war.  That  Massasoit  should  be  able  to  hold  so  many  tribes 
together,  without  constant  war,  required  qualities  belonging  only  to  few.  That 
he  was  not  a warrior  no  one  will  allow,  when  the  testimony  of  Annawon  is  so 
direct  to  the  point.  For  that  great  chief  gave  Capt.  Church  “an  account  of 
what  mighty  success  he  had  had  formerly,  in  the  wars  against  many  nations 
of  Indians,  when  he  served  Asuhmequin , Philip's  father.” 

The  limits  of  his  country  towards  the  Nipmuks,  or  inland  Indians,  are  not 
precise,  but  upon  the  east  and  west  we  are  sure.  It  is  evident,  however,  from 
the  following  extract,  that,  in  1647,  the  Nipmuks  were  rather  uncertain  about 
their  sachem,  and  probably  belonged  at  one  time  to  Massasoit,  and  at  another 
to  the  Narragansets,  or  others,  as  circumstances  impelled.  “The  Nopnat 
(Nipnet,  or  Nipmuk)  Indians  having  noe  sachem  of  their  own  are  at  liberty ; 
part  of  them,  by  their  own  choice,  doe  appertaine  to  the  Narraganset  sachem, 
and  parte  to  the  Mohegens.” # And  certainly,  in  1660,  those  of  Quabaog 
belonged  to  Massasoit  or  Wassamegin , as  he  was  then  called  (if  he  be  the 
same),  as  will  be  evident  from  facts,  to  be  found  in  the  life  of  Uncas.  He 
owned  Cape  Cod,  and  all  that  part  of  Massachusetts  and  Rhode  Island  between 
Narraganset  and  Massachusetts  bays;  extending  inland  between  Pawtucket 
and  Charles  rivers,  a distance  not  satisfactorily  ascertained,  as  was  said  before, 
together  with  all  the  contiguous  islands.  It  was  filled  with  many  tribes  or 
nations,  and  all  looking  up  to  him,  to  sanction  all  their  expeditions,  and  settle 
all  their  difficulties.  And  we  may  remark,  further,  with  regard  to  the 
Nipmuks,  that  at  one  time  they  Avere  his  tributaries.  And  this  seems  the  more 
probable,  for  in  Philip's  war  there  was  a constant  intercourse  between  them, 
and  when  any  of  his  men  made  an  escape,  their  course  was  directly  into  the 
country  of  the  Nipmuks.  No  such  intercourse  subsisted  between  the  Narra- 
gansets and  either  of  these.  But,  on  the  contrary,  when  a messenger  from  the 
Narragansets  arrived  in  the  country  of  the  Nipmuks,  with  the  heads  of  some 
of  the  English,  to  show  that  they  had  joined  in  the  war,  he  was  at  first  fired 
upon,  though  aftenvards,  when  two  additional  heads  were  brought,  he  was 
received  Avith  them. 

Massasoit  had  several  places  of  residence,  but  the  principal  was  Mount  Hope, 
or  Pokanoket.  The  English  early  gave  it  the  name  of  Mount  Hope,  but  from 
what  circumstance  we  have  not  learned.  Some  suppose  the  words  Mount  Hope 
corrupted  from  the  Indian  words  Mon-top, \ but  with  what  reason  we  are  not 
informed.  Since  we  have  thus  early  noticed  the  seat  of  the  ancient  chiefs,  be- 
fore proceeding  with  the  life  of  the  first  of  the  Wampanoags,  we  will  give  a 
description  of  it.  It  appears  to  the  best  advantage  from  the  village  of  Fall 
River,  in  the  tOAvn  of  Troy,  Massachusetts,  from  which  it  is  distant  about  four 
miles.  From  this  place,  its  top  very  much  resembles  the  dome  of  the  state- 


He  learned  from  the  Indian  themselves,  “that  the  Massachusetts  were  called  so  from  the  Blue 
Hills.”  In  the  vocabulary  of  Indian  words,  by  Rev.  John  Cotton , the  definition  of  Massa- 
chusett  is,  “ an  hill  in  the  form  of  an  arrow’s  head.” 

* Records  of  the  U.  Col.  in  Hazard,  ii.  92. 

f Alden’s  Collection  of  Epitaphs,  iv.  685.  President  Stiles,  in  his  notes  to  the  second 
edition  of  Church’s  Hist.  Philip’s  War,  p.  7,  spells  it  Mont-haup ; but  it  is  not  so  in  ihe 
text  of  either  edition.  Moreover,  we  have  not  been  able  to  discover  that  Mon-top  is  derived 
from  Indian  word  or  words,  and  do  not  hesitate  to  pronounce  it  a corruption  of  the  two 
English  words  commonly  used  in  naming  it. 


MASSASOIT. 


Chap.  II.] 


19 


house  in  Boston,  as  seen  from  many  places  in  the  vicinity,  at  four  or  five  miles’ 
(distance.  Its  height  by  admeasurement  is  said  to  be  about  200  feet.#  It  is 
very  steep  on  the  side  towards  Pocasset,  and  its  appearance  is  very  regular. 
To  its  natural  appearance  a gentleman  of  Bristol  has  contributed  to  add 
materially,  by  placing  upon  its  summit  a circular  summer-house,  and  this  is  a 
principal  reason  why  it  so  much  resembles  the  Massachusetts  state-house. 
This  mount,  therefore,  since  some  time  previous  to  1824,  does  not  appear  as  in 
the  days  of  Massasoit,  and  as  it  did  to  his  early  friends  and  visitors,  Winslow 
and  Hamden.  It  was  sufficiently  picturesque  without  such  addition,  as  an 
immense  stone  originally  formed  its  summit,  and  completed  its  domelike 
appearance.  The  octagonal  summer-house  being  placed  upon  this,  completes 
the  cupola  or  turret.  From  this  the  view  of  Providence,  Warren,  Bristol,  and, 
indeed,  the  whole  surrounding  country,  is  very  beautiful. 

This  eminence  was  known  among  the  Narragansets  by  the  name  Pokanoket , 
which  signified  in  their  language  the  wood  or  land  on  the  other  side  of  the  water, 
and  to  the  Wampanoags  by  the  name  Soivwams.  And  it  is  worthy  remark  here 
that  Kuequenaku  was  the  name  of  the  place  where  Philadelphia  now  stands. 
Mr.  Heckewelder  says,  it  signified  the  grove  of  the  long  pine  trees.  There  was  a 
place  in  Middleborough,  and  another  in  Raynham,  where  he  spent  some  part 
of  particular  seasons,  perhaps  the  summer.  The  place  in  Raynham  was  near 
Fowling  Pond,  and  he  no  doubt  had  many  others. 

Sir  Francis  Drake  is  the  first,  of  whom  we  have  any  account,  that  set  foot 
upon  the  shores  of  New  England.  This  was  in  1586,  about  seven  years  after 
he  had  taken  possession,  and  named  the  same  country  New  England  or  New 
Albion,  upon  the  western  side  of  the  continent.  It  is  an  error  of  long  standing, 
that  Prince  Charles  named  the  country  New  England,  and  it  even  now  so 
stands  upon  the  pages  of  history.  But  it  is  very  clear  that  Sir  Francis  is  justly 
entitled  to  the  credit  of  it.  American  historians  seem  to  have  looked  no  fur- 
ther than  Prince  and  Robertson , and  hence  assert  that  Capt.  Smith  named  the 
country  New  England.  We  will  now  hear  Smith  f on  this  matter.  “New 
England  is  that  part  of  America,  in  the  Ocean  sea,  opposite  to  Nona  Albion , in 
the  South  Sea,  discovered  by  the  most  memorable  Sir  Francis  Drake , in  his 
voyage  about  the  world,  in  regard  whereof  this  is  stiled  New  England.” 

Capt.  Smith , in  1614,  made  a survey  of  the  coast  of  what  is  now  New  Eng- 
land, and  because  the  country  was  already  named  New  England,  or,  which  is 
the  same,  New  Albion,  upon  its  western  coast,  he  thought  it  most  proper  to 
stamp  it  anew  upon  the  eastern.  Therefore  Capt.  Smith  neither  takes  to  him- 
self the  honor  of  naming  New  England,  as  some  writers  of  authority  assert,  nor 
does  he  give  it  to  King  Charles , as  Dr.  Robertson  and  many  others,  copying  him, 
have  done. 

The  noble  and  generous  minded  Smith,  unlike  Americas , would  not  permit 
or  suffer  his  respected  friend  and  cotemporary  to  be  deprived  of  any  honor 
due  to  him  in  his  day  ; and  to  which  we  may  attribute  the  revival  of  the  name 
New  England  in  1614. 

It  was  upon  some  part  of  Cape  Cod  that  the  great  circumnavigator  landed. 
He  was  visited  by  the  “king  of  the  country,”  who  submitted  his  territories  to 
him,  as  Hioh  had  done  on  the  western  coast.  After  several  days  of  mutual 
trade,  and  exchange  of  kindnesses,  during  which  time  the  natives  became 
greatly  attached  to  Sir  Francis , he  departed  for  England.  Whether  the  “ king 
of  the  country  ” here  mentioned  were  Massasoit,  we  have  not  the  means  of 
knowing,  as  our  accounts  do  not  give  any  name  ; but  it  was  upon  his  domin- 
ions that  this  first  landing  was  made,  and  we  have  therefore  thought  it  proper 
to  be  thus  particular,  and  which,  we  venture  to  predict,  will  not  be  unaccepta- 
ble to  our  readers.;); 

* Yamoyden,  259. 

f See  his  “Description  of  N.  England ,”  and  the  error  may  henceforth  be  dispensed  with. 

+ The  first  authority  which  we  found  for  these  interesting  facts,  (interesting  to  evenj  son  of 
New  England,)  is  a work  entitled  “Naval  Biography,”  &c.  of  Great  Britain,  2 vols.  8vo. 
London,  1805,  and  is  in  these  words  : — “ The  first  attempt  towards  a regular  colonization  of 
N.  England,  occurs  in  the  year  1606.  It  will  easily  be  recollected,  that  this  part  of  the  Amer- 
ican continent  was  first  distinguished  by  the  captains  Barlow  and  Amidas ; that  Sir  Francis 
Drake,  when  he  touched  here  on  his  return  from  the  West  Indies,  in  1586,  was  the  first  Eng- 
lishman who  landed  in  these  parts,  and  to  whom  one  of  the  Indian  kings  submitted  his  territory  ; 


20 


MASSASOIT. 


[Cook  11. 

Smith  landed  in  many  places  upon  the  shores  of  Mas  sets  oil's  dominions,  one 
of  which  places  he  named  Plimouth , which  happened  to  be  the  same  which 
now  bears  that  name. 

Our  accounts  make  Capt.  Bartholomew  Gosnold  the  next  visitor  to  the  shores 
of  Massasoit , after  Sir  Francis  Drake.  His  voyage  was  in  1602,  and  he  was 
the  first  who  came  in  a direct  course  from  Old  to  New  England.  He  landed 
in  the  same  place  where  Sir  Fi'ancis  did  16  years  before.  The  route  had  hith- 
erto been  by  the  Canaries  and  West  India  Islands,  and  a voyage  to  and  from 
New  England  took  up  nearly  a year. 

We  can  know  nothing  of  the  early  times  of  Massasoit.  Our  next  visitor  to 
his  country,  that  we  shall  here  notice,  was  Capt.  Thomas  Dermer.  This  was 
in  May,  1619.  He  sailed  for  Monhigon  ; thence,  in  that  month,  for  Virginia, 
in  an  open  pinnace  ; consequently  was  obliged  to  keep  close  in  shore.  He 
found  places  which  had  been  inhabited,  but  at  that  time  contained  no  people  ; 
and  farther  onward  nearly  all  were  dead,  of  a great  sickness,  which  was  then 
prevailing,  but  nearly  abated.  When  he  came  to  Plimouth,  all  were  dead. 
From  thence  he  traveled  a day’s  journey  into  the  country  westward,  to  Na- 
masket,  now  Middleborough.  From  this  place  he  sent  a messenger  to  visit 
Massasoit.  In  this  expedition,  he  redeemed  two  Frenchmen  from  MassasoiVs 
people,  who  had  been  cast  away  on  the  coast  three  years  before. 

But  to  be  more  particular  with  Capt.  Dermer , we  will  hear  him  in  his  own 
manner,  which  is  by  a letter  he  wrote  to  Samuel  Purchase , the  compiler  of  the 
Pilgrimage,  dated  27  Dec.  1619. 

“ When  I arrived  at  my  savage’s  [Squanto's]  native  country,  (finding  all 
dead,)  I travelled  alongst  a day’s  journey,  to  a place  called  JVummastaquyt, 
where  finding  inhabitants,  I despatched  a messenger,  a day’s  journey  farther 
west,  to  Pocanokit,  which  bordereth  on  the  sea ; whence  came  to  see  me  two 
kings,  attended  with  a guard  of  50  armed  men,  who  being  well  satisfied  with 
that  my  savage  and  I discoursed  unto  them,  (being  desirous  of  novelty,)  gave 
me  content  in  whatsoever  I demanded ; where  I found  that  former  relations 
were  true.  Here  I redeemed  a Frenchman,  and  afterwards  another  at  Massla- 

and  that  Capt.  Gosiioll,  who  made  a little  stay  in  the  same  place,  gave  such  a report  of  N. 
England  as  to  attract  the  attention  of  his  adventurous  countrymen,  some  of  whom  immediately 
procured  a charter/’  &c. — Vol.  I.  p.  337,  338.  If  we  could  know  from  whence  the  above  was 
taken  (that  is,  the  authority  the  writer  of  that  work  made  use  of),  it  might  at  once,  perhaps, 
settle  the  question.  Oldmixon,  I.  25,  has  the  same  fact,  though  not  quite  so  circumstantially 
related.  Mr.  Bancroft,  in  his  I.  Vol.  of  the  Hist.  United  States,  supposes  Oldmixon,  through 
carelessness,  mistakes  Drake’s  landing  in  California,  in  1579,  for  that  in  N.  England,  in  1586, 
because,  as  we  suppose,  he  had  not  seen  the  fact  elsewhere  stated.  But  Drake  was  40  days 
from  Virginia  to  Plymouth,  which  would  give  him  time  enough  to  have  visited  N.  England. 
See  “The  Life  and  Dangerous  Voyages  of  Sir  Francis  Drake,”  &c.,  small  12mo.,  London, 
(without  date),  page  133.  See  also  Stith’s  Virginia,  p.  16. 

What  is  said  in  Blome’s  account  of  America,  p.  210,  is  not  very  conclusive.  His  words 
are,  “ The  year  following  (1585),  Sir  Richard  Gr.eenvile  conveyed  an  English  colony  thither 
[this  author  mistakes  the  situation  of  the  places  he  describes,  in  a wretched  manner],  under  the 
government  of  Mr.  Ralph  Lane,  who  continued  there  [yet  he  is  speaking  of  N.  Eng.]  till  the 
next  year  (1586),  but,  upon  some  extraordinary  occasion,  returned,  with  Sir  Francis  Drake , 
into  England,  being  accounted  by  some  the  first  discoverer  thereof.”  Blome’s  work  was 
printed  in  1687,  and  may  have  been  Oldmixon’s  authority.  In  the  Gent.  Mag.,  Vol.  XXV., 
p.  291,  it  is  said,  “ Sir  Francis  Drake,  who  made  a discent  on  the  coast,  continued  there  but  a 
very  short  time,  so  that  whatever  had  been  known  of  this  country  was  so  much  forgotten  in  1602, 
that  Gosnold  fell  in  with  the  coast  by  accident,  as  he  was  pursuing  another  design.”  Forster’s 
error  about  Sir  Francis’s  being  on  the  coast  in  1585,  is  surprising;  but  it  is  still  more  surpris- 
ing that  any  one,  pretending  to  be  an  historian,  should  copy  it.  See  Forster,  295,  and  Anspach, 
Newfoundland,  74.  In  Prince's  Worthies  of  Devon,  an  account  of  Sir  Bernard  Drake's 
expedition  to  the  New  England  seas,  in  1585,  may  be  seen  ; also  in  Purchase,  v.  1882.  Queen 
Elizabeth  sent  over  Sir  Bernard,  with  a naval  force,  to  dispossess  any  Portuguese,  or  others, 
that  he  might  find  fishing  there.  He  found  many  vessels  employed  in  that  business,  some  of 
which  he  captured,  and  dispersed  the  rest,  and  returned  to  England  with  several  Portuguese 
prizes.  Now  it  is  not  at  all  improbable  that  Elizabeth  had  instructed  Sir  Francis  to  coast  up 
into  these  seas,  when  he  had  finished  his  designs  in  South  America  and  Virginia,  to  see  if  there 
were  any  vessels  of  other  nations  usurping  the  rights  of  her  citizens ; and  hence  inattentive 
writers  have  confounded  the  names  of  Sir  Bernard  and  Sir  Francis,  they  being  both  distin- 
guished admirals  at  that  time,  and  both  having  the  same  surname,  and  originally  of  the  same 
family.  The  expedition  of  Sir  Bernard  was  the  year  before  that  of  Sir  Francis,  and  hence 
arose  the  anachronism.  Several  English  navigators  had  been  on  this  coast  before  1600.  Capt. 
George  Drake  made  a voyage  to  the  river  St.  Lawrence  in  1593 ; but  whether  any  of  them 
landed  in  what  is  now  New  England,  is  at  present  unknown. 


Chap.  II.]  MASSASOIT.  21 

chusit,  who  three  years  since  escaped  shipwreck  at  the  north-east  of  Cape 
Cod.” 

We  have  mentioned  his  interview  with  Massasoit , whom  we  suppose  was 
one  of  the  kings  mentioned  in  the  letter,  and  Quadequina  was  no  doubt  the 
other. 

In  another  letter,  Mr.  Dermer  says  the  Indians  would  have  killed  him  at 
Namasket,  had  not  Squanto  entreated  hard  for  him.  “ Their  desire  of  revenge 
(he  adds)  was  occasioned  by  an  Englishman,  who,  having  many  of  them  on 
board,  made  great  slaughter  of  them  with  their  murderers  and  small  shot,  when 
(as  they  say)  they  offered  no  injury  on  their  parts.” 

Mr.  Thomas  Morton  * the  author  who  made  himself  so  merry  at  the  expense 
of  the  Pilgrims  of  Plimouth,  has  the  following  passage  concerning  these 
Frenchmen: — “It  fortuned  some  few  yeares  before  the  English  came  to 
inhabit  at  new  Plimmouth  in  New  England,  that,  upon  some  distast  given  in 
the  Massachussets  Bay,  by  Frenchmen,  then  trading  there  with  the  natives  for 
beaver,  they  set  upon  the  men,  at  such  advantage,  that  they  killed  manie  of 
them,  burned  their  shipp,  then  riding  at  anchor  by  an  island  there,  now  called 
Peddock's  Island , in  memory  of  Leonard  Peddock  that  landed  there,  (where 
many  wilde  anckiesf  haunted  that  time,  which  hee  thought  had  bin  tame,)  dis- 
tributing them  unto  five  sachems  which  were  lords  of  the  severall  territories 
adjoyning,  they  did  keep  them  so  long  as  they  lived,  only  to  sport  themselves 
at  them,  and  made  these  five  Frenchmen  fetch  them  wood  and  water,  which  is 
the  generall  worke  they  require  of  a servant.  One  of  these  five  men  outliving 
the  rest,  had  learned  so  much  of  their  language,  as  to  rebuke  them  for  their 
bloudy  deede : saying  that  God  would  be  angry  with  them  for  it ; and  that  he 
would  in  his  displeasure  destroy  them  ; but  the  salvages  (it  seems,  boasting 
of  their  strength)  reply ed,  and  said,  that  they  were  so  many  that  God  could  not 
kill  them.”  This  seems  to  be  the  same  stoiy,  only  differently  told  from  that 
related  above  from  Smith . 

Dec.  1 1,  O.  S.,J  1620,  the  pilgrims  had  arrived  at  Plimouth,  and  possessed 
themselves  of  a portion  of  Massasoit's  country.  With  the  nature  of  their 
proceedings,  he  was  at  first  unacquainted,  and  sent  occasionally  some  of  his 
men  to  observe  their  strange  motions.  Very  few  of  these  Indians,  however, 
were  seen  by  the  pilgrims.  At  length  he  sent  one  of  his  men,  who  had  been 
Mome  time  with  the  English  fishing  vessels  about  the  country  of  the  Kenne- 
beck,  and  had  learned  a little  of  their  language,  to  observe  more  strictly  what 
was  progressing  among  the  strangers  at  his  place  of  Patuxet,  which  these 
intruders  now  called  Plimouth.  This  was  in  March,  1621. 


* In  his  “ New  Canaan ” 22,  23. 

f Modern  naturalists  do  not  seem  to  have  been  acquainted  with  this  animal ! 

$ The  length  of  a year  was  fixed  by  Julias  Caesar  at  365  days  and  6 hours,  or  365£  days. 
This  | of  a day  being  omitted  for  4 years  amounted  to  a whole  day,  and  was  then  added  to 
the  365  in  the  month  of  February , which  4th  year  was  called  leap  year,  because  it  leaped 
forward  one  day.  But  by  this  supputation  it  was  perceived  that  the  year  was  too  long,  and 
consequently  ihe  seasons  were  getting  out  of  place.  Pope  Gregory  found,  in  1582,  that  the 
vernal  equinox,  which  at  the  time  of  the  Nicene  council,  A.  D.  325,  fell  on  21  March,  fell  now 
10  days  beyond  it  j therefore  he  ordered  10  days  to  be  struck  out  of  October,  1582  ; and  to 
prevent  the  recurrence  of  the  difficulty  in  future,  decreed  that  3 days  should  be  abated  in  every 
400  years,  by  restoring  leap  years  to  common  years  at  the  end  of  3 successive  centuries,  and 
making  leap  year  again  at  the  close  of  every  4th  century.  Thus  1700,  1800,  1900,  2100,  &c. 
though  divisible  by  4,  are  common  years,  but  2000,  2400,  2800,  &c.  are  leap  years.  This 
method  of  keeping  the  year  is  called  New  Style,  and  that  before  the  reformation  by 
Gregory,  Old  Style.  Even  this  correction  does  not  set  the  year  exactly  right  3 but  the  error 
is  so  small  that  it  amounts  to  scarce  a day  and  a half  in  5000  years,  and  we  need  not 
trouble  ourselves  about  a nearer  approximation. 

Because  this  correction  had  a Catholic  or  Popish  origin,  Protestants  would  not  for  a long 
time  adopt  it.  At  length,  in  the  year  1751,  the  English  Parliament  enacted,  that  the  3d  of 
Sept,  of  that  year  should  be  called  the  14th,  thereby  striking  out  11  days,  which  their  calendar 
at  that  late  period  required,  to  reduce  it  to  the  Gregorian.  And  hence  the  reason  of  our 
calling  the  11  Dec.  O.  S.,  the  22  N.  S.  The  reason  also  of  our  adding  11  days  instead  of  10 
is  obvious,  because,  in  adopting  the  Catholic  method  170  years  after  it  had  been  introduced 
by  Gregory,  another  day  was  gained,  and  therefore  10-f-l=ll. 

My  venerated  friend,  Dr.  Thacker  of  Plimouth,  makes  an  error  in  setting  it  down  that 
we  should  add  but  10  days,  owing  to  a wrong  view  taken  of  the  matter  in  his  Hist,  of 
Plimouth.  Among  all  our  school-books,  it  is  pitiful  that  no  one  explains  this  important 
matter. 


oo 


MASSASOIT. 


[Book  TI. 


We  have,  in  speaking  of  Samoset  and  Squanto,  observed  that  it  was  through 
the  agency  of  the  former  that  a knowledge  was  gained  by  the  pilgrims  of  Mas- 
sasoit. It  was  upon  22  March,  1621,  that  they  brought  the  welcome  news  to 
Pli mouth,  that  their  chief  was  near  at  hand  f “and  they  brought  with  them 
(say  the  Pilgrims)  some  few  skins  to  truck,  and  some  red  herrings,  newly  taken 
and  dried,  but  not  salted ; and  signified  unto  us,  that  their  great  sagamore, 
Massasoit , was  hard  by,  with  Quadequina,  his  brother.  They  could  not  well 
express  in  English  what  they  would  ; but  after  an  hour  the  king  came  to  the 
top  of  an  hill  [supposed  to  be  that  now  called  Watson's , on  the  south  side  of 
Town-brook]  over  against  us,  and  had  in  his  train  60  men,  that  we  could 
well  behold  them,  and  they  us.  We  were  not  willing  to  send  our  governor 
to  them,  and  they  unwilling  to  come  to  us:  so  Squanto  went  again  unto  him, 
who  brought  word  that  we  should  send  one  to  parley  with  him,  which  we  did, 
which  was  Edward  Winslow , to  know  his  mind,  and  to  signify  the  mind  and 
will  of  our  governor,  which  was  to  have  trading  and  peace  with  him.  We 
sent  to  the  king  a pair  of  knives,  and  a copper  chain,  with  a jewel  in  it.  To 
Quadequina  we  sent  likewise  a knife,  and  a jewel  to  hang  in  his  ear,  and 
withal  a pot  of  strong  water,  a good  quantity  of  biscuit,  and  some  butter, 
which  were  all  willingly  accepted.” 

The  Englishman  then  made  a speech  to  him  about  his  king’s  love  and  good- 
ness to  him  and  his  people,  and  that  he  accepted  of  him  as  his  friend  and  ally. 
“ He  liked  well  of  the  speech,  (say  the  English,)  and  heard  it  attentively,  though 
the  interpreters  did  not  well  express  it.  After  he  had  eaten  and  drunk  himself, 
and  given  the  rest  to  his  company,  he  looked  upon  our  messenger’s  sword  and 
armor,  which  he  had  on,  with  intimation  of  his  desire  to  buy  it ; but,  on  the 
other  side,  our  messenger  showed  his  unwillingness  to  part  with  it.  In  the 
end  he  left  him  in  the  custody  of  Quadequina , his  brother,  and  came  over  the 
brook,  and  some  20  men  following  him.  We  kept  six  or  seven  as  hostages  for 
our  messenger.” 

As  Massasoit  proceeded  to  meet  the  English,  they  met  him  with  six  soldiers, 
who  saluted  each  other.  Several  of  his  men  were  with  him,  but  all  left  their 
bows  and  arrows  behind.  They  were  conducted  to  a new  house  which  was 
partly  finished,  and  a green  rug  was  spread  upon  the  floor,  and  several  cush- 
ions for  Massasoit  and  his  chiefs  to  sit  down  upon.  Then  came  the  English 
governor,  followed  by  a drummer  and  trumpeter  and  a few  soldiers,  and  after 
kissing  one  another,  all  sat  down.  Some  strong  water  being  brought,  the 
governor  drank  to  Massasoit,  who  in  his  turn  “drank  a great  draught,  that 
made  him  sweat  all  the  while  after.” 

They  now  proceeded  to  make  a treaty,  which  stipulated,  that  neither  Massa- 
soit nor  any  of  his  people  should  do  hurt  to  the  English,  and  that  if  they 
did  they  should  be  given  up  to  be  punished  by  them  ; and  that  if  the  English 
did  any  harm  to  him  or  any  of  his  people,  they  (the  English ) would  do  the  like 
to  them.  That  if  any  did*  unjustly  war  against  him,  the  English  were  to  aid 
him,  and  he  was  to  do  the  same  in  his  turn,  and  by  so  doing  King  James  would 
esteem  him  his  friend  and  ally. 

“ All  which  (they  say)  the  king  seemed  to  like  well,  and  it  was  applauded  of 
his  followers.”  And  they  add,  “ All  the  while  he  sat  by  the  governor,  he 
trembled  for  fear.” 

At  this  time  he  is  described  as  “a  very  lusty  man,  in  his  best  years,  an  able 
body,  grave  of  countenance,  and  spare  of  speech ; in  his  attire  little  or  nothing 
differing  from  the  rest  of  his  followers,  only  in  a great  chain  of  white  bone 
beads  about  his  neck ; and  at  it,  behind  his  neck,  hangs  a little  bag  of  tobacco, 
which  he  drank,  and  gave  us  to  drink.]  His  face  was  painted  with  a sad  red 

* Mourt’s  narrative  is  here  continued  from  the  last  extract  in  p.  10,  without  any  omission. 

f I presume  that  by  “ drinking  tobacco,”  smoking  is  meant.  The  pilgrims  were  probably 
not  acquainted  with  the  practice  of  smoking  at  all,  and  hence  this  sort  of  misnomer  is  not 
strange,  though  it  may  be  thought  a littie  odd.  How  long  smoking  went  by  the  name  of 
drinking  at  Plimouth  I do  not  learn  ; but  in  1646  this  entry  is  found  in  the  Plimouth 
records  : — “ Anthony  Thacher  and  George  Pole  were  chosen  a commitee  to  draw  up  an  order 
concerning  disorderly  drinking  of  Tobacco.” 

Roger  Williams  says,  in  his  Key,  “ Generally  all  the  men  throughout  the  country  have  a 
tobacco-bag,  with  a pipe  in  it,  hanging  at  their  back.” 

Dr.  Thacher  says,  that  an  aged  man  in  Plimouth,  who  was  a great  smoker,  used  to  term 


Chap.  II.] 


MASSASOIT. 


23 

like  murrey,  and  oiled  both  head  and  face,  that  he  looked  greasily.  All  his 
followers  likewise  were,'  in  their  faces,  in  part  or  in  whole,  painted,  some  black, 
some  red,  some  yellow,  and  some  white  ; some  with  crosses  and  other  antic 
works  ; some  had  skins  on  them,  and  some  naked  ; all  strong,  tall  men  in  ap- 
pearance. The  king  had  in  his  bosom,  hanging  in  a string,  a great  long  knife. 
He  marvelled  much  at  our  trumpet,  and  some  of  his  men  would  sound  it  as 
well  as  they  could.  Samoset  and  Squanto  stayed  all  night  with  us.”  Massasoit 
retired  into  the  woods,  about  half  a mile  from  the  English,  and  there  encamped 
at  night  with  his  men,  women  and  children.  Thus  ended  March  22d,  1621. 

During  his  first  visit  to  the  English,  he  expressed  great  signs  of  fear,  and 
during  the  treaty  could  not  refrain  from  trembling.* *  Thus  it  is  easy  to  see 
how  much  hand  he  had  in  making  it,  but  would  that  there  had  never  been  worse 
ones  made. 

It  was  agreed  that  some  of  his  people  should  come  and  plant  near  by,  in  a 
few  days,  and  live  there  all  summer.  “That  night  we  kept  good  watch,  but 
there  was  no  appearance  of  danger.  The  next  morning  divers  of  their  people 
came  over  to  us,  hoping  to  get  some  victuals,  as  we  imagined.  Some  of  them 
told  us  the  king  would  have  some  of  us  come  to  see  him.  Capt.  Standish  and 
Isaac  Alderton  went  venterously,  who  were  welcomed  of  him  after  their  man- 
ner. He  gave  them  three  or  four  ground  nuts  and  some  tobacco.  We  cannot 
yet  conceive,  (they  continue,)  but  that  he  is  willing  to  have  peace  with  us ; for 
they  have  seen  our  people  sometimes  alone  two  or  three  in  the  woods  at  work 
and  fowling,  when  as  they  offered  them  no  harm,  as  they  might  easily  have 
done ; and  especially  because  he  hath  a potent  adversary,  the  Narrohigansets,f 
that  are  at  war  with  him,  against  whom  he  thinks  we  may  be  some  strength  to 
him  ; for  our  pieces  are  terrible  unto  them.  This  morning  they  stayed  till  10 
or  11  of  the  clock ; and  our  governor  bid  them  send  the  king’s  kettle,  and  filled 
it  with  peas,  which  pleased  them  well ; and  so  they  went  their  way.”  Thus 
ended  the  first  visit  of  Massasoit  to  the  pilgrims.  We  should  here  note  that  he 
ever  after  treated  the  English  with  kindness,  and  the  peace  now  concluded 
was  undisturbed  for  nearly'  40  years.  Not  that  any  writing  or  articles  of  a 
treaty,  of  which  he  never  had  any  adequate  idea,  was  the  cause  of  his  friendly 
behavior,  but  it  was  the  natural  goodness  of  his  heart. 

The  pilgrims  report,  that  at  this  time  he  was  at  war  with  the  Narragansets. 
But  if  this  were  the  case,  it  could  have  been  nothing  more  than  some  small 
skirmishing. 

Meanwhile  Squanto  and  Samoset  remained  with  the  English,  instructing  them 
how  to  live  in  their  country ; equal  in  all  respects  to  Robinson  Crusoe’s  man 
Friday , and  had  De  Foe  lived  in  that  age  he  might  have  made  as  good  a story 
from  their  history  as  he  did  from  that  of  Alexander  Selkirk. — “ Squanto  went  to 
fish  [a  day  or  two  after  Massasoit  left]  for  eels.  At  night  he  came  home  with 
as  many  as  he  could  lift  in  one  hand,  which  our  people  were  glad  of.  They 
were  fat  and  sweet.  He  trod  them  out  with  his  feet,  and  so  caught  them  with 
his  hands,  without  any  other  instrument.” 

it  drinking  tobacco.  Hist.  Plim.  34.  This  we  infer  was  within  the  recollection  of  the  au- 
thor. 

The  notion  that  tobacco  is  so  called  from  the  island  Tobago,  is  erroneously  entertained  by 
many.  When  Sir  Francis  Drake  discovered  the  country  to  the  north  of  California,  in  1579, 
the  writer  of  the  account  of  his  voyage  says,  the  Indians  presented  the  admiral  with  a small 
basket  made  of  rushes,  filled  with  an  herb  they  called  tabah.  From  another  passage  it 
appears,  that  the  Indians  of  that  region,  like  those  of  New  England,  had  bags  in  which  tobacco 
was  carried.  Burney’s  Voyages , I.  344—7. 

* And,  with  this  fact  before  him,  the  author  of  “ Tales  of  the  Indians”  says,  the  treaty  was 
made  with  deliberation  and  cheerfulness  on  the  part  of  Massasoit ! 

t Few  Indian  names  have  been  spelt  more  ways  than  this.  From  the  nature  of  the  Indian 
language,  it  is  evident  that  no  r should  be  used  in  it.  Nahigonsik  and  Nantigansick,  R. 
Williams. — Nechegansitt,  Gookin. — Nantyggansiks,  Callender. — Nanohigganset,  Winslow's 
Good  News  from  N.  Eng. — Nanhyganset,  Judge  Johnson’s  Life  of  Gen.  Greene. — These  are 
but  few  of  the  permutations  without  the  r,  and  those  with  it  are  still  more  numerous. 

The  meaning  of  the  name  is  still  uncertain.  Madam  Knight,  in  her  Journal,  22  and  23, 
says,  at  a place  where  she  happened  to  put  up  for  a night  in  that  country,  she  heard  some  of 
the  “ town  topers  ” disputing  about  the  origin  of  the  word  Narraganset.  “ One  said  it  was  so 
named  by  Indians,  because  there  grew  a brier  there  of  a prodigious  height  and  bigness,  who 
quoted  an  Indian  of  so  barbarous  a name  for  his  author  that  she  could  not  write  it.’°  Another 
said  it  meant  a celebrated  spring,  which  was  very  cold  in  summer,  and  u as  hot  as  could  be 
imagined  in  the  winter.” 


MASSASOIT. 


[Book  II, 


24 

This  Squanto  became  afterwards  an  important  personage  in  Indian  politics, 
and  some  of  his  manoeuvres  remind  us  of  some  managing  politicians  of  our 
own  times.  In  1622,  he  forfeited  his  life  by  plotting  to  destroy  that  of  Massa - 
soit,  as  will  be  found  related  in  the  life  of  Hobomok.  On  that  occasion,  Massasoit 
went  himself  to  Plimouth,  “ being  much  offended  and  enraged  against  Tisquan- 
tum ; ” but  the  governor  succeeded  in  allaying  his  wrath  for  that  time.  Soon 
after,  he  sent  a messenger  to  entreat  the  governor  to  consent  to  his  being  put  to 
death ; the  governor  said  he  deserved  death,  but  as  he  knew  not  how  to  get 
along  without  him  in  his  intercourse  with  the  Indians,  he  would  spare  him. 

Determined  in  his  purpose,  Massasoit  soon  sent  the  same  messenger  again, 
accompanied  by  many  others,  who  offered  many  beaver  skins  that  Tisquanlum 
might  be  given  up  to  them.  They  demanded  him  in  the  name  of  Massasoit, 
as  being  one  of  his  subjects,  whom,  (says  Winslow,)  by  our  first  articles  of 
peace,  we  could  not  retain.  But  out  of  respect  to  the  English,  they  would  not 
seize  him  without  their  consent.  Massasoit  had  sent  his  own  knife  to  be  used 
in  cutting  off  his  head  and  hands,  which  were  to  be  brought  to  him. 

Meantime  Squanto  came  and  delivered  himself  up  to  the  governor,  charging 
Hobomok  with  his  overthrow,  and  telling  him  to  deliver  him  or  not  to  the  mes- 
sengers of  Massasoit,  as  he  thought  fit.  It  seems  from  the  narrative  that,  as 
the  governor  was  about  to  do  it,  they  grew  impatient  at  the  delay,  and  went 
off  in  a rage.  The  delay  was  occasioned  by  the  appearance  of  a boat  in  the 
harbor,  which  the  governor  pretended  might  be  that  of  an  enemy,  as  there  had 
been  a rumor  that  the  French  had  meditated  breaking  up  the  settlement  of  the 
English  in  this  region.  This,  however,  was  doubtless  only  a pretence,  and 
employed  to  wear  out  the  patience  of  his  unwelcome  visitors.  Hence  that 
Massasoit  should  for  some  time  after  “ seem  to  frown  ” on  the  English,  as  they 
complain,  is  certainly  no  wonder. 

The  next  summer,  in  June  or  July,  Massasoit  was  visited  by  several  of  the 
English,  among  whom  was  Mr.  Edward  Winsloiv,  Mr.  Stephen  Hopkins,  and 
Squanto  as  their  interpreter.  Their  object  was  to  find  out  his  place  of  resi- 
dence, in  case  they  should  have  to  call  upon  him  for  assistance  ; to  keep  good 
the  friendly  correspondence  commenced  at  Plimouth  ; and  especially  to  cause 
him  to  prevent  his  men  from  hanging  about  them,  and  living  upon  them, 
which  was  then  considered  very  burdensome,  as  they  had  begun  to  grow  short 
of  provisions.  That  their  visit  might  be  acceptable,  they  took  along,  for  a 
present,  a trooper’s  red  coat,  with  some  lace  upon  it,  and  a copper  chain ; with 
these  Massasoit  was  exceedingly  well  pleased.  The  chain,  they  told  him,  he 
must  send  as  a signal,  when  any  of  his  men  wished  to  visit  them,  so  that  they 
might  not  be  imposed  upon  by  strangers. 

When  the  English  arrived  at  Pokanoket,  Massasoit  was  absent,  but  was 
immediately  sent  for.  Being  informed  that  he  was  coming,  the  English  began 
to  prepare  to  shoot  off  their  guns  ; this  so  frightened  the  women  and  children, 
that  they  ran  away,  and  would  not  return  until  the  interpreter  assured  them 
that  they  need  not  fear ; and  when  Massasoit  arrived,  they  saluted  him  by  a 
discharge,  at  which  he  was  very  much  elated  ; and  “ who,  after  their  manner, 
(says  one  of  the  company,)  kindly  welcomed  us,  and  took  us  into  his  house, 
and  set  us  down  by  him,  where,  having  delivered  our  message  and  presents, 
and  having  put  the  coat  on  his  back,  and  the  chain  about  his  neck,  he  was  not 
a little  proud  to  behold  himself,  and  his  men  also,  to  see  their  king  so  bravely 
attired.”  * A new  treaty  was  now  held  with  him,  and  he  very  good-naturedly 
assented  to  all  that  was  desired.  He  then  made  a speech  to  his  men,  many  of 
them  being  assembled  to  see  the  English,  which,  as  near  as  they  could  learn  its 
meaning,  acquainted  them  with  what  course  they  might  pursue  in  regard  to 
the  English.  Among  other  things,  he  said,  “ Am  I not  Massasoit,  commander 
of  the  country  about  us  ? Is  not  such  and  such  places  mine,  and  the  people  of 
them  ? They  shall  take  their  skins  to  the  English .”  This  his  people  applauded. 
In  his  speech,  “ he  named  at  least  thirty  places,”  over  which  he  had  control. 
“ This  being  ended,  he  lighted  tobacco  for  us,  and  fell  to  discoursing  of  Eng- 
land and  of  the  king’s  majesty,  marvelling  that  he  should  live  without  a wife.” 
He  seems  to  have  been  embittered  against  the  French,  and  wished  “ us  not  to 
suffer  them  to  come  to  Narraganset,  for  it  was  King  James's  country,  and  he 


* Mourt’s  Relation,  in  Col.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 


Chap.  II.] 


MASSASOIT 


25 


was  King  James's  man.”  He  had  no  victuals  at  this  time  to  give  to  the  Eng- 
lish, and  night  coming  on,  they  retired  to  rest  supperless.  He  had  but  one 
bed,  if  so  it  might  be  called,  “ being  only  planks  laid  a foot  from  the  ground, 
and  a thin  mat  upon  them.”  * “ He  laid  us  on  the  bed  with  himself  and  his 

wife,  they  at  the  one  end,  and  we  at  the  other.  Two  more  of  his  men,  for 
want  of  room,  pressed  by  and  upon  us ; so  that  we  were  worse  weary  of  our 
lodging  than  of  our  journey.” 

“ The  next  day,  many  of  their  sachims  or  petty  governors  came  to  see  us, 
and  many  of  their  men  also.  There  they  went  to  their  manner  of  games  for 
skins  and  knives.”  It  is  amusing  to  learn  that  the  English  tried  to  get  a 
chance  in  this  gambling  affair.  They  say,  “There  we  challenged  them  to 
shoot  with  them  for  skins,”  but  they  were  too  cunning  for  them,  “ only  they 
desired  to  see  one  of  us  shoot  at  a mark  ; who  shooting  with  hail  shot,  they 
wondered  to  see  the  mark  so  full  of  holes.” 

The  next  day,  about  one  o’clock,  Massasoit  brought  two  large  fishes  and 
boiled  them  ; but  the  pilgrims  still  thought  their  chance  for  refreshment  very 
small,  as  “ there  were  at  least  forty  looking  for  a share  in  them ; ” but  scanty  as 
it  was,  it  came  very  timely,  as  they  had  fasted  two  nights  and  a day.  The 
English  now  left  him,  at  which  he  was  very  sorrowful. 

“.Very  importunate  he  was  (says  our  author)  to  have  us  stay  with  them 
longer.  But  we  desired  to  keep  the  sabbath  at  home,  and  feared  we  should 
either  be  light-headed  for  want  of  sleep  ; for  what  with  bad  lodging,  the  sav- 
ages’ barbarous  singing,  (for  they  used  to  sing  themselves  asleep,)  lice  and  fleas 
within  doors,  and  musketoes  without,  we  could  hardly  sleep  all  the  time  of  our 
being  there ; we  much  fearing,  that  if  we  should  stay  any  longer,  we  should 
not  be  able  to  recover  home  for  want  of  strength.  So  that,  on  Friday  morn- 
ing, before  sunrising,  we  took  our  leave,  and  departed,  Massasoyt  being  both 
grieved  and  ashamed,  that  he  could  no  better  entertain  us.  And  retaining 
Tisquantum  to  send  from  place  to  place  to  procure  truck  for  us,  and  appointing 
another,  called  Tokamahamon , in  his  place,  whom  we  had  found  faithful  before 
and  after  upon  all  occasions.” 

This  faithful  servant,  Tokamahamon , was  in  the  famous  “voyage  to  the 
kingdom  of  Nauset,”  and  was  conspicuous  for  his  courage  in  the  expedition 
against  Caunbitant. 

In  1623,  Massasoit  sent  to  his  friends  in  Plimouth  to  inform  them  that  he 
was  very  dangerously  sick.  Desiring  to  render  him  aid  if  possible,  the  gov- 
ernor despatched  Mr.  Winslow  again,  with  some  medicines  and  cordials,  and 
Hobbomok  as  interpreter ; “ having  one  Master  John  Hamden , a gentleman  of 
London,  who  then  wintered  with  us,  and  desired  much  to  see  the  country,  for 
my  consort.”  f In  their  way  they  found  many  of  his  subjects  were  gone  to 
Pokanoket,  it  being  their  custom  for  all  friends  to  attend  on  such  occasions. 
“ When  we  came  thither  (says  Mr.  Winslow)  we  found  the  house  so  full  of 
men,  as  we  could  scarce  get  in,  though  .they  used  their  best  diligence  to  make 
way  for  us.  There  were  they  in  the  midst  of  their  charms  for  him,  making 
such  a hellish  noise,  as  it  distempered  us  that  were  well,  and,  therefore,  unlike 
to  ease  him  that  was  sick.  About  him  were  six  or  eight  women,  who  chafed 
his  arms,  legs  and  thighs,  to  keep  heat  in  him.  When  they  had  made  an  end 
of  their  charming,  one  told  him  that  his  friends,  the  English,  were  come  to  see 
him.  Having  understanding  left,  but  his  sight  was  wholly  gone,  he  asked,  who 
was  come.  They  told  him  Winsnow , (for  they  cannot  pronounce  the  letter  l, 

* La  Salle  says  ( Expedition  in  America,  p.  11.)  of  the  Indians’  beds  in  general,  that  “ they 
are  made  up  with  some  pieces  of  wood,  upon  which  they  lay  skins  full  of  wool  or  straw,  but, 
for  their  covering,  they  use  the  finest  sort  of  skins,  or  else  mats  finely  wrought.” 

f Winslow’s  Relation.  The  Mr.  Hamden  mentioned,  is  supposed,  by  some,  to  be  the 
celebrated  John  Hamden,  famous  in  the  time  of  Charles  I.,  and  who  died  of  a wound  received 
in  an  attempt  to  intercept  Prince  Rupert,  near  Oxford,  while  supporting  the  cause  of  the 
parliament.  See  Rapin’ s England,  ii.  477,  and  Kennet,  iii.  137. 

It  would  be  highly  gratifying,  could  the  certainty  of  this  matter  be  known  j but,  as  yet,  we 
must  acknowledge  that  all  is  mere  speculation.  Nevertheless,  we  are  pleased  to  meet  with 
the  names  of  such  valued  martyrs  of  liberty  upon  any  page,  and  even  though  they  should 
sometimes  seem  rather  mal  apropos  to  the  case  in  hand.  We  cannot  learn  that  any  of 
Hamden’s  biographers  have  discovered  that  he  visited  America.  Still  there  is  a presumption 
elicit  ho  was 

“ The  village  Hampden,  that,  with  dauntless  breast, 

The  little  tyrant  of  his  fields  withstood.”— G rat’s  Elegt- 

3 


26 


MASSASOIT. 


IBook  II. 


but  ordinarily  n in  the  place  thereof.)*  He  desired  to  speak  with  me.  When 
I came  to  him,  and  they  told  him  of  it,  he  put  forth  his  hand  to  me,  which  I 
took.  Then  he  said  twice,  though  very  inwardly,  Keen  Winsnow  ? which  is  to 
say,  Art  thou  Winslow  % I answered,  Ahhe,  that  is,  Yes.  Then  he  doubled 
these  words  : Matta  neen  ivonckanet  namen , Winsnow ! — that  is  to  say,  0 Wins- 
low , I shall  never  see  thee  again ! ” But  contrary  to  his  own  expectations,  as 
well  as  all  his  friends,  by  the  kind  exertions  of  Mr.  Winslow , he  in  a short  time 
entirely  recovered.  This  being  a passage  of  great  interest  in  the  life  of  the  great 
Massasoit , we  will  here  go  more  into  detail  concerning  it.  When  he  had  become 
able  to  speak,  he  desired  Mr.  Winslow  to  provide  him  a broth  from  some  kind 
of  fowl : “ so  (says  he)  I took  a man  with  me,  and  made  a shot  at  a couple  of 
ducks,  some  sixscore  paces  off,  and  killed  one,  at  which  he  wondered : so  we 
returned  forthwith,  and  dressed  it,  making  more  broth  therewith,  which  he 
much  desired ; never  did  I see  a man  so  low  brought,  recover  in  that  measure 
in  so  short  a time.  The  fowl  being  extraordinary  fat,  I told  Hobbamock  I must 
take  off  the  top  thereof,  saying  it  would  make  him  very  sick  again  if  he  did  eat 
it ; this  he  acquainted  Massassowat  therewith,  who  would  not  be  persuaded  to 
it,  though  I pressed  it  very  much,  showing  the  strength  thereof,  and  the  weak- 
ness of  his  stomach,  which  could  not  possibly  bear  it.  Notwithstanding,  he 
made  a gross  meal  of  it,  and  ate  as  much  as  would  well  have  satisfied  a man  in 
health.”  As  Winslow  had  said,  it  made  him  very  sick,  and  he  vomited  with 
such  violence  that  it  made  the  blood  stream  from  his  nose.  This  bleeding 
caused  them  great  alarm,  as  it  continued  for  four  hours.  When  his  nose  ceased 
bleeding,  he  fell  asleep,  and  did  not  awake  for  6 or  8 hours  more.  After  he 
awoke,  Mr.  Winsloiv  washed  his  face  “and  supplied  his  beard  and  nose  with  a 
iinnen  cloth,”  when  taking  a quantity  of  water  into  his  nose,  by  fiercely  eject- 
ing it,  the  blood  began  again  to  flow,  and  again  his  attendants  thought  he  could 
not  recover,  but,  to  their  great  satisfaction,  it  soon  stopped,  and  he  gained 
strength  rapidly. 

For  this  attention  of  the  English  he  was  very  grateful,  and  always  believed 
that  his  preservation  at  this  time  was  owing  to  the  benefit  he  received  from 
Mr.  Winslow.  In  his  way  on  his  visit  to  Massasoit , Mr.  Winsloiv  broke  a bottle 
containing  some  preparation,  and,  deeming  it  necessary  to  the  sachem’s  recov- 
ery, wrote  a letter  to  the  governor  of  Plimouth  for  another,  and  some  chickens  ; 
in  which  he  gave  him  an  account  of  his  success  thus  far.  The  intention  was 
no  sooner  made  known  to  Massasoit,  than  one  of  his  men  was  sent  off,  at  two 
o’clock  at  night,  for  Plimouth,  who  returned  again  with  astonishing  quickness. 
The  chickens  being  alive,  Massasoit  was  so  pleased  with  them,  and,  being 
better,  would  not  suffer  them  to  be  killed,  and  kept  them  with  the  idea  of  rais- 
ing more.  While  at  Massasoit' s residence,  and  just  as  they  were  about  to 
depart,  the  sachem  told  Hobomok  of  a plot  laid  by  some  of  his  subordinate 
chiefs  for  the  purpose  of  cutting  off  the  two  English  plantations,  which  he 
charged  him  to  acquaint  the  English  with,  which  he  did.  Massasoit  stated 
that  he  had  been  urged  to  join  in  it,  or  give  his  consent  thereunto,  but  had 
always  refused,  and  used  his  endeavors  to  prevent  it.  The  particulars  of  the 
evils  which  that  plot  brought  upon  its  authors  will  be  found  in  the  history  of 
Wittuwamet. 

At  this  time  the  English  became  more  sensible  of  the  real  virtues  of  Massa- 
soit than  ever  before.  His  great  anxiety  for  the  welfare  of  his  people  was 
manifested  by  his  desiring  Mr.  Winslow,  or,  as  Winslow  himself  expresses  it, 
“ He  caused  me  to  go  from  one  to  another,  [in  his  village,]  requesting  me  to 
wash  their  mouths  also,  [many  of  his  people  being  sick  at  that  time,]  and  give 
to  each  of  them  some  of  the  same  I gave  him,  saying  they  were  good  folk.” 

* Every  people,  and  consequently  every  language,  have  their  peculiarities.  Baron  Lahon- 
tan,  Memoires  de  la  Amerique,  ii.  236.  237,  says,  “ Je  dirai  de  la  langue  des  Hurons  et  des 
Iroquois  une  chose  assez  curieuse,  qui  est  qu’il  ne  s7y  trouve  point  de  lettres  labiales ; e'est  a dire , 
de  b,  f,  m,  p.  Cependant,  celte  langue  des  Hurons  paroit  itre  fort  belle  et  de  un  son  tout  a 
fait  beau;  quoi  qu’ils  ne  ferment  jamais  leurs  levres  en  parlant.”  And  “J’ai  passe  quatre  jours 
a couloir  faire  prononcer  a des  Hurons  les  lettres  labiales,  maisje  n7ai  p&  y rSUssir,  et  je  crois 
qu’en  dix  ans  its  ne  pourrout  dire  ces  mots,  bon,  fils.  Monsieur,  Pontchartrain  ; car  au  lieu  de 
dire  bon,  ils  diroient  ouon,  au  lieu  de  fils,  ils  prononceroient  rils  ; au  lieu  de  monsieur,  caoun- 
sieur,  au  lieu  de  Pontchartrain,  Conchartrain.”  Hence  it  seems  their  languages  are  analo- 
gous. 


Chap.  II.] 


massasoit. 


‘27 

An  account  of  his  character  as  given  by  Hobomok  will  be  found  in  the  life  of 
that  chief  or  paniese, 

“ Many  whilst  we  were  there  (says  Winslow)  came  to  see  him ; some,  by 
their  report,  from  a place  not  less  than  100  miles  from  thence.” 

In  1632,  a short  war  was  carried  on  between  Massasoit  and  Canonicus,  the 
sachem  of  the  Narragansets,  but  the  English  interfering  with  a force  under 
the  spirited  Captain  Standi sh,  ended  it  with  very  little  bloodshed.  Massasoit 
expected  a serious  contest ; and,  as  usual  on  such  occasions,  changed  his  name, 
and  was  ever  after  known  by  the  name  of  Owsamequin,  or  Ousamequin.  Our 
historical  records  furnish  no  particulars  of  his  war  with  the  Narragansets,  fur- 
ther than  we  have  stated. 

We  may  infer  from  a letter  written  by  Roger  WiUiam that  some  oi 
Plimoutk  instigated  Massasoit,  or  Ousamequin,  as  we  should  now  call  him,  to 
lay  claim  to  Providence,  which  gave  that  good  man  some  trouble,  because,  in 
that  case,  his  lands  were  considered  as  belonging  to  Plimouth,  in  whose  juris- 
diction he  was  not  suffered  to  reside ; and,  moreover,  he  had  bought  and  paid 
for  all  he  possessed,  of  the  Narraganset  sachems.  It  was  in  1635  that  Mr. 
Williams  fled  to  that  country,  to  avoid  being  seized  and  sent  to  England.  He 
found  that  Canonicus  and  Miantunnomoh  were  at  bitter  enmity  with  Ousamc - 
quin , but  by  his  great  exertions  he  restored  peace,  without  which  he  could  not. 
have  been  secure,  in  a border  of  the  dominion  of  either.  Ousamequin  was 
well  acquainted  with  Mr.  Williams , whom  he  had  often  seen  during  his  two 
years’  residence  at  Plimouth,  and  was  a great  friend  to  him,  and  therefore  he 
listened  readily  to  his  benevolent  instructions ; giving  up  the  land  in  dispute 
between  himself  and  the  Narraganset  sachems,  which  was  the  island  now 
called  Rhode  Island,  Prudence  Island,  and  perhaps  some  others,  together  with 
Providence.  “ And  (says  Mr.  Williams)  I never  denied  him,  nor  Meantinomy , 
whatever  they  desired  of  me.”  Hence  their  love  and  attachment  for  him,  for 
this  is  their  own  mode  of  living. 

It  appears  that,  before  Miantunnomoh' s reverses  of  fortune,  he  had,  by  some 
means  or  other,  got  possession  of  some  of  the  dominions  of  Ousamequin. 
For  at  the  meeting  of  the  Commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies,  in  the 
autumn  of  1643,  they  order,  “ That  Plymouth  labor  by  all  due  means  to  restore 
Woosamequin  to  his  full  liberties,  in  respect  of  any  encroachments  by  the 
Nanohiggansetts,  or  any  other  natives ; that  so  the  properties  of  the  Indians 
may  be  preserved  to  themselves,  and  that  no  one  sagamore  encroach  upon  the 
rest  as  of  late  : and  that  Woosamequin  be  reduced  to  those  former  terms  anti 
agreements  between  Plymouth  and  him.”  # 

Under  date  1638,  Gov.  Winthrop  says,  “ Owsamekin , the  sachem  of  Acoome- 
meck,  on  this  side  Connecticut,  came  to  [him]  the  governor,  and  brought  a 
present  of  18  skins  of  beaver  from  himself  and  the  sachems  of  Moliegan 
beyond  Connecticut  and  Pakontuckett.”  They  having  heard  that  the  English 
were  about  to  make  war  upon  them  was  the  cause  of  their  sending  this 
present.  The  governor  accepted  it,  and  told  Ousamequin , that  if  they  had  not 
wronged  the  English,  nor  assisted  their  enemies,  they  had  nothing  to  fear  ; 
and,  giving  him  a letter  to  the  governor  of  Connecticut,  dismissed  him  \yell 
satisfied.! 

In  1649,  Ousamequin  sold  to  Miles  Standish,  and  the  other  inhabitants  of 
Duxbury,  “ a tract  of  land  usually  called  Saughtucket ,”  seven  miles  square. 
This  was  Bridgewater.  It  had  been  before  granted  to  them,  only,  however,  in 
preemption.  They  agreed  to  pay  Ousamequin  seven  coats,  of  a yard  and  a 
half  each,  nine  hatchets,  eight  hoes,  twenty  knives,  four  moose  skins,  and  ten 
and  a half  yards  of  cotton  cloth. 

By  a deed  bearing  date  9th  March,  1653,  Ousemaquin  and  his  son  Wamsitto, 
[ Wamsutta ,]  afterwards  called  Alexander,  sold  to  the  English  of  Plimouth  “all 
those  severall  parcells  of  land  lyeing  on  the  south-easterly  side  of  Sinkunke, 
alias  Rehoboth,  bounded  by  a little  brooke  of  water  called  Moskituash  westerly, 
and  soe  runing  by  a dead  swamp  eastward,  and  soe  by  marked  trees  as  Ousa- 
mequin and  Wamsitto  directed,  unto  the  great  riuer,  and  all  the  meadow  about 


* Records  of  the  U.  Colonies. 


f Journal,  i.  264. 


28 


MASSAS01T, 


[Book  II. 


the  sides  of  both,  and  about  the  neck  called  Chachacust,  also  Papasquash  neck, 
also  the  meadow  from  the  bay  to  Keecomewett,”  &c.  For  this  the  considera- 
tion was  “ £35  sterling.” 

By  a writing  bearing  date  “ this  twenty-one  of  September,  1657,”  Ousame- 
quin says,  “ I Vssamequen  do  by  these  presents  ratify  and  allow  the  sale  of  a 
certain  island  called  Chesewanocke,  or  Hogg  Island,  which  my  son  Wamsitta 
sold  to  Richard  Smith , of  Portsmouth  in  R.  I.,  with  my  consent,  which  deed 
of  sale  or  bargain  made  the  7th  of  February  in  the  year  1653, 1 do  ratify,  own 
and  confirm.” 

In  1656,  Roger  Williams  says  that  Ousamequin , by  one  of  his  sachems, 
“ was  at  daily  feud  with  Pumham  about  the  title  and  lordship  of  Warwick  ; ” 
and  that  hostility  was  daily  expected.  But  we  are  not  informed  that  anything 
serious  took  place. 

This  is  the  year  in  which  it  has  been  generally  supposed  that  Ousamequin 
died,  but  it  is  an  error  of  Hutchinson's  transplanting  from  Mr.  Hubbard's  work 
into  his  own.  That  an  error  should  flourish  in  so  good  a soil  as  that  of  the 
“ History  of  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay,”  is  no  wonder ; but  it  is  a 
wonder  that  the  “accurate  Hutchinson"  should  set  down  that  date,  from  that 
passage  of  the  Indian  Wars,  which  was  evidently  made  without  reflection. 
It  being  at  that  time  thought  a circumstance  of  no  consequence. 

That  the  sachem  of  Pokanoket  should  be  scarcely  known  to  our  records 
between  1657  and  1661,  a space  of  only  about  three  years,  as  we  have  shown, 
is  not  very  surprising,  when  we  reflect  that  he  was  entirely  subservient  to  the 
English,  and  nearly  or  quite  all  of  his  lands  being  before  disposed  of,  or  given 
up  to  them.  This,  therefore,  is  a plain  reason  why  we  do  not  meet  with  his 
name  to  deeds  and  other  instruments.  And,  besides  this  consideration,  another 
sachem  was  known  to  be  associated  with  him  at  the  former  period,  who  seems 
to  have  acted  as  Ousamequin's  representative. 

He  was  alive  in  1661,  and  as  late  in  that  year  as  September.*  Several 
months  previous  to  this,  Oneko , with  about  seventy  men,  fell  upon  a defence- 
less town  within  the  dominions  of  Ousamequin,  killing  three  persons,  and  car- 
lying  away  six  others  captive.  He  complained  to  the  General  Court  of 
Massachusetts,  which  interfered  in  his  behalf,  and  the  matter  was  soon 
settled,  f 

From  the  “ Relation  " of  Dr.  I.  Mather,  it  is  clear  that  he  lived  until  1662. 
i lls  words  are,  “ Alexander  being  dead,  [having  died  in  1662,]  his  brother  Philip, 
of  late  cursed  memory,  rose  up  in  his  stead,  and  he  was  no  sooner  styled 
sachem,  but  immediately,  in  the  year  1662,  there  were  vehement  suspicions  of 
his  bloody  treachery  against  the  English.”  \ 

Hence,  as  we  do  not  hear  of  Alexander  as  sachem  until  1662,  which  is  also 
the  year  of  his  death,  it  is  fair  to  conclude  that  he  could  not  have  been  long  in 
office  at  the  time  of  his  death  ; nor  could  he  have  been  styled  “ chief  sachem  ” 
until  after  the  death  of  his  father. 

Whether  Massasoit  had  more  than  two  sons,  is  not  certain,  although  it  is 
confidently  believed  that  he  had.  It  is  probable  that  his  family  was  large.  A 
company  of  soldiers  from  Bridgewater,  in  a skirmish  with  Philip,  took  his 
sister,  and  killed  a brother  of  Ousamequin,  whose  name  was  Unkompoen,  § or 
Akkompoin.  [|  That  he  had  another  brother,  called  Quadequina,  has  been 
mentioned. 

Gov.  Winthrop  gives  the  following  anecdote  of  Ousamequin.  As  Mr.  Ed- 
ward Winslow  was  returning  from  a trading  voyage  southward,  having  left  his 
vessel,  he  traveled  home  by  land,  and  in  the  way  stopped  with  his  old  friend 
Massasoit,  who  agreed  to  accompany  him  the  rest  of  the  way.  In  the  mean 
time,  Ousamequin  sent  one  of  his  men  forward  to  Plimouth,  to  surprise  the 
people  with  the  news  of  Mr.  Winslow's  death.  By  his  manner  of  relating  it, 
and  the  particular  circumstances  attending,  no  one  doubted  of  its  truth,  and 
every  one  was  grieved  and  mourned  exceedingly  at  their  great  loss.  But 

* Some  records  which  Mr.  Daggett  consulted  in  preparing  his  History  of  Attleborough,  led 
him  to  conclude  that  Massasoit  died  previous  to  June,  1G60. 

t Original  manuscript  documents.  The  particulars  of  these  matters  will  be  given  at  large, 
when  we  come  to  treat  of  the  life  of  Uncas. 

J Relation,  72.  § I.  Mother,  44.  ||  Church , 38,  edit.  4to. 


€hap.  II  ] 


EXPEDITION  AGAINST  CAUNBITANT. 


29 


presently  they  were  as  much  surprised  at  seeing  him  coming  in  company 
with  Ousamequin.  When  it  was  known  among  the  people  that  the  sachem 
had  sent  this  news  to  them,  they  demanded  why  he  should  thus  deceive  them. 
He  replied  that  it  was  to  make  him  the  more  welcome  when  he  did  return, 
and  that  this  was  a custom  of  his  people. 

One  of  the  most  renowned  captains  within  the  dominions  of  Massasoit  was 
Caunbitant,*  whose  residence  was  at  a place  called  Mettapoiset , in  the 
present  town  of  Swansey.  His  character  was  much  the  same  as  that  of  the 
famous  Metacomet.  The  English  were  always  viewed  by  him  as  intruders 
and  enemies  of  his  race,  and  there  is  little  doubt  but  he  intended  to  wrest 
the  country  out  of  their  hands  on  the  first  opportunity. 

In  August,  1621,  Caunbitant  was  supposed  to  be  in  the  interest  of  the  Nar- 
ragansets,  and  plotting  with  them  to  overthrow  Massasoit ; and,  being  at 
Namasket  seeking,  say  t]je  Pilgrims,  “to  draw  the  hearts  of  Massasoytfs  sub- 
jects from  him  ; speaking  also  disdainfully  of  us,  storming  at  the  peace  be- 
tween Nauset,  Cummaquid  and  us,  and  at  Tisquantum,  the  worker  of  it ; 
also  at  Tokamahamon , and  one  Hobomok,  (two  Indians  or  Lemes,  one  of 
which  he  would  treacherously  have  murdered  a little  before,  being  a special 
and  trusty  man  of  MassasoyVs,)  Tokmnahamon  went  to  him,  but  the  other 
two  would  not ; yet  put  their  lives  in  their  hands,  privately  went  to  see  if 
they  could  hear  of  their  king,  and,  lodging  at  Namaschet,  were  dicovered  to 
Coubatant , who  set  a guard  to  beset  the  house,  and  took  Tisquantum , (for  he 
had  said,  if  he  were  dead,  the  English  had  lost  their  tongue.)  Hobbamok  see- 
ing that  Tisquantum  was  taken,  and  Coubatant  held  [holding]  a knife  at  his 
breast,  being  a strong  and  stout  man,  brake  from  them,  and  came  to  New  Pli- 
mouth,  full  of  fear  and  sorrow  for  Tisquantum , whom  he  thought  to  be  slain.” 

Upon  this  the  Plimouth  people  sent  an  expedition,  under  Standish,  of  14 
men,f  “ and  Hobbamok  for  their  guide,  to  revenge  the  supposed  death  of 
Tisquantum  on  Coubatant  our  bitter  enemy,  and  to  retain  JYepeof,  another 
sachem,  or  governor,  who  was  of  this  confederacy,  till  we  heard  what  was 
become  of  our  friend  Massasoyt .” 

After  much  toil,  the  little  army  arrived  near  the  place  they  expected  to  find 
Caunbitant  “ Before  we  came  to  the  town  (says  the  narrator)  we  sat  down 
and  eat  such  as  our  knapsacks  afforded ; that  being  done,  we  threw  them 
aside,  and  all  such  things  as  might  hinder  us,  and  so  went  on  and  beset  the 
house,  according  to  our  last  resolution.  Those  that  entered,  demanded  if 
Coubatant  were  not  there ; but  fear  had  bereft  the  savages  of  speech.  We 
charged  them  not  to  stir,  for  if  Coubatant  were  not  there,  we  would  not  med- 
dle with  them  ; if  he  were,  we  came  principally  for  him,  to  be  avenged  on 
him  for  the  supposed  death  of  Tisquantum , and  other  matters : but  howso- 
ever, we  would  not  at  all  hurt  their  women  or  children.  Notwithstanding, 
some  of  them  pressed  out  at  a private  door,  and  escaped,  but  with  some 
wounds.  At  length  perceiving  our  principal  ends,  they  told  us  Coubatant 
was  returned  [home]  with  all  his  train,  and  that  Tisquantum  was  yet  living, 
and  in  the  town ; [then]  offering  some  tobacco,  [and]  other,  such  as  they 
had  to  eat.” 

In  this  hurley  hurley,  (as  they  call  it,)  two  guns  were  fired  “ at  random,” 
to  the  great  terror  of  all  but  Squanto  and  Tokamahamon , “ who,  though  they 
knew  not  our  end  in  coming,  yet  assured  them  [so  frightened]  of  our  honesty, 
[and]  that  we  would  not  hurt  them.”  The  Indian  boys,  seeing  the  squaws 
protected,  cried  out,  JYeensquaes ! JVeensquaes ! that  is,  I am  a squaw ! I am  a 
squaw ! and  the  women  tried  to  screen  themselves  in  Hobomok' s presence, 
reminding  him  that  he  was  their  friend. 

This  attack  upon  a defenceless  house  was  made  at  midnight,  and  must 
have  been  terrible,  in  an  inconceivable  degree,  to  its  inmates,  especially  the 
sound  of  the  English  guns,  which  few,  if  any  of  them,  had  ever  heard  before. 
The  relator  proceeds  : “ But  to  be  short,  we  kept  them  we  had,  and  made 
them  make  a fire  that  we  might  see  to  search  the  house ; in  the  meantime, 


* Corbitant,  Coubatant,  and  Conbitant,  were  ways  of  writing-  his  name  also,  by  his  con- 
temporaries. 

t Ten.  says  the  Relation. 

3# 


30 


TREATY  WITH  THE  INDIANS. 


[Book  If* 


Hobbamok  gat  on  the  top  of  the  house,  and  called  Tisquantum  and  Tokama - 
hwrwn”  They  soon  came,  with  some  others  with  them,  some  armed  and 
others  naked.  The  English  took  away  the  bows  and  arrows  from  those  that 
were  armed,  but  promised  to  return  them  as  soon  as  it  was  day,  which  they 
probably  did. 

They  kept  possession  of  the  captured  wigwam  until  daylight,  when  they 
released  their  prisoners,  and  marched  into  the  town  (as  they  call  it)  of  the 
Namaskets.  Here,  it  appears,  Squanto  had  a house,  to  which  they  went,  and 
took  breakfast,  and  held  a court  afterward,  from  which  they  issued  forth  the 
following  decree  against  Caunbitant : — 

“ Thither  came  all  whose  hearts  were  upright  towards  us,  but  all  Couba- 
t ant's  faction  were  fled  away.  There  in  the  midst  of  them  we  manifested 
again  our  intendment,  assuring  them,  that,  although  Coubitant  had  now 
escaped  us,  yet  there  was  no  place  should  secure  him  and  his  from  us,  if  he 
continued  his  threatening  us,  and  provoking  others  against  us,  who  had 
kindly  entertained  him,  and  never  intended  evil  towards  him  till  he  now  so 
justly  deserved  it.  Moreover,  if  Massasoyt  did  not  return  in  safety  from  Nar- 
rohigganset,  or  if  hereafter  he  should  make  any  insurrection  against  him,  or 
offer  violence  to  Tisquantum , Hobomok,  or  any  of  Massasoyt' s subjects,  we 
would  revenge  it  upon  him,  to  the  overthrow  of  him  and  his.  As  for  those 
[who]  were  wounded,  [how  many  is  not  mentioned,]  we  were  sorry  for  it, 
though  themselves  procured  it  in  not  staying  in  the  house  at  our  command  : 
yet,  if  they  would  return  home  with  us,  our  surgeon  should  heal  them.  At 
this  offer  one  man  and  a woman  that  were  wounded  went  home  with  us, 
Tisquantum  and  many  other  known  friends  accompanying  us,  and  offering 
all  help  that  might  be  by  carriage  of  any  thing  we  had  to  ease  us.  So  that 
by  God’s  good  providence  we  safely  returned  home  the  morrow  night  after 
we  set  forth.”  # 

Notwithstanding  these  rough  passages,  Caunbitant  became  in  appearance 
reconciled  to  the  English,  and  on  the  13th  Sept,  following  (1621)  went  to 
Plimouth  and  signed  a treaty  of  amity.  It  was  through  the  intercession  of 
Massasoit  that  he  became  again  reconciled,  but  the  English  always  doubted 
his  sincerity,  as  most  probably  they  had  reason  to.  The  treaty  or  submission 
was  in  these  words  : — 


“ Know  all  men  by  these  presents,  that  we  whose  names  are  underwritten, 
do  acknowledge  ourselves  to  be  the  royal  subjects  of  King  James , king  of 
Great  Britain,  France  and  Ireland,  defender  of  the  faith,  &c.  In  witness 
whereof,  and  as  a testimonial  of  the  same,  we  have  subscribed  our  names,  or 
marks,  as  followeth : — 

Ohquamehud,  Nattawahunt,  Quadaquina, 

Cawnacome,  Caunbatant,  Huttmoiden, 

Obbatinnua,  Chikkatabak,  Apannow.” 


Of  some  of  these  sachems  nothing  is  known  beyond  this  transaction,  and 
of  others  very  little. 

Obbatinua  is  supposed  to  have  been  sachem  of  Shawmut,  where  Boston 
now  stands. 

Cawnacome  and  Apannow  may  be  the  same  before  spoken  of  as  Coneconam 
and  Epanow,  though  I am  rather  of  opinion  that  Apannow  means  Aspinet  of 
Nauset.f  JYattawahunt  we  shall  again  meet  with,  under  the  name  JVashoonon . 
Coneconam  was  sachem  of  Manomet , on  Cape  Cod. 

When,  in  the  winter  of  1623,  the  English  traversed  the  country  to  trade 
with  the  Indians  for  corn,  they  visited  him  among  other  chiefs ; who,  they 
say,  “ it  seemed  was  of  good  respect,  and  authority,  amongst  the  Indians. 
For  whilst  the  governor  was  there,  within  night,  in  bitter  cold  weather,  came 
two  men  from  Manamoyck,  before  spoken  of,  and  having  set  aside  their  bows 


* From  Mourt,  ut  supra,  and  signed  only  with  the  capital  letter  A,  which  is  supposed  to 
stand  for  Isaac  Allerton,  who  accompanied  Standish  perhaps.  From  the  use  of  the  pronoun 
in  the  first  person,  the  writer,  whoever  he  was.  must  have  been  present, 
t See  chapter  i.  of  b.  ii. 


CAUNBITANT. 


31 


Chap.  II.] 

and  quivers,  according  to  their  manner,  sat  down  by  the  fire,  and  took  a pipe 
of' tobacco,  not  using  any  words  in  that  time,  nor  any  other  to  them,  but  all 
remained  silent,  expecting  when  they  would  speak.  At  length  they  looked 
toward  Canacum ; and  one  of  them  made  a short  speech,  and  delivered  a 
present  to  him,  from  his  sachim,  which  was  a basket  of  tobacco,  and  many 
beads,  which  the  other  received  thankfully.  After  which  he  made  a long 
speech  to  him,”  the  meaning  of  which  Hobomok  said  was,  that  two  of  their 
men  fell  out  in  a game,  “ for  they  use  gaming  as  much  as  any  where,  and 
will  play  away  all,  even  their  skin  from  their  backs,  yea  their  wive’s  skins 
also,”  and  one  killed  the  other.  That  the  murderer  was  a powow,  “ one  of 
special  note  amongst  them,”  and  one  whom  they  did  not  like  to  part  with ; 
yet  they  were  threatened  with  war,  if  they  did  not  kill  the  murderer.  That, 
therefore,  their  sachem  deferred  acting  until  the  advice  of  Coneconam  was 
first  obtained. 

After  consulting  with  this  chief,  and  some  of  his  head  men,  these  messen- 
gers desired  Hobomok' s judgment  upon  the  matter.  With  some  deference 
he  replied,  that  “ he  thought  it  was  better  that  one  should  die  than  many, 
since  he  had  deserved  it ; ” “ whereupon  he  passed  the  sentence  of  death 
upon  him.” 

We  shall  have  occasion  again  to  notice  this  chief,  at  whose  house  the  first 
act  of  a tragic  scene  was  acted,  which  in  its  course  brought  ruin  upon  its 
projectors. 

When  Mr.  Edivard  Winsloiv  and  Mr.  John  Hamden  went  to  visit  Massasoit 
in  his  sickness,  in  1623,  they  heard  by  some  Indians,  when  near  Caunbitant's 
residence,  that  Massasoit  was  really  dead : they,  therefore,  though  with  much 
hesitation,  ventured  to  his  house,  hoping  they  might  treat  with  him,  he  being 
Then  thought  the  successor  of  Massasoit.  But  he  was  not  at  home.  The 
squaw  sachem,  his  wife,  treated  them  with  great  kindness,  and  learning  here 
that  Massasoit  was  still  alive,  they  made  all  haste  to  Pokanoket.  When  they 
returned,  they  staid  all  night  with  Caunbitant,  at  his  house,  who  accompanied 
‘ them  there  from  Massasoit's. 

Mr.  Winslow  gives  the  account  in  these  words  : — “ That  night,  through  the 
earnest  request  of  Conbatant , who,  till  now,  remained  at  Sowaams,  or 
Puckanokick,  we  lodged  with  him  at  Mattapuyst.  By  the  way,  I had  much 
i conference  with  him,  so  likewise  at  his  house,  he  being  a notable  politician, 
yet  full  of  merry  jests  and  squibs,  and  never  better  pleased  than  when  the 
like  are  returned  again  upon  him.  Amongst  other  things  he  asked  me,  if  in 
case  he  were  thus  dangerously 'sick,  as  Massasoit  had  been,  and  should  send 
word  thereof  to  Patuxet,  for  maskiest ,#  [that  is,  physic,]  whether  their  master 
governor  would  send  it ; and  if  he  would,  whether  I would  come  therewith 
to  him.  To  both  which  I answered,  yea ; whereat  he  gave  me  many  joyful 
thanks.”  He  then  expressed  his  surprise  that  two  Englishmen  should  ad- 
venture so  far  alone  into  their  country,  and  asked  them  if  they  were  not 
afraid.  Mr.  Winsloiv  said,  “where  was  true  love,  there  was  no  fear.”  “But,” 
said  Caunbitant , “ if  your  love  be  such , and  it  bring  forth  such  fruits , how  cometh 
it  to  pass , that  when  we  come  to  Patuxet , you  stand  upon  your  guard,  with  the 
mouth  of  your  pieces  presented  towards  us  ? ” Mr.  Winsloiv  told  him  that  was  a 
mark  of  respect,  and  that  they  received  their  best  friends  in  that  manner ; 
but  to  this  he  shook  his  head,  and  answered,  that  he  did  not  like  such  salu- 
i tations.  f 

When  Caunbitant  saw  his  visiters  crave  a blessing  before  eating,  and 
! return  thanks  afterwards,  he  desired  to  know  what  it  meant  “Hereupon  1 
took  occasion  (says  our  author)  to  tell  them  of  God’s  works  of  creation  and 
preservation,  of  the  laws  and  ordinances,  especially  of  the  ten  command- 
i ments.”  They  found  no  particular  fault  with  the  commandments,  except 
i the  seventh,  but  said  there  were  many  inconveniences  in  that  a man  should 
i be  tied  to  one  woman.  About  which  they  reasoned  a good  while. 

When  Mr.  Winslow  explained  the  goodness  of  God  in  bestowing  on  them 
all  their  comforts,  and  that  for  this  reason  they  thanked  and  blessed  him, 


* In  Williams’s  Key,  Maskit  is  translated,  “ Give  me  some  physic.” 
t Good  News  from  N.  England,  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 


32 


WITTUVVA  MET.— PERSUOT. 


[Book  It 


“this  all  of  them  concluded  to  be  very  well ; and  said  they  believed  almost 
all  the  same  things,  and  that  the  same  power  that  we  call  God  they  called 
Kichtan."  “ Here  we  remained  only  that  night,  but  never  had  better  enter- 
tainment amongst  any  of  them.” 

What  became  of  this  chief  is  unknown.  His  name  appearing  no  more  in 
our  records,  leads  us  to  suppose  that  he  either  fled  his  country  on  the  mur- 
der of  Wittmvamet , Peltsuot,  and  others,  or  that  he  died  about  that  time. 

Wittuwamet  was  a Massachusetts  chief,  as  was  his  companion  Peksuot , 
but  their  particular  residence  has  not  been  assigned.  Wittuwamet  was  a des- 
perate and  bold  fellow,  and,  like  most  other  warriors,  delighted  in  shedding 
the  blood  of  his  enemies.  It  is  not  improbable  but  that  he  became  exasper- 
ated against  the  English  from  the  many  abuses  some  of  them  had  practised 
upon  his  countrymen.  This  will  account,  perhaps,  for  all  the  severity  and 
malignity  portrayed  by  the  forefathers  in  his  character.  He  was  one  of  those, 
they  say,  who  murdered  some  of  the  crew  of  the  French  ship,  cast  away 
upon  Cape  Cod,  as  we  have  before  mentioned. 

That  Wittuwamet , Peksuot , and  some  other  chiefs,  intended  to  have  freed 
their  country  of  intruders  in  the  year  1623,  there  can  be  no  doubt,  and  in  re- 
lating the  rise,  progress  and  termination  of  their  league  to  effect  this  object, 
we  shall,  to  avoid  the  charge  of  partiality,  adhere  closely  to  the  record. 

We  have  before,  in  speaking  of  Caunecum , or  Coneconam , mentioned  the 
voyage  of  the  governor  of  Plimouth  to  that  sachem’s  country  to  trade  for 
corn  ; that  was  in  January,  1623.  Not  being  able  to  bring  away  all  he  ob- 
tained, Captain  Miles  Standish  was  sent  the  next  month  to  take  it  to  Plimouth, 
also  to  purchase  more  at  the  same  place,  but  he  did  not  meet  with  very  good 
reception,  which  led  him  to  apprehend  there  was  mischief  at  hand.  And 
immediately  after,  while  at  Coneconam' s house  with  two  or  three  of  his  com- 
pany, “ in  came  two  of  the  Massachusetts  men.  The  chief  of  them  was 
called  Wittuwamat , a notable  insulting  villain,  one  who  had  formerly  imbrued 
his  hands  in  the  blood  of  English  and  French,  and  had  oft  boasted  of  his 
own  valor,  and  derided  their  weakness,  especially  because,  as  he  said,  they 
died  crying,  making  sour  faces,  more  like  children  than  men.  This  villain 
took  a dagger  from  about  his  neck,  which  he  had  gotten  of  Master  Weston's 
people,  and  presented  it  to  the  sachem,  [ Coneconam ,]  and  after  made  a long 
speech  in  an  audacious  manner,  framing  it  in  such  sort  as  the  captain,  though 
he  be  the  best  linguist  among  us,  could  not  gather  any  thing  from  it.  The 
end  of  it  was  afterwards  discovered  to  be  as  followeth.  The  Massachu- 
seucks  formerly  concluded  to  ruinate  Mr.  Weston's  colony;  and  thought 
themselves,  being  about  30  or  40  men,  strong  enough  to  execute  the  same  : 
yet  they  durst  not  attempt  it,  till  such  time  as  they  had  gathered  more 
strength  to  themselves,  to  make  their  party  good  against  us  at  Plimouth ; 
concluding  that  if  we  remained,  though  they  had  no  other  arguments  to  use 
against  us,  yet  we  would  never  leave  the  death  of  our  countiymen  unre- 
venged ; and  therefore  their  safety  could  not  be  without  the  overthrow  of 
both  plantations.  To  this  end  they  had  formerly  solicited  this  sachem,  as 
also  the  other,  called  Ianough,  and  many  others,  to  assist  them ; and  now 
again  came  to  prosecute  the  same ; and  since  there  was  so  fair  an  opportu- 
nity offered  by  the  captain’s  presence,  they  thought  best  to  make  sure  of  him 
and  his  company.” 

Coneconam , after  this  speech,  treated  Standish  with  neglect,  and  was  very 
partial  to  Wittuwamet , which  much  increased  the  jealousy  of  the  former. 
These  Indians  meantime  contrived  to  kill  Standish,  having  employed  a “lusty 
Indian  of  Paomet  ” to  execute  the  plan.  The  weather  was  severely  cold, 
and  Standish  lodged  on  shore  at  night,  and  this  was  the  time  he  was  to  have 
been  killed.  But  the  extreme  coldness  of  the  night  kept  him  from  sleeping, 
and  thus  he  avoided  assassination. 

We  have  had  occasion,  in  the  life  of  Massasoit,  to  mention  that  that  chief 
had  been  solicited  to  engage  in  this  confederacy,  and  of  his  charging  Hobomok 
to  warn  the  English  of  it.  The  people  of  the  places  named  at  that  time  by 
Massasoit , as  in  the  plot,  were  Nauset,  Paomet,  Succonet,  Mattachiest,  Mano- 
met,  Agowaywam,  and  the  Island  of  Capawack.  “Therefore,  (says  Mr. 
Winslow  in  his  Relation,)  as  we  respected  the  lives  of  our  countrymen  and 


Chap.  II.] 


WITTUWAMET. — WESTON'S  COLONY. 


33 


our  own  safety,  he  advised  us  to  kill  the  men  of  Massachuset,  who  were  the 
authors  of  this  intended  mischief.  And  whereas  we  were  wont  to  say,  we 
would  not  strike  a stroke  till  they  first  began,  If]  said  he,  [Massasoit  to 
Hobomok ,]  upon  this  intelligence,  they  make  that  answer,  tell  them,  when 
their  countrymen  at  Wichaguscusset  are  killed,  they  not  being  able  to  defend 
themselves,  that  then  it  will  be  too  late  to  recover  their  lives,”  and  it  would 
be  with  difficulty  that  they  preserved  their  own ; “ and  therefore  he  coun- 
selled, without  delay,  to  take  away  the  principals,  and  then  the  plot  would 
cease.” 

Meanwhile  Weston's  men  had  fallen  into  a miserable  and  wretched  condi- 
tion ; some,  to  procure  a daily  sustenance,  became  servants  to  the  Indians, 
“ fetching  them  wood  and  water,  &c.,  and  all  for  a meal’s  meat.”  Those 
who  were  thus  degraded,  were,  of  course,  only  a few  who  had  abandoned 
themselves  to  riot  and  dissipation,  but  whose  conduct  had  affected  the  well 
being  of  the  whole,  notwithstanding.  Some  of  these  wretches,  in  then*  ex- 
tremities, had  stolen  corn  from  the  Indians,  on  whose  complaint  they  had 
been  put  in  the  stocks  and  whipped.  This  not  giving  the  Indians  satisfac- 
tion, one  was  hanged.  This  was  in  February,  1623. 

About  this  capital  punishment  much  has  been  written ; some  doubting  the 
fact  that  any  one  was  hanged,  others  that  it  was  the  real  offender,  &c.  But 
in  our  opinion  the  facts  are  incontestable  that  one  was  hanged ; but  whether 
the  one  really  guilty  or  not,  is  not  quite  so  easily  settled.  The  fact  that  one 
was  hanged  for  another  appears  to  have  been  of  common  notoriety,  both  in 
Old  and  New  England,  from  shortly  after  the  affair  until  the  beginning  of 
the  next  century.* 

Mr.  Hubbard  f has  this  passage  upon  the  affair : — “ Certain  it  is,  they  [the 
Indians]  were  so  provoked  with  their  filching  and  stealing,  that  they  threat- 
ened them,  as  the  Philistines  did  Samson's  father-in-law,  after  the  loss  of  their 
corn ; insomuch  that  the  company,  as  some  report,  pretended,  in  way  of  satis- 
faction, to  punish  him  that  did  the  theft,  but,  in  his  stead,  hanged  a poor,  de- 
< crepit  old  man,  that  was  unserviceable  to  the  company,  [an  old  bed-rid 
weaver,];]  anfl  burdensome  to  keep  alive,  which  was  the  ground  of  the  story 
with  which  the  merry  gentleman,  that  wrote  the  poem  called  Hudibras,  did, 
in  his  poetical  fancy,  make  so  much  sport.”  And  from  the  same  author  it  ap- 
pears that  the  circumstance  was  well  known  at  Plimouth,  but  they  pretended 
v that  the  right  person  was  hanged,  or,  in  our  author’s  own  words,  “as  if  the 
person  hanged  was  really  guilty  of  stealing,  as  may  be  were  many  of  the  rest, 
and  if  they  were  driven  by  necessity  to  content  the  Indians,  at  that  time,  to 
do  justice,  there  being  some  of  Mr.  Weston's  company  living,  it  is  possible  it 
might  be  executed  not  on  him  that  most  deserved,  but  on  him  that  could  be 
best  spared,  or  who  was  not  like  to  live  long  if  he  had  been  let  alone.” 

It  will  now  be  expected  that  we  produce  the  passage  of  Hudibras.  Here 
it  is : — 


jusuuc  ocmeiicc,  iiiciii^  limes, 

On  one  Man  for  another’s  crimes. 

Our  Brethren  of  New  England  use 
Choice  Malefactors  to  excuse. 

And  hang  the  Guiltless  in  their  stead, 
Of  whom  the  Churches  have  less  need  : 


Between  both  churches,  his  and  ours, 


For  which  he  craved  the  Saints  to  render 


They  had  no  more  but  him  o'  th'  Trade, 


They  had  no  more  but  him  o'  th'  Trade, 
(A  Man  that  served  them  in  a double 
Capacity,  to  Teach  and  Cobble,) 


Into  his  Hands,  or  hang  th'  Offender: 
But  they,  maturely  having  weighed, 

riM j l: nn i. 


As  lately 't  happened  : In  a town 
There  lived  a Cobbler,  and  but  one, 
ti  That  out  of  Doctrine  could  cut  Use, 

And  mend  Men's  Lives,  as  well  as  Shoes. 
1 This  precious  Brother  having  slain, 

In  times  of  Peace,  an  Indian, 
i (Not  out  of  Malice,  but  mere  Zeal, 
j Because  he  was  an  infidel,) 


Resolved  to  spare  him  ; yet  to  do 
The  Indian  Hoghan  Moghgan,  too, 


And  in  your  Room  another 


The  Indian  Hoghan  Moghgan,  too, 
Impartial  Justice,  in  his  stead,  did 
Hang  an  old  Weaver  that  was  Bed-rid. 
Then  wherefore  may  not  you  be  skipp’d, 

A nrl  in  vnnr  Rnnm  nnnlhpr  Whinn’H  1 


in  your  Room  another  Whipp'  dT 


to  spare  him  ; yet  to  do 


* See  Col.  N.  H.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  148.  and  b.  i.  chap.  iii.  ante. 
t Hist.  N.  Eng.  77.  f Col.  N.  H.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  148. 


34 


W1TTUWAMET. — WESTON'S  COLONY. 


[Book  II. 


The  following  note  was  early  printed  to  this  passage “ The  history  of 
the  cobbler  had  been  attested  by  persons  of  good  credit,  who  were  upon  the 
place  when  it  was  done.”  Mr.  Butler  wrote  this  part  of  his  Hudibras 
before  1663. 

Thomas  Morton , who  was  one  of- the  company,  though  perhaps  absent  at 
the  time,  pretends  that  there  was  no  plot  of  the  Indians,  and  insinuates  that 
the  Plimoutheans  caused  all  the  trouble,  and  that  their  rashness  caused  the 
Indians  to  massacre  some  of  their  men,  as  we  shall  presently  relate  from  a 
book  which  Mr.  Morton  published.* 

“Master  Weston's  plantation  being  settled  at  Wessaguscus,  his  servants, 
many  of  them  lazy  persons,  that  would  .use  no  endeavor  to  take  the  benefit 
of  the  country,  some  of  them  fell  sick  and  died. 

“ One  amongst  the  rest,  an  able-bodied  man,  that  ranged  the  woods,  to  see 
what  it  would  afford,  lighted  by  accident  on  an  Indian  barn,  and  from  thence 
did  take  a cap  full  of  corn.  The  salvage  owner  of  it,  finding  by  the  foot 
[track]  some  English  had  been  there,  came  to  the  plantation,  and  made  com- 
plaint after  this  manner.  The  chief  commander  of  the  company,  on  this 
occasion,  called  a Parliament  of  all  his  people,  but  those  that  were  sick  and 
ill  at  ease.f  And  wisely  now  they  must  consult,  upon  this  huge  complaint, 
that  a privy  [paltry]  knife  or  string  of  beads  would  well  enough  have  quali- 
fied: And  Edward  Iohnson  was  a special  judge  of  this  business.  The  fact 
was  there  in  repetition,  construction  made,  that  it  was  fellony,  and  by  the 
laws  of  England  punished  with  death,  and  this  in  execution  must  be  put  for 
an  example,  and  likewise  to  appease  the  salvage ; when  straightway s one 
arose,  moved  as  it  were  -with  some  compassion,  and  said  he  could  not  well 
gainsay  the  former  sentence ; yet  he  had  conceived,  within  the  compass  of 
his  brain,  an  embrio,  that  was  of  special  consequence  to  be  delivered,  and 
cherished,  he  said ; that  it  would  most  aptly  serve  to  pacify  the  salvage’s 
complaint,  and  save  the  life  of  one  that  might  (if  need  should  be)  stand  them 
in  some  good  stead ; being  young  and  strong,  fit  for  resistance  against  an 
enemy,  which  might  come  unexpectedly,  for  any  thing  they  knew. 

“The  oration  made  was  liked  of  every  one,  and  he  intreated  to  show  the 
means  how  this  may  be  performed.  Says  he,  you  all  agree  that  one  must 
die,  and  one  shall  die.  This  young  man’s  clothes  we  will  take  off,  and  put 
upon  one  that  is  old  and  impotent,  a sickly  person  that  cannot  escape  death ; 
such  is  the  disease  on  him  confirmed,  that  die  he  must.  Put  the  young- 
man’s  clothes  on  this  man,  and  let  the  sick  person  be  hanged  in  the  other’s 
stead.  Amen,  says  one,  and  so  says  many  more.  And  this  had  like  to  have 
proved  their  final  sentence;  and  being  there  confirmed  by  act  of  Parliament 
to  after  ages  for  a precedent.  But  that  one,  with  a ravenous  voice,  begun  to 
croak  and  bellow  for  revenge,  and  put  by  that  conclusive  motion  ; alleging 
such  deceits  might  be  a means  hereafter  to  exasperate  the  minds  of  the  com- 
plaining salvages,  and  that,  by  his  death,  the  salvages  should  see  their  zeal 
to  justice,  and,  therefore,  he  should  die.  This  was  concluded  ; yet,  never- 
theless, a scruple  was  made ; now  to  countermand  this  act  did  represent 
itself  unto  their  minds,  which  was  how  they  should  do  to  get  the  man’s  good 
will : this  was  indeed  a special  obstacle : for  without  that  (they  all  agreed)  it 
would  be  dangerous,  for  any  man  to  attempt  the  execution  of  it,  lest  mis- 
chief should  befall  them  every  man.  He  was  a person  that,  in  his  wrath, 
did  seem  to  be  a second  Sampson , able  to  beat  out  their  brains  with  the  jaw- 
bone of  an  ass : therefore  they  called  the  man,  and  by  persuasion  got  him 
fast  bound  in  jest,  and  then  hanged  him  up  hard  by  in  good  earnest,  who 
with  a weapon,  and  at  liberty,  would  have  put  all  these  wise  judges  of  this 
Parliament  to  a pittiful  non  plus , (as  it  hath  been  credibly  reported,)  and 
made  the  chief  judge  of  them  all  buckle  to  him.” 

This  is  an  entire  chapter  of  the  New  Canaan,  which,  on  account  of  its 
great  rarity,  we  have  given  in  full.  In  his  next  chapter  Mr.  Morton  proceeds 
to  narrate  the  circumstances  of  the  “ massacre  ” of  Wittuwamet,  Peksuot,  and 
other  Massachusetts  Indians,  and  the  consequences  of  it.  But  we  shall  now 


* Entitled  New  English  Canaan,  4to.  Amsterdam,  1637. 
f Against  this  sentence,  in  the  margin,  is — “ A poor  comp’aint.” 


Chap.  IT.]  WASSAPINE WAT.— MASSACRE  AT  WESSAGUSCUS.  35 

draw  from  the  Plimouth  historian,  and  afterwards  use  Morton's  chapter  as 
we  find  occasion. 

Mr.  Winslow  says  that  Mr.  Weston’s  men  “ knew  not  of  this  conspiracy  of 
the  Indians  before  his  [John  Sanders , their  ‘overseer ’]  going;  neither  was  it 
known  to  any  of  us  till  our  return  from  Sowaams,  or  Puckanokick : at  which 
time  also  another  sachim,  called  Wassapinewat , brother  to  Obtakiest , the 
sachim  of  the  Massachusets,  who  had  formerly  smarted  for  partaking  with 
Conbatant , and  fearing  the  like  again,  to  purge  himself,  revealed  the  same 
thing,”  [as  Massasoit  had  done.] 

It  was  now  the  23d  March,  1623,  “ a yearly  court  day  ” at  Plimouth,  on 
which  war  was  proclaimed,  “ in  public  court,”  against  the  Massachusetts 
Indians.  “ We  came  to  this  conclusion,  (says  Winslow ,)  that  Captain  Standish 
should  take  so  many  men,  as  he  thought  sufficient  to  make  his  party  good 
against  all  the  Indians  in  the  Massachusetts  Bay ; and  as  because,  as  all 
men  know  that  have  to  do  with  them  in  that  kind,  it  is  impossible  to  deal 
with  them  upon  open  defiance,  but  to  take  them  in  such  traps  as  they  lay 
for  others ; therefore  he  should  pretend  trade  as  at  other  times : but  first  go 
to  the  English,  [at  Wessaguscus,]  and  acquaint  them  with  the  plot,  and  the 
end  of  their  own  coming,  that,  comparing  it  with  their  own  carriages 
towards  them,  he  might  better  judge  of  the  certainty  of  it,  and  more  fitly 
take  opportunity  to  revenge  the  same:  but  should  forbare,  if  it  were 
possible,  till  such  time  as  he  could  make  sure  Wittuwamat , that  bloody  and 
bold  villain  before  spoken  of ; whose  head  he  had  order  to  bring  with  him, 
that  he  might  be  a warning  and  terror  to  all  that  disposition.” 

We  will  now  hear  a word  of  what  Mr.  Morton  has  to  say  upon  this  trans- 
action. “After  the  end  of  that  Parliament,  [which  ended  in  the  hanging 
of  one,#]  some  of  the  plantation  there,  about  three  persons,  went  to  live 
with  Checatawback  and  his  company,  and  had  very  good  quarter,  for  all  the 
former  quarrel  with  the  Plimouth  planters.]-  They  are  not  like  Will  Som- 
mers, J to  take  one  for  another.  There  they  purposed  to  stay  until  Master 
Weston's  arrival : but  the  Plimouth  men  intending  no  good  to  him,  (as 
appeared  by  the  consequence,)  came  in  the  mean  time  to  Wessaguscus*  and 
there  pretended  to  feast  the  salvages  of  those  parts,  bringing  with  them 
pork,  and  things  for  the  purpose,  which  they  set  before  the  salvages.  They 
eat  thereof  without  suspicion  of  any  mischief,  [and]  who  were  taken  upon 
a watchword  given,  and  with  their  own  knives  (hanging  about  their  necks) 
were,  by  the  Plimouth  planters,  stabbed  and  slain.  One  of  which  was 
hanged  up  there,  after  the  slaughter.”§  When  this  came  to  the  knowledge 
of  Chikataubut's  people,  they  murdered  the  three  English  who  had  taken  up 
their  residence  with  them,  as  they  lay  asleep,  in  revenge  for  the  murder  of 
their  countrymen. || 

After  Standish  was  ready  to  proceed  against  Wittuwamet , but  before  he 
set  out,  one  arrived  from  Wessaguscus  almost  famished, f and  gave  the 
people  of  Plimouth  a lamentable  account  of  the  situation  of  his  fellows ; 
that  not  the  least  of  their  calamities  was  their  being  insulted  by  the  Indians, 
“ whose  boldness  increased  abundantly ; insomuch  as  the  victuals  they  got, 


* As  mentioned  in  our  last  extract  from  this  author. 

f Referring',  it  is  supposed,  to  the  quarrel  with  Caunbitant. 

t The  person  who  proposed  hanging  a sick  man  instead  of  the  real  offender. 

$ New  English  Canaan,  111.  ||  Ibid. 

ft  His  name  was  Phinehas  Prat.  An  Indian  followed  him  to  kill  him,  but,  by  losing  the 
direct  path,  the  Indian  missed  him.  In  1662,  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts,  in  answer 
to  a petition  of  Phinehas  Prat,  then  of  Charlestown,  which  was  accompanied  “ with  a nar- 
rative of  the  straights  and  hardships  that  the  first  planters  of  this  colony  underwent  in  their 
endeavors  to  plant  themselves  at  Plimouth,  and  since,  whereof  he  was  one,  the  court  judgeth 
it  meet  to  grant  him  300  acres  of  land,  where  it  is  to  be  had,  not  hindering  a plantation." 
MS.  among  the  files  in  our  state-home. 

I have  not  been  able  to  discover  the  narrative  of  Prat,  after  long  search.  Mr.  Hubbard 
■ probably  used  it  in  compiling  his  Hist,  of  New  England. 

At  the  court,  3 May,  1665,  land  was  ordered  to  be  laid  out  for  Prat , “in  the  wilderness  on 
the  east  of  the  Merrimack  River,  near  the  upper  end  of  Nacook  Brook,  on  the  south-east  of  it." 
Court  Files , ut  supra. 

Prat  married,  in  Plimouth,  a daughter  of  Cuthbert  Cuthbertson,  in  1630.  See  2 Col.  Hist. 
I Soc.  vii.  122. 


36 


MASSACRE  AT  WESSAGUSCUS. 


[Book  II. 


they  [the  Indians]  would  take  it  out  of  their  pots,  and  eat  [it]  before  their 
faces,”  and  that  if  they  tried  to  prevent  them,  they  would  hold  a knife  at 
their  breasts : and  to  satisfy  them,  they  had  hanged  one  of  their  company : 
“ That  they  had  sold  their  clothes  for  corn,  and  were  ready  to  starve  both 
with  cold  and  hunger  also,  because  they  could  not  endure  to  get  victuals  by 
reason  of  their  nakedness.” 

This  truly  was  a wretched  picture  of  this  second  colony  of  Massachusetts, 
the  knowledge  of  which  (says  Winslow)  “ gave  us  good  encouragement  to 
proceed  in  our  intendments.”  Accordingly,  the  next  day,  Standish , with 
Hobomok  and  eight  Englishmen,  set  out  upon  the  expedition.  His  taking  so 
few  men  shows  how  a few  English  guns  were  yet  feared  by  the  Indians. 
Nevertheless,  the  historians  would  have  us  understand  that  Standish  would 
take  no  more,  because  he  would  not  have  the  Indians  mistrust  that  he  came 
to  fight  them ; and  they  would  insinuate  that  it  was  owing  to  his  great  valor. 

When  Standish  arrived  at  Wessaguscus,  he  found  the  people  scattered 
about,  apprehending  no  danger  whatever,  engaged  in  their  ordinary  affairs. 
When  he  told  them  of  the  danger  they  were  in  from  the  Indians,  they  said 
“ they  feared  not  the  Indians,  but  lived,  and  suffered  them  to  lodge  with 
them,  not  having  sword  or  gun,  or  needing  the  same.”  Standish  now  in- 
formed them  of  the  plot,  which  was  the  first  intimation,  it  appears,  they  had 
of  it.  He  ordered  them  to  call  in  their  men,  and  enjoined  secrecy  of  his 
intended  massacre.  But  it  seems  from  Winslow's  Relation,  that  the  Indians 
got  word  of  it,  or  mistrusted  his  design ; probably  some  of  the  Wessagus- 
cus men  warned  them  of  it,  who  did  not  believe  there  was  any  plot. 

Meantime,  an  Indian  came  to  trade,  and  afterwards  went  away  in  friend- 
ship. Standish , more  sagacious  than  the  rest,  said  he  saw  treachery  in  his 
eye,  and  suspected  his  end  in  coming  there  was  discovered.  Shortly  after, 
Peksuot , “ who  was  a paniese,*  being  a man  of  a notable  spirit,”  came  to 
Hobomok , and  told  him,  He  understood,  the  captain  was  come  to  kill  him  and  the 
rest  of  the  Indians  there.  “ Tell  him,  (said  Peksuot,)  we  know  it,  but  fear  him 
not,  neither  will  we  shun  him  ; but  let  him  begin  when  he  dare  [s],  he  will 
not  take  us  unawares.” 

The  Indians  now,  as  we  might  expect,  began  to  prepare  to  meet  the 
danger,  and  the  English  say  many  of  them  came  divers  times  into  their 
presence,  and  “ would  whet  and  sharpen  the  point  of  their  knives,”  “ and 
use  many  other  insulting  gestures  and  speeches.  Amongst  the  rest,  Wittu- 
ivamat  bragged  of  the  excellency  of  his  knife.  On  the  end  of  the  handle  there 
was  pictured  a woman’s  face  ; but,  said  he,  I have  another  at  home,  wherewith  I 
have  killed  both  French  and  English,  and  that  hath  a man's  face  on  it ; and  by  and 
by  these  two  must  marry."  To  this  he  added,  Hinnaim  namen,  hinnaim  mi- 
chen,  matta  cuts  : that  is,  By  and  by  it  should  see,  and  by  and  by  it  should  eat , 
but  not  speak.  “ Also  Pecksuot,  (continues  Winslow,)  being  a man  of  greater 
stature  than  the  captain,  told  him  though  he  were  a great  captain,  yet  he  was 
but  a little  man : and,  said  he,  though  I be  no  sachem,  yet  I am  a man  of  great 
strength  and  courage.  These  things  the  captain  observed,  yet  bare  with  pa- 
tience for  the  present.” 

It  will  be  seen,  in  what  we  have  related,  as  well  as  what  we  are  about  to 
add,  that  Thomas  Morton's  account,  in  some  of  the  main  facts,  agrees  with 
that  of  Winslow.  From  the  latter  it  appears  that  Standish,  after  considerable 
maneuvering,  could  get  advantage  over  but  few  of  the  Indians.  At  length, 
having  got  Peksuot  and  Wittuwamat  “ both  together,  with  another  man,  and 
a youth  of  some  eighteen  years  of  age,  which  was  brother  to  Wittuwamat, 
and,  villain  like,  trod  in  his  steps,  daily  putting  many  tricks  upon  the  weaker 
sort  of  men,  and  having  about  as  many  of  his  own  company  in  a room  with 
them,  gave  the  word  to  his  men,  and,  the  door  being  fast  shut,  began  himself 
with  Pecksuot , and,  snatching  his  own  knife  from  his  neck,  though  with  much 


* u The  Panieses  are  men  of  great  courage  and  wisedome,  and  to  these  also  the  Deuill 
appeareth  more  familiarly  than  to  others,  and  as  wee  conceiue,  maketh  couenant  with  them  to 
preserue  them  from  death  by  wounds  with  arrows,  knives,  hatchets,  &c.”  Winsloto’s  Rela- 
tion. In  speaking  of  the  origin  of  calumet , Charlevoix  says,  some  Indians  told  him  that  it 
was  given  by  the  sun  to  Panis,  a nation  upon  the  Missouri.  Voyage  dans  VAmerique. 

2 


Chap.  II.] 


OBTAKIEST. — HOBOMOK. 


37 


struggling,  and  killed  him  therewith — the  point  whereof  he  had  made  as  sharp 
as  a needle,  and  ground  the  bank  also  to  an  edge.  Wittuwamet  and  the  other 
man  the  rest  killed , and  took  the  youth,  whom  the  captain  caused  to  be  hanged.’’ 

We  could  now  wish  this  bloody  tale  were  finished,  but  we  have  promised 
to  keep  close  to  the  record.  Mr.  Winslow  continues,  “ But  it  is  incredible 
how  many  wounds  these  two  panieses  received  before  they  died,  not  making  any 
fearful  noise,  but  catching  at  their  weapons,  and  striving  to  the  last. 

“ Hobbamock  stood  by  all  this  time,*  and  meddled  not,  observing  how  our 
men  demeaned  themselves  in  this  action.”  After  the  affray  was  ended,  he 
said  to  Standish,  “Yesterday  Pecksuot  bragged  of  his  own  strength  and 
stature,  said,  though  you  were  a great  captain,  yet  you  were  bi^  a little  man ; 
but  to-day  I see  you  are  big  enough  to  lay  him  on  the  ground.” 

Standish  was  now  sent  to  a company  of  Weston's  men,  and  ordered  them 
to  kill  the  Indians  that  were  among  them.  They  killed  two.  Himself  with 
some  of  his  men  killed  another,  at  another  place.  As  they  were  pursuing 
this  business,  intending  to  kill  all  they  could  lay  hands  upon,  “through  the 
negligence  of  one  man,  an  Indian  escaped,  who  discovered  [disclosed]  and 
crossed  their  proceedings.” 

Joined  by  some  of  Mr.  Weston’s  men,  Standish  discovered  a few  Indians, 
and  pursued  them.  Standish  gained  a hill  which  the  Indians  also  strove  to 
occupy,  and  who,  after  shooting  a few  arrows,  fled.  “ Whereupon  Hobba- 
mock cast  off  his  coat,  and  being  a known  paniese,  theirs  being  now  killed, 
chased  them  so  fast,  as  our  people  were  not  able  to  hold  way  with  him.” 
One  who  made  a stand  to  shoot  Standish  had  his  arm  broken  by  a shot, 
which  is  all  the  advantage  claimed  by  the  English.  The  Indians  got  into  a 
swamp,  and  after  some  bravadoing  on  both  sides,  the  parties  separated. 
After  assisting  the  settlers  of  Wessaguscus  to  leave  the  place,  the  English 
returned  to  Plimouth,  taking  along  the  head  of  Wittuwamet,  which  they  set 
up  in  their  fort. 

Meanwhile  the  Indian  that  followed  Prat  from  Wessaguscus,  as  he  returned 
from  Manomet,  called  at  Plimouth  in  a friendly  manner,  and  was  there 
seized  and  put  in  irons.  Being  asked  if  he  knew  the  head  of  Wittuwamet, 
said  he  did,  and  “ looked  piteously  ” upon  it.  “ Then  he  confessed  the 
plot,”  and  said  his  sachem,  Obtakiest , had  been  drawn  into  it  by  the  impor- 
tunity of  all  the  people.  He  denied  any  hand  in  it  himself,  and  begged  his 
life  might  be  spared.  Said  he  was  not  a Massachuset,  but  only  resided  as  a 
stranger  among  them.  Hobomok  “ also  gave  a good  report  of  him,  and  be- 
sought for  him ; but  was  bribed  so  to  do  it.”  They  finally  concluded  to  spare 
him,  “ the  rather,  because  we  desired  he  might  carry  a message  to  Obtakiest .” 
The  message  they  charged  him  with  was  this,  that  they  had  never  intended 
to  deal  so  with  him,  until  they  were  forced  to  it  by  their  treachery,  and, 
therefore,  they  might  thank  themselves  for  their  own  overthrow  ; and  as  he 
had  now  began,  if  he  persisted  in  his  course,  “ his  country  should  not  hold 
him : ” that  he  should  forthwith  send  to  Plimouth  “ the  three  Englishmen  he 
had,  and  not  kill  them.”f 

The  English  heard  nothing  from  Obtakiest  for  a long  time  ; at  length  he 
sent  a woman  to  them,  (probably  no  man  would  venture,)  to  tell  them  he 
was  sorry  that  the  English  were  killed,  before  he  heard  from  them,  also 
that  he  wished  for  peace,  but  none  of  his  men  durst  come  to  treat  about  it. 
The  English  learned  from  this  woman,  that  he  was  in  great  consternation, 
“ haying  forsaken  his  dwelling,  and  daily  removed  from  place  to  place,  ex- 
pecting when  we  would  take  further  vengeance  on  him.”  The  terror  was 
now  general  among  them,  and  many,  as  we  have  elsewhere  said,  died  through 
fear  and  want.  To  this  dismal  narrative  Mr.  Winslow  adds,  “ And  certainly 


* This,  we  suppose,  is  the  affair  to  which  President  Allen  alludes,  in  his  American  Biog- 
raphy, (2d  ed.)  when  he  says,  “he  [ Hobomok ] fought  bravely  by  his  [ Standish’ s]  side,  in 
1623.”  If  standing  and  looking  on  be  fighting,  then  did  Hobomok  fight  bravely  on  this 
occasion. 

f Morton,  in  his  New  Canaan,  111,  says,  these  three  men  went  to  reside  with  Chikataubut ; 
hence  Morton  very  reasonably  suggests,  that  if  the  Plimouth  people  intended  the  men  of 
Wessaguscus  any  good,  why  did  they  not  first  see  that  all  of  them  were  out  of  danger,  before 
beginning  war  ? 

4 


39 


HOBOMOK.— SQUANTO'S  PERFIDY. 


[Book  If 


it  is  strange  to  hear  how  many  of  late  have,  and  still  daily  die  amongst 
them ; neither  is  there  any  likelihood  it  will  easily  cease  ; because  through 
fear  they  set  little  or  no  corn,  which  is  the  staff  of  life,  and  without  which 
they  cannot  long  preserve  health  and  strength.” 

These  affairs  call  for  no  commentary,  that  must  accompany  every  mind 
through  every  step  of  the  relation.  It  would  be  weakness,  as  appears  to  us, 
to  attempt  a vindication  of  the  rash  conduct  of  the  English.  Amid  their 
sufferings,  some  poor  Indians  resolved  to  attempt  to  appease  the  wrath  of 
the  English  governor  by  presents.  Four  set  out  by  water  in  a boat  for 
Plimouth,  but  by  accident  were  overset,  and  three  of  them  were  drowned  ^ 
the  other  returned  back. 

When  Mr.  Robinson,  the  father  of  the  Plimouth  church,  heard  how  his 
people  had  conducted  in  this  affair  with  the  Indians,  he  wrote  to  them,  to 
consider  of  the  disposition  of  Captain  Standisk , “who  was  of  a warm  tem- 
per,” but  he  hoped  the  Lord  had  sent  him  among  them  for  a good  end,  if 
they  used  him  as  they  ought.  “He  doubted,”  he  said,  “whether  there  was 
not  wanting  that  tenderness  of  the  life  of  man,  made  after  God’s  image, ,r 
which  was  so  necessary ; and  above  all,  that  “ it  would  have  been  happy  if 
they  had  converted  some  before  they  had  killed  any.” 

The  reader  has  now  passed  through  a period  of  Indian  history  of  much 
interest,  wherein  he  will  doubtless  have  found  much  to  admire,  and  more 
that  he  could  have  wished  otherwise.  Our  business,  however,  we  will 
here  remind  him,  is  that  of  a dealer  in  facts  altogether,  and  he  must  take 
them,  dry  as  they  are,  without  any  labored  commentaries  from  us.  Although, 
we  have  had  occasion  to  introduce  Hobomok  several  times,  yet  there  remain 
transactions  of  considerable  interest  in  his  life  yet  to  be  noticed. 

Hobomok,  or  Hobbamock,  was  a great  paniese  or  war  captain  among  the 
Wampanoags,  as  we  have  already  had  occasion  to  observe.  He  came  to 
Plimouth  about  the  end  of  July,  1621,  and  continued  with  the  English  as 
long  as  he  lived.  He  was  a principal  means  of  the  lasting  friendship  of 
Massasoit,  which  Morton  says,  he  “ much  furthered ; and  that  he  was  a 
proper  lusty  young  man,  and  one  that  was  in  account  among  the  Indians  in 
those  parts  for  his  valor.”  He  was  of  the  greatest  service  in  learning  them 
how  to  cultivate  such  fruits  as  were  peculiar  to  the  country,  such  as  corn, 
beans,  &c.  The  account  of  his  mission  to  Massasoit,  to  learn  the  truth  of  a 
report  that  the  Narragansets  had  made  war  upon  him,  and  his  interruption 
and  trouble  from  Caunbitant  are  already  related. 

Being  a favorite  of  Massasoit,  and  one  of  his  chief  captains,  the  pilgrims 
found  that  they  need  not  apprehend  any  treachery  on  his  part,  as  Hobomok 
was  so  completely  in  their  interest,  and  also  in  that  of  the  great  sachem, 
that  he  would  advise  them  if  any  thing  evil  were  on  foot  against  them. 
What  strengthened  them  in  this  opinion  was  the  following  circumstance. 
The  Massachusetts  Indians  had  for  some  time  been  inviting  the  English 
into  their  country  to  trade  for  furs.  When,  in  March,  1622,  they  began  to 
make  ready  for  the  voyage,  Hobomok  “ told  us,  (says  Winslow ,)  that  he  feared 
the  Massachusetts,  or  Massachuseuks,  for  they  so  called  the  people  of  that 
place,  were  joined  in  confederacy  with  the  Nanohigganneuks,  a people  of 
Nanohigganset,  and  that  they,  therefore,  would  take  this  opportunity  to  cut 
off  Capt.  Standish  and  his  company  abroad ; but  howsoever,  in  the  mean- 
time, it  was  to  be  feared,  [he  said,]  that  the  Nanohigganeuks  would  assault 
the  town  at  home  ; giving  many  reasons  for  his  jealousy ; as  also  that  Tis- 
quantum  was  in  the  confederacy,  who,  [he  said,]  we  should  find,  would  use 
many  persuasions  to  draw  us  from  our  shallops  to  the  Indians’  houses  for 
their  better  advantage.” 

Nevertheless,  they  proceeded  on  their  voyage,  and  when  they  had  turned 
the  point  called  the  Gurnet's  JYose,  a false  messenger  came  running  into* 
Plimouth  town,  apparently  in  a great  fright,  out  of  breath,  and  bleeding 
from  a wound  in  his  face.  He  told  them  that  Caunbitant,  with  many  of  the 
Narragansets,  and  he  believed  Massasoit  with  them,  were  coming  to  de- 
stroy the  English.  No  one  doubted  of  his  sincerity,  and  the  first  thought  of 
the  people  was  to  bring  back  their  military  leader,  who  had  just  gone  in 
the  boat  with  Hobomok.  A piece  of  cannon  was  immediately  discharged. 


Chap.  II.]  HOBOMOK. — SQUANTO’S  PERFIDY.  39 

which,  to  their  great  joy,  soon  caused  the  boat  to  return,  not  having  got  out 
of  hearing.  They  had  no  sooner  arrived,  than  Hobomok  told  them  there  was 
no  truth  in  the  report,  and  said  it  was  a plot  of  Squanto , who  was  then  with 
them,  and  even  one  of  those  in  the  boat ; that  he  knew  Massasoit  would  not 
undertake  such  an  enterprise  without  consulting  him.  Hobomok  was  confi- 
dent, because  he  was  himself  a great  chief,  and  one  of  Massasoit' s counsel- 
lors. Squanto  denied  all  knowledge  of  any  plot,  and  thus  ended  the  affair. 
The  English,  however,  seemed  well  satisfied  that  Squanto  had  laid  this  shal- 
low plot  to  set  them  against  Massasoit , thinking  they  would  destroy  him,  by 
which  means  he  expected  to  become  chief  sachem  himself ; and  this  seems 
the  more  probable,  as  Massasoit  was  for  some  time  irreconcilable  because 
they  withheld  him  from  him,  when  he  had  forfeited  his  life,  as  in  our  nar- 
ration has  been  set  forth.  But  entirely  to  satisfy  the  English,  Hobomok  sent 
his  wife  to  Pokanoket  privately  to  gain  exact  intelligence,  and  her  return 
only  verified  what  her  husband  had  said. 

“ Thus  by  degrees  (continues  Winslow)  we  began  to  discover  Tisquantum , 
whose  ends  were  only  to  make  himself  great  in  the  eyes  of  his  countrymen, 
by  means  of  his  nearness  aftd  favor  with  us ; not  caring  who  fell,  so  he 
stood.  In  general,  his  course  was,  to  persuade  them  he  could  lead  us  to 
peace  or  war  at  his  pleasure ; and  would  oft  threaten  the  Indians,  sending 
them  word,  in  a private  manner,  we  were  intended  shortly  to  kill  them,  that 
thereby  he  might  get  gifts  to  himself,  to  work  their  peace,  insomuch  as  they 
had  him  in  greater  esteem  than  many  of  their  sachems , yea,  they  them- 
selves sought  to  him,  who  promised  them  peace  in  respect  of  us ; yea,  and 
protection  also,  so  as  they  would  resort  to  him.  So  that  whereas  divers 
were  wont  to  rely  on  Massassowat  for  protection,  and  resort  to  his  abode, 
now  they  began  to  leave  him,  and  seek  after  Tisquantum.  But  when  we 
understood  his  dealings,  we  certified  all  the  Indians  of  our  ignorance  and 
innocency  therein ; assuring  them,  till  they  begun  with  us,  they  should  have 
no  cause  to  fear : and  if  any  hereafter  should  raise  any  such  reports,  they 
should  punish  them  as  liars,  and  seekers  of  their  and  our  disturbance ; which 
gave  the  Indians  good  satisfaction  on  all  sides.”  “For  these  and  the  like 
abuses,  the  governor  sharply  reproved  him,  yet  was  he  so  necessary  and 
profitable  an  instrument,  as  at  that  time  we  could  not  miss  him.” 

To  the  end  that  he  might  possess  his  countrymen  with  great  fear  of  the 
English,  Tisquantum  told  them  the  English  kept  the  plague  buried  in  their 
store-house,  and  that  they  could  send  it,  at  any  time,  and  to  any  place,  to 
destroy  whatever  persons  or  people  they  would,  though  they  themselves 
stirred  not  out  of  doors.  Among  the  rest,  he  had  made  Hobomok  believe 
this  tale,  who  asked  the  English  if  it  were  true,  and  being  informed  that  it 
was  not,  it  exploded  like  his  other  impostures. 

There  is  but  little  doubt  that  Squanto  was  in  the  interest  of  Caunbitant , 
and  lived  among  the  English  as  a spy,  while  Hobomok  was  honestly,  as  he 
pretended,  a strong  friend  to  them ; but  for  some  time  it  was  nearly  impos- 
sible for  them  to  know  which  was  their  best  friend,  as  each  seemed  emu- 
lous to  outvie  the  other  in  good  offices.  They  were,  however,  at  this  time 
satisfied  ; for,  Hobomok? g wife  having  told  Massasoit  what  had  happened,  and 
that  it  was  one  of  Squanto’ s men  that  gave  the  alarm,  satisfied  him  that  that 
sagamore  had  caused  it,  and  he  therefore  demanded  him  of  the  English, 
that  he  might  put  him  to  death,  according  to  their  law,  as  has  been  related. 
But  the  English,  regarding  the  benefit  resulting  to  them  from  saving  his 
life,  more  than  keeping  inviolate  the  treaty  before  made  with  Massasoit . 
evaded  the  demand,  and  thus  Squanto  was  permitted  to  escape. 

Hobomok  was  greatly  beloved  by  Massasoit,  notwithstanding  he  became  a 
professed  Christian,  and  Massasoit  was  always  opposed  to  the  English  religion 
himself.  It  has  been  told  in  the  life  of  the  great  Massasoit,  how  valuable 
was  the  agency  of  Hobomok,  in  faithfully  revealing  the  mischievous  plot  of 
Caunbitant,  which  terminated  in  the  death  of  JVittmvamet  and  Peksuot.  He 
was  the  pilot  of  the  English  when  they  visited  Massasoit  in  his  sickness, 
whom  before  their  arrival  they  considered  dead,  which  caused  great  mani- 
festations of  grief  in  Hobomok.  He  often  exclaimed,  as  they  were  on 
their  way,  “ JYeen  ivomasu  Sagimus , neen  womasu  Sagimus ,”  & c.,  which  is, 


40 


A VOYAGE. — NANEPASIIEMET. — OBBATINEWAT.  [Book  II. 


“My  loving  Sachem,  my  loving  Sachem  ! many  have  I known,  but  never  any 
like  thee.”  Then,  turning  to  Mr.  Winslow,  said,  “While  you  live  you  will 
never  see  his  like  among  the  Indians ; that  he  was  no  liar,  nor  bloody  and 
cruel  like  other  Indians,  hi  anger  and  passion  he  was  soon  reclaimed  ; easy 
to  be  reconciled  towards  such  as  had  offended  him;  that  his  reason  was 
such  as  to  cause  him  to  receive  advice  of  mean  men ; and  that  he  governed 
iiis  people  better  with  few  blows,  than  others  did  with  many.” 

In  the  division  of  the  land  at  Plimouth  among  the  inhabitants,  Hobomok 
received  a lot  as  his  share,  on  which  he  resided  after  the  English  manner 
and  died  a Christian  among  them.  The  year  of  his  death  does  not  appeal', 
but  was  previous  to  1642. 

It  has  already  been  mentioned  that  the  pilgrims  made  a voyage  to  Massa- 
chusetts in  the  autumn  of  1621,  It  was  in  this  voyage  that  they  became 
acquainted  with  the  fame  of  Nanepashemet.  The  English  had  heard  that 
the  Indians  in  the  Massachusetts  had  threatened  them,  and  they  went  (says 
Mourt)  “partly  to  see  the  country,  partly  to  make  peace  with  them,  and 
partly  to  procure  their  truck.” 

Squanto  was  pilot  in  this  voyage.  They  wenf  ashore  in  the  bottom  of  the 
bay,  and  landed  under  a cliff  which  some  * * * § have  supposed  was  what  has 
been  since  called  Copp’s  Hill,  f now  the  north  part  of  Boston.  This  was  on 
20th  Sept.  1621.  They  saw  no  Indians  until  some  time  after  they  went 
ashore,  but  found  a parcel  of  lobsters  which  they  had  collected,  with  which 
they  refreshed  themselves.  Soon  after,  as  they  were  proceeding  on  an 
excursion,  “ they  met  a woman  coming  for  her  lobsters.”  They  told  her 
what  they  had  done,  and  paid  her  for  them.  She  told  them  where  to  find 
Indians,  and  Squanto  went  to  them  to  prepare  them  for  meeting  with  the 
English. 

Obbatinewal  now  received  the  voyagers.  This  sachem  (if  he  be  the 
same)  had  made  peace  with  the  English  at  Plimouth  only  seven  days  pre- 
vious, as  we  have  had  occasion  to  notice.  He  told  them  he  was  sachem  of 
the  place,  and  was  subject  to  Massasoit ; and  that  he  dared  not  remain  long 
ill  any  place,  from  fear  of  the  Tarratines,  who  were  “ wont  to  come  at  har- 
vest and  take  away  their  corn,  and  many  times  kill  them.”  Also  that  Squaiv- 
Sachfim  of  Massachusetts  was  his  enemy.  This  Squaw- Sachem, } as  we  be- 
lieve, was  chief  of  those  inland  Indians  since  denominated  the  Nipncts,  or 
Nipmucks,  and  lived  at  this  time  near  Wachuset  Mountain.  The  English 
intended  § to  have  visited  her  at  this  time,  but  found  the  distance  too  great 
io  proceed.  They  received  the  greatest  kindness  from  all  the  Indians  they 
met  with,  and  mentioned  that  of  Obbatineivat  in  particular.  And  they  sav, 
•*  We  told  him  of  divers  sachims  that  had  acknowledged  themselves  to  be 
King  James  his  men,  and  if  he  also  would  submit  himself,  ||  we  would  be  his 
safeguard  from  his  enemies,  which  he  did.” 

At  another  place,  “ having  gone  three  miles,  in  arms,  up  in  the  country, 
we  came  (say  they)  to  a place  where  corn  had  been  newly  gathered,  a house 
pulled  down,  and  the  people  gone.  A mile  from  hence,  Nanepashemet, 
their  king,  in  his  life-time  had  lived.H  His  house  was  not  like  others,  but  a 
scaffold  was  largely  built,  with  poles  and  planks,  some  six  foot  from  [the] 
ground,  and  the  house  upon  that,  being  situated  on  the  top  of  a hill.  Not 
tar  from  hence,  in  a bottom,  we  came  to  a fort,”  built  by  Nanepashemet.  It 


* Dr.  Belknap  appears  to  have  been  the  first  who  suggested  this.  See  his  Biog.  ii.  224. 

f We  had  supposed  this  eminence  to  have  been  so  called  from  a copse  or  clump  of  trees, 
which  for  a longtime  remained  upon  it,  after  it  became  known  to  the  whites;  but  Shaw. 
Descrip.  Boston,  67,  says  it  was  named  from  one  Copp,  a shoemaker.  And  Sncnv,  Hist. 
Boston,  105,  says  William  Copp  was  the  proprietor  of  “ a portion  of  the  hill.” 

f “ Sachems  or  sagamores, — which  are  but  one  and  the  same  title, — the  first  more  usual 
with  the  southward,  the  other  with  the  northward  Indians,  to  express  the  title  of  him  that  hath 
the  chief  command  of  a place  or  people.”  Hist.  N.  E.  60. 

§ Shattuck  (Hist.  Concord,  2)  says  she  was  visited  at  this  time  by  these  voyagers,  but  I 
am  not  able  to  arrive  at  any  such  conclusion  from  any  source  of  information  in  my  pos- 
session. 

j|  It  does  not  seem  from  this  that  he  is  the  same  who  before  had  submitted  at  Plimouth,  as 
Mr.  Prince  supposes. 

*[  Mr.  Shattuck  in  bis  Hist.  Concord , says,  this  “ was  in  Medford,  near  Mystic  Pond.” 


NANEPASHEMET.— HIS  DEATH,  &c. 


41 


Chap  II.] 


was  made  with  “poles  some  30  or  40  foot  long,  stuck  in  the  ground,  as  thick 
as  they  could  be  set  one  by  another,  and  with  these  they  enclosed  a ring 
some  40  or  50  foot  over.  A trench,  breast  high,  was  digged  on  each  side.* * * § 
One  way  there  was  to  get  into  it  with  a bridge.  In  the  midst  of  this  pali- 
sado  stood  the  frame  of  an  house,  wherein,  being  dead,  he  lay  buried. 
About  a mile  from  hence,  we  came  to  such  another,  but  seated  on  the  top 
of  an  hill.  Here  JVanepashemet  was  killed,  none  dwelling  in  it  since  the 
time  of  his  death.” 

According  to  Mr.  Lewis , JVanepashemet  was  killed  about  the  year  1619,  and 
his  widow,  who  was  Squaw-Sachem  before  named,  continued  the  government.f 
He  left  five  children,^  four  of  whose  names  we  gather  from  the  interesting 
History  of  Lynn ; viz.  1.  Montowampate,  called  by  the  English  Sagamore 
James.  He  was  sachem  of  Saugus.  2.  Abigail,  a daughter.  3.  W onohaqua- 
ham,  called  Sagamore  John,  sachem  of  Winnesimet.  4.  Winnepurkitt,  called 
Sagamore  George,  or  George  Rumneymarsh,  the  successor  of  Montowampate  at 
Saugus.  Of  most  of  these  we  shall  speak  in  detail  hereafter. 

Squaw-Sachem , according  to  the  authority  last  mentioned,  was  the  spouse 
of  Wappacowet ,§  or  WebcowiU,  in  1635.  She  and  her  husband,  four  years 
after,  1639,  deeded  to  Jotham  Gibbones  “ the  reversion  of  all  that  parcel  of 
land  which  lies  against  the  ponds  of  Mystic,  together  with  the  said  ponds, 
all  which  we  reserved  from  Charlestown  and  Cambridge,  late  called  New- 
town, after  the  death  of  me,  the  said  Squaiv- Sachem.”  The  consideration  was, 
“the  many  kindnesses  and  benefits  we  have  received  from  the  hands  of 
Captain  Edward  Gibbones , of  Boston.” 

The  Squa-Sachem’s  mark 

Webcowit’s  mark  -1 — *- 


Webcowit  was  a powwow  priest,  or  magical  physician,  and  was  considered 
next  in  importance  to  JVanepashemet  among  the  subjects  of  that  chief,  after 
his  death  ; as  a matter  of  course,  his  widow  took  him  to  her  bed.  It  does 
not  appear,  that  he  was  either  much  respected  or  thought  much  of ; especial- 
ly by  his  wife,  as  in  the  above  extract  from  their  deed,  no  provision  seems 
to  have  been  made  for  him  after  her  death,  if  he  outlived  her.  At  all 
events,  we  may  conclude,  without  hazard  we  think,  that  if  breeches  had 
been  in  fashion  among  Indians,  the  wife  of  Webcowit  would  have  been  ac- 
countable for  the  article  in  this  case. 

In  1643,  Massachusetts  covenanted  with  “ Wassamequin , JVashoonon,  Kutch- 
amaquin,  Massaconomet,  and  Squaio- Sachem,”  \\  to  the  end  that  mutual  bene- 
fit might  accrue  to  each  party.  The  sachems  put  themselves  under  the 
government  of  the  English,  agreeing  to  observe  their  laws,  in  as  far  as  they 
should  be  made  to  understand  them.  For  this  confidence  and  concession 
of  their  persons  and  lands  into  their  hands,  the  English  on  their  part  agreed 
to  extend  the  same  protection  to  them  and  their  people  as  to  their  English 
subjects.^ 

What  had  become  of  Webcoivit  at  this  time  does  not  appear ; perhaps  he 
was  off  powwowing,  or  at  home,  doing  the  ordinary  labor  of  the  household. 
We  hear  of  him,  however,  four  years  after, (1647,)  “taking  an  active  part” 
in  the  endeavors  made  by  the  English  to  Christianize  his  countrymen.  “ He 
asked  the  English  why  some  of  them  had  been  27  years  in  the  land,  and 
never  taught  them  to  know  God  till  then.  Had  you  done  it  sooner,  (said 
he,)  we  might  have  known  much  of  God  by  this  time,  and  much  sin  might 
have  been  prevented,  but  now  some  of  us  are  grown  [too]  old  in  sin.” 


* Might  not,  then,  the  western  mounds  have  been  formed  by  Indians  ? 

f Hist.  Lynn,  16. 

t Shattuck,  ib.  who  fixes  her  residence  at  Concord ; she,  doubtless,  had  several  places  of 
residence. 

§ His  name  is  spelt  Webcowits  to  MS.  deed  in  my  possession,  and  in  Mr.  Shattuc/c’s  MSS. 
Wibbacowitts,  as  appears  from  his  History. 

||  In  the  History  of  the  Narraganset  Country , these  names  are  written  Wassa meguny 
Nashawanon,  Cutshamacke , Massanomell,  and  Squa-Sachem.  See  3 Col.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 
i.  212. 

IT  See  Gonkin’s  MS.  Hist.  Praying  Indians. 


42 


SOME  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  MASSACHUSETTS. 


[Book  II. 


The  English  said  they  repented  of  their  neglect;  but  recollecting  themselves 
answered,  “You  were  not  willing  to  heare  till  now,”  and  that  God  had  not 
turned  their  hearts  till  then.* * * § ** 

Of  the  sachems  who  made  the  covenant  above  named,  the  first  we  suppose 
to  have  been  Massasoit , on  the  part  of  the  Wampanoags,  who  at  this  time 
was,  perhaps,  among  the  Nipmuks ; JYashoonon,  a Nipmuk  chief,  with  whom 
Massasoit  now  resided.  His  residence  was  near  what  was  since  Magus  Hill, 
in  Worcester  county.  He  was  probably  at  Plimouth,  13  Sept.,  1621,  where 
he  signed  a treaty  with  eight  others,  as  we  have  set  down  in  the  life  of  Caun- 
bitant  His  name  is  there  spelt  Nattawahunt.  In  Winthrop’s  Journal, 
it  is  Nashacowam , and  we  suppose  he  was  father  of  Nassowanno,  mentioned 
by  Whitney .f  Kutchamaquin  was  sachem  of  Dorchester  and  vicinity,  and 
Massaconomet  was  Masconononw. 


CHAPTER  HI.. 

Some  account  of  the  Massachusetts — Geography  of  their  country — Chikataubut — 
Wampatuck — his  war  with  the  Mohaioks — Mascononomo — Canonicus — Mon- 
towampate — Small-pox  distresses  the  Indians — Wonohaquaham — Winnepur- 

KIT Man  AT  AH  QUA SciTTERYGUSSET NaTT  AH  ATTA  WANTS WAHGUMACUT 

Jack-Straw — James. 

Not  long  before  the  settlement  of  Plimouth,  the  Massachusetts  had  been 
a numerous  people,  but  were  greatly  reduced  at  this  time  ; partly  from  the 
great  plague,  of  which  we  have  already  spoken,  and  subsequently  from  their 
wars  with  the  Tarratines.  Of  this  war  none  but  the  scanty  records  of  the 
first  settlers  are  to  be  had,  and  in  them  few  particulars  are  preserved ; J 
therefore  it  will  not  be  expected  that  ever  a complete  account  of  the  territo- 
ries and  power  of  the  Massachusetts  can  be  given ; broken  down  as  they 
were  at  the  time  they  became  known  to  the  Europeans ; for  we  have  seen  that 
their  sachems,  when  first  visited  by  the  Plimouth  people,  were  shifting  for 
their  lives — not  daring  to  lodge  a second  night  in  the  same  place,  from  their 
tear  of  the  Tarratines.  Hence,  if  these  Indians  had  existed  as  an  independ- 
ent tribe,  their  history  was  long  since  swept  away  “ in  gloomy  tempests,” 
and  obscured  in  “a  night  of  clouds,”  and  nothing  but  a meagre  tradition  re- 
mained. For  some  time  after  the  country  was  settled,  they  would  fly  for 
protection  from  the  Tarratines  to  the  houses  of  the  English. 

It  is  said,  by  Mr.  Gookin , that  “ their  chief  sachem  held  dominion  over 
many  other  petty  governors  ; as  those  of  Weechagaskas,  Neponsitt,  Punka- 
paog,  Nonantum,  Nashaway,  some  of  the  Nipmuck  people,  as  far  as  Pokom- 
takuke,  as  the  old  men  of  Massachusetts  affirmed.  This  people  could,  in 
former  times,  arm  for  war  about  3000  men,  as  the  old  Indians  declare. 
They  were  in  hostility  very  often  with  the  Narragansitts ; but  held  amity, 
tor  the  most  part,  with  the  Pawkunnawkutts.”§  Near  the  mouth  of  Charles 
River  “ used  to  be  the  general  rendezvous  of  all  the  Indians,  both  on  the 
south  and  north  side  of  the  country.” ||  Hutchinson H says,  “That  circle 
which  now  makes  the  harbors  of  Boston  and  Charlestown,  round  by  Mal- 
den, Chelsea,  Nantasket,  Hingham,  Weymouth,  Braintree,  and  Dorchester, 
was  the  capital  of  a great  sachem, ##  much  revered  by  all  the  plantations 
round  about.  The  tradition  is,  that  this  sachem  had  his  principal  seat  upon 
a small  hill,  or  rising  upland,  in  the  midst  of  a body  of  salt  marsh  in  the 
township  of  Dorchester,  near  to  a place  called  Squantum.”ff  Hence  it  will 


* Hist.  Concord,  25.  t Hist.  Worcester  Co.  174. 

\ This  war  was  caused,  says  Mr.  Hubbard,  “ upon  the  account  of  some  treachery  ” on 

the  part  of  the  western  tribes,  i.  e.  the  tribes  west  of  the  Merrimack.  Hist.  New.  Eng.  30. 

§ 1 Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  i.  148.  ||  Hist.  N.  Eng.  32 

IT  From  Neal’s  Hist.  N.  Eng.,  probably,  which  see. 

**  It  will  be  a good  while  before  the  present  possessors  of  the  country  can  boast  of  such  a 
capital. 

ft  Hist.  Mass.  i.  460.  And  here  it  was,  I suppose,  that  the  Plimouth  people  landed  in  their 


CHIKATAUBUT— VISITS  BOSTON. 


43 


Chap.  III.] 

be  observed,  that  among  the  accounts  of  the  earliest  writers,  the  dominions 
of  the  different  sachems  were  considered  as  comprehended  within  very 
different  limits ; a kind  of  general  idea,  therefore,  can  only  be  had  of  the 
extent  of  their  possessions.  It  is  evident  that  the  Massachusetts  were  either 
subject  to  the  Narragan setts,  or  in  alliance  with  them ; for  when  the  latter 
were  at  war  with  the  Pequots,  Chikataubut  and  Sagamore  John  both  went 
with  many  men  to  aid  Canonicus,  who  had  sent  for  them.  This  war  began 
in  1632,  and  ended  in  1635,  to  the  advantage  of  the  Pequots. 

We  shall  now  proceed  to  speak  of  the  chiefs  agreeably  to  our  plan. 

Chikataubut , or  Chikkatabak , — in  English,  a house-a-Jire,^- was  a sachem  of 
considerable  note,  and  generally  supposed  to  have  had  dominion  over  the 
Massachusetts  Indians.  Thomas  Morton  mentions  him  in  his  New  Canaan, 
as  sachem  of  Passonagesit,  (about  Weymouth,)  and  says  his  mother  was 
buried  there.  I need  make  no  comments  upon  the  authority,  or  warn  the 
reader  concerning  the  stories  of  Morton , as  this  is  done  in  almost  every 
book,  early  and  late,  about  New  England;  but  shall  relate  the  following 
from  him. 

In  the  first  settling  of  Plimouth,  some  of  the  company,  in  wandering  about 
upon  discovery,  came  upon  an  Indian  grave,  which  was  that  of  the  mother 
of  Chikataubut.  Over  the  body  a stake  was  set  in  the  ground,  and 
two  bear-skins,  sewed  together,  spread  over  it;  these  the  English  took 
away.  When  this  came  to  the  knowledge  of  Chikataubut , he  complained  to 
his  people,  and  demanded  immediate  vengeance.  When  they  were  as- 
sembled, he  thus  harangued  them  : “ When  last  the  glorious  light  of  all  the 
sky  was  underneath  this  globe,  and  birds  grew  silent,  I began  to  settle,  as 
my  custom  is,  to  take  repose.  Before  mine  eyes  were  fast  closed,  me  tho’t 
I saw  a vision,  at  which  my  spirit  was  much  troubled,  and  trembling  at  that 
doleful  sight,  a spirit  cried  aloud,  ‘ Behold ! my  son,  whom  I have  cherished ; 
see  the  paps  that  gave  thee  suck,  the  hands  that  clasped  thee  warm,  and  fed 
thee  oft ; canst  thou  forget  to  take  revenge  of  those  wild  people,  that  hath 
my  monument  defaced  in  a despiteful  manner ; disdaining  our  ancient  anti- 
ijiiities* *  and  honorable  customs.  See  now  the  sachem’s  grave  lies  like  unto 
the  common  people,  of  ignoble  race  defaced.  Thy  mother  doth  complain, 
implores  thy  aid  against  this  thievish  people  new  come  hither;  if  this  be 
suffered,  I shall  not  rest  in  quiet  within  my  everlasting  habitation.’ 

Battle  was  the  unanimous  resolve,  and  the  English  were  watched,  and 
followed  from  place  to  place,  until  at  length,  as  some  were  going  ashore  in 
a boat,  they  fell  upon  them,  but  gained  no  advantage.  After  maintaining 
the  fight  for  some  time,  and  being  driven  from  tree  to  tree,  the  chief  captain 
was  wounded  in  the  arm,  and  the  whole  took  to  flight.  This  action  caused 
the  natives  about  Plimouth  to  look  upon  the  English  as  invincible,  and  this 
was  the  reason  why  peace  was  so  long  maintained  between  them.  Of  the 
lime  and  circumstances  of  this  battle  or  fight  we  have  detailed  at  length  in 
a previous  chapter. 

Mourns  Relation  goes  far  to  establish  the  main  facts  in  the  above  account. 
It  says,  “We  brought  sundry  of  the  prettiest  things  away  with  us,  and  cov- 
ered the  corpse  up  again,”  and,  “ there  was  variety  of  opinions  amongst  us 
about  the  embalmed  person,”  but  no  mention  of  the  bear-skins. 

From  a comparison  of  the  different  accounts,  there  is  but  little  doubt,  that 
the  English  were  attacked  at  Namskekit,  in  consequence  of  their  depreda- 
tions upon  the  graves,  corn,  &c.  of  the  Indians. 

In  1621,  Chikataubut , with  eight  other  sachems,  acknowledged,  by  a writ- 
ten instrument,  which  we  have  already  given,  themselves  the  subjects  of 
King  James.  Ten  years  after  this,  23  March,  1631,  he  visited  Governor 
Winthrop  at  Boston,  and  presented  him  with  a hogshead  of  corn.  Many  of 
“ his  sannops  and  squaws  ” came  with  him,  but  were  most  of  them  sent 
away,  “after  they  had  all  dined,”  although  it  thundered  and  rained,  and  the 
governor  urged  their  stay;  Chikataubut  probably  feared  they  would  be 


voyage  to  Massachusetts  before  spoken  of,  and  from  Squanto  who  was  with  them  it  probably 
received  its  name. 

* If  this  be  fiction,  a modern  compiler  has  deceived  some  of  his  readers.  The  article  in 
the  Analectic  Magazine  may  have  been  his  source  of  information,  but  the  original  may  be 
seen  in  Morton's  New  Canaan , 106  and  107. 


44 


chikataubut— ms  death. 


[Book  II. 


burdensome.  At  this  time  he  wore  English  clothes,  and  sat  at  the  govern- 
or’s table,  “ where  he  behaved  himself  as  soberly,  &c.  as  an  Englishman.” 
Not  long  after,  he  called  on  Governor  Winthrop , and  desired  to  buy  clothes 
for  himself;  the  governor  informed  him  that  “English  sagamores  did  not 
use  to  truck;* * * §  but  he  called  his  tailor,  and  gave  him  order  to  make  him  a 
suit  of  clothes ; whereupon  he  gave  the  governor  two  large  skins  of  coat 
beaver.”  In  a few  days  his  clothes  were  ready,  and  the  governor  “put  him 
into  a very  good  new  suit  from  head  to  foot,  and  after,  he  set  meat  before 
them  ; but  he  would  not  eat  till  the  governor  had  given  thanks,  and  after  meat 
he  desired  him  to  do  the  like,  and  so  departed.” 

June  14,  1631,  at  a court,  Chikataubut  was  ordered  to  pay  a small  skin  of 
beaver,  to  satisfy  for  one  of  his  men’s  having  killed  a pig, — which  he  com- 
plied with.  A man  by  the  name  of  Plastowe , and  some  others,  having  stolen 
corn  from  him,  the  same  year,  the  court,  Sept.  27,  ordered  that  PlaStowe  should 
restore  “two-fold,”  and  lose  his  title  of  gentleman,  and  pay  £5.  This  I sup- 
pose they  deemed  equivalent  to  four-fold.  His  accomplices  were  whipped, 
to  the  same  amount  The  next  year  we  find  him  engaged  with  other  sachems 
in  an  expedition  against  the  Pequots.  The  same  year  two  of  his  men  were 
convicted  of  assaulting  some  persons  of  Dorchester  in  their  houses.  “They 
were  put  in  the  bilboes,”  and  himself  required  to  beat  them,  which  he  did.f 

The  small-pox  was  very  prevalent  among  the  Indians  in  1633,  in  which 
year,  some  time  in  November,  Chikataubut  died. 

The  residence  of  the  family  of  Chikataubut  was  at  Tehticut,  now  included 
in  Middleborough.  He  was  in  obedience  to  Massasoit,  and,  like  other  chiefs, 
had  various  places  of  resort,  to  suit  the  different  seasons  of  the  year ; 
sometimes  at  Wessaguscusset,  sometimes  at  Neponset,  and  especially  upon 
that  part  of  NamasketJ  called  Tehticut.  This  was  truly  a river  of  saga- 
mores. Its  abundant  stores  of  fish,  in  the  spring,  drew  them  from  all  parts 
of  the  realm  of  the  chief  sachem. 

In  deeds,  given  by  the  Indians,  the  place  of  their  residence  is  generally 
mentioned,  and  from  what  we  shall  recite  in  the  progress  of  this  article,  it 
will  be  seen  that  the  same  chief  has  different  residences  assigned  to  him. 

August  5,  1665,  Quincy,  then  Braintree,  was  deeded  by  a son  of  Chikatau- 
but, in  these  terms  : — 

§ “ To  all  Indian  people  to  whom  these  presents  shall  come  ; Wampatuck, 
alias  Josiah  Sagamore,  of  Massathusetts,  in  Newengland,  the  son  of  Chikatau- 
but deceased,  sendeth  greeting.  Know  yoo  that  the  said  Wampatuck , being 
of  full  age  and  power,  according  to  the  order  and  custom  of  the  natives, 
hath,  with  the  consent  of  his  wise  men,  viz.  Squamog,  his  brother  Daniel , 
and  Old  Hahatun,  and  William  Mananiomott,  Job  JYassott,  Manuntago  William 
Nahanton\\”  “For  divers  goods  and  valuable  reasons  therunto;  and  in 
special  for  ”£21  10s.  in  hand.  It  was  subscribed  and  witnessed  thus : — 

Josiah,  alias  Wampatuck,  his  JO  marke. 

Daniel  Squamog,  and  a mark. 

Old  Nahatun,  and  a mark. 

William  Manunion,  and  a mark. 

Job  Noistenns. 

Robert,  alias  Mamuntago,  and  a mark. 

William  Hahatun. 

In  presence  of 

Thomas  Ketahgunsson,  and  a mark  O, 

Joseph  Manunion,  his  | — mark. 

Thomas  Wetmous,  his  O mark. 


* However  true  this  might  have  been  of  the  governor,  at  least,  we  think,  he  should  not 
have  used  the  plural. 

t “ The  most  usual  custom  amongst  them  in  exercising  punishments,  is,  for  the  sachem 
either  to  beat,  or  whip,  or  put  to  death  with  his  own  hand,  to  which  the  common  sort  most 
quietly  submit.”  Williams. 

t Namauasuck  signified  in  their  language  fishes , and  some  early  wrote  Namascheuck. 

§ History  of  Quincy,  by  Rev.  Mr.  Whitney , taken  from  the  original  in  the  possession  of  the 
Hon.  J.  Q.  Adams. 

J|  Nahaton,  or  Ahalon,  and  the  same  sometimes  written  Nehoiden.  See  Worthington  s 
Hist.  Dedham,  21.  He  sold  lands  upon  Charles  River  in  1680.  ib. 


Chap.  III.] 


WAMPATUCK.— HIS  MOHAWK  WAR. 


45 

There  is  a quit-claim  deed  from  “ Charles  Josias,  alias  Josias  Wampatuck , 
grandson  of  Chikatauhut , dated  19  Mar.  1695,  of  Boston  and  the  adjacent 
country,  and  the  islands  in  the  harbor,  to  the  “ proprietated  inhabitants  of  the 
town  of  Boston,”  to  be  seen  among  the  Suffolk  records.* * * §  Wampatuck  says, 
or  some  one  for  him,  “ Forasmuch  as  I am  informed,  and  well  assured  from 
several  ancient  Indians,  as  well  those  of  my  council  as  others,  that,  upon 
the  first  coming  of  the  English  to  sit  down  and  settle  in  those  parts  of  New 
England,  my  above-named  grandfather,  Chikatauhut , by  and  with  the  advice 
of  his  council,  for  encouragement  thereof  moving,  did  give,  grant,  sell,  alien- 
ate, and  confirm  unto  the  English  planters,”  the  lands  above  named. 

Besides  Josias , there  signed  this  deed  with  him,  Ahawton , sen.,  William  Ha- 
lation, and  Robert  Momentauge. 

Josias,  or  Josiah  Wampatuck,  was  sachem  of  Mattakeesett,f  and,  from 
the  deeds  which  he  gave,  must  have  been  the  owner  of  much  of  the  lands 
southward  of  Boston.  In  1653,  he  sold  to  Timothy  Hatherly,  James  Cudivorth , 
Joseph  Tilden , Humphrey  Turner,  William  Hatch , John  Hoare,  and  James  Tor- 
rey,  a large  tract  of  land  in  the  vicinity  of  Accord  Pond  and  North  Rjver. 

In  1662,  he  sold  Pachage  Neck,  [now  called  Ptchade ,]  “lying  between 
Namassakett  riuer  and  a brook  falling  into  Teticutt  riuer,  viz.  the  most 
westerly  of  the  three  small  brookes  that  do  fall  into  the  said  riuer;”  like- 
wise all  the  meadow  upon  said  three  brooks,  for  £21.  Also,  another  tract 
bounded  by  Plimouth  and  Duxbury  on  one  side,  and  Bridgewater  on  the 
other,  extending  to  the  great  pond  Mattakeeset ; provided  it  included  not  the 
LOGO  acres  given  to  his  son  and  George  Wampey,  about  those  ponds.  This 
deed  was  witnessed  by  George  Wampey  and  John  Wampowes. 

After  the  death  of  his  father,  Josias  was  often  called  Josias  Chikatauhut 
In  the  Plimouth  Records  we  find  this  notice, but  without  date:  “Memoran- 
dum, that  Josias  Chickabutt  and  his  wife  doe  owne  the  whole  necke  of  Pun- 
kateesett  to  beloing  vnto  Plymouth  men,”  &c. 

In  1668,  “ Josias  Chickatabutt,  sachem  of  Namassakeesett,”  sold  to  Robert 
Studson  of  Scituate,  a tract  of  land  called  JYanumackeuitt , for  a “ valuable 
consideration,”  as  the  deed  expresses  it.  This  tract  was  bounded  on  the 
east  by  Scituate. 

Josias  had  a son  Jeremy ; and  “ Charles  Josiah,  son  of  Jeremy,  was  the  last  of 
the  race.”!  Of  Josiah,  Mr.  Gookin  gives  us  important  information. 

War  betiveen  the  Massachusett  Indians  and  Mohawks.  In  the  year  1669,  “the 
war  having  now  continued  between  the  Maquas  and  our  Indians,  about  six 
years,  divers  Indians,  our  neighbors,  united  their  forces  together,  and  made 
an  army  of  about  6 or  700  men,  and  marched  into  the  Maquas’  country,  to 
take  revenge  of  them.  This  enterprise  was  contrived  and  undertaken 
without  the  privity,  and  contrary  to  the  advice  of  their  English  friends.  Mr. 
Eliot  and  myself  in  particular,  dissuaded  them,  and  gave  them  several 
reasons  against  it,  but  they  would  not  hear  us.”  Five  of  the  Christian 
Indians  went  out  with  them,  and  but  one  only  returned  alive.  “ The  chief- 
est  general  in  this  expedition  was  the  principal  sachem  of  Massachusetts, 
named  Josiah,  alias  Chekatabutt , a wise  and  stout  man,  of  middle  age,  but  a 
very  vicious  person.  He  had  considerable  knowledge  in  the  Christian 
religion ; and  sometime,  when  he  was  younger,  seemed  to  profess  it  for  a 
time ; — for  he  was  bred  up  by  his  uncle,  Kuchamakin,  who  was  the  first 
sachem  and  his  people  to  whom  Mr.  Eliot  preached.”  § 

Of  those  who  went  out  with  Wampatuk  from  other  tribes  we  have  no  rec- 
ord ; but  there  were  many,  probably,  as  usual  upon  such  expeditions. 

This  army  arrived  at  the  Mohawk  fort  after  a journey  of  about  200  miles ; 
when,  upon  besieging  it  some  time,  and  having  some  of  their  men  killed  in 
sallies,  and  sundry  others  sick,  they  gave  up  the  siege  and  retreated.  Mean- 
while the  Mohawks  pursued  them,  got  in  their  front,  and,  from  an  ambush, 


* Printed  at  length  in  Snow’s  Hist.  Boston , 389,  et  cet. 

f Deane’s  Hist.  Scituate,  144. 

j Ibid.  Squamaug  was  a brother  of  Josiah,  and  ruled  “as  sachem  during  the  minority  ” 
of  Jeremy.  Dr.  Harris,  Hist.  Dorchester.  16,  17. 

§ 1 Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  i.  166. 


46 


MASCONONOMO  OF  AGAWAM. 


fEOoK  II. 


attacked  them  in  a defile,  and  a great  fight  ensued.  Finally  the  Mohawks 
were  put  to  flight  by  the  extraordinary  bravery  and  prowess  of  Chikataubut 
aud  his  captains.  But  what  was  most  calamitous  in  this  disastrous  expedi- 
tion, was,  the  loss  of  the  great  chief  Chikataubut , who,  after  performing  prodi- 
gies of  valor,  wras  killed  in  repelling  the  Mohawks  in  their  last  attack,  with 
almost  all  his  captains,  in  number  about  50,  as  was  supposed.* * * *  This  was  a 
severe  stroke  to  these  Indians,  and  they  suffered  much  from  chagrin  on 
their  return  home.  The  Mohawks  considered  themselves  their  masters, 
and  although  a peace  was  brought  about  between  them,  by  the  mediation  of 
the  English  and  Dutch  on  each  side,  yet  the  Massachusetts  and  others  often 
suffered  from  their  incursions. 

A chief  of  much  the  same  importance  as  Chikataubut  and  his  sons,  was 
Mascononomo,  or  Masconomo,  sachem  of  Agawam,  since  called  Ipsunch. 
When  the  fleet  which  brought  over  the  colony  that  settled  Boston,  in  1630, 
anchored  near  Cape  Ann,  he  welcomed  them  to  his  shores,  and  spent  some 
time  on  board  one  of  the  ships.f 

On  the  28th  June,  1638,  Mascononomet  \ executed  a deed  of  “all  his  lands 
in  Ipswich,”  to  John  Winthrop , jr.,  for  the  sum  of  £20.  § 

At  a court  in  July,  1631,  it  was  ordered,  that  “the  sagamore  of  Agawam  is 
banished  from  coming  into  any  Englishman’s  house  for  a year,  under  penalty 
of  ten  beaver- skins.”  |j  This  was  probably  done  in  retaliation  for  his  having 
committed  acts  of  violence  on  the  Tarratines,  who  soon  after  came  out 
with  great  force  against  Mascononomo ; he  having,  “ as  was  usually  said, 
treacherously  killed  some  of  those  Tarratine  families.’’^  It  would  seem 
that  he  expected  an  attack,  and  had  therefore  called  to  his  aid  some  of  the 
sachems  near  Boston ; for  it  so  happened  that  Montowampate  and  Wonoha- 
quaham  were  at  Agawam  when  the  Tarratines  made  an  attack,  but  whether 
by  concert  or  accident  is  not  clear. 

To  the  number  of  100  men,  in  three  canoes,  the  Tarratines  came  out  on 
this  enterprise,  on  the  8 August  following.  They  attacked  Mascononomo  and 
his  guests  in  his  wigwam  in  the  night,  killed  seven  men,  wounded  Mascono- 
nomo himself,  and  Montowampate , and  Wonohaquaham , and  several  others  who 
afterwards  died.  They  took  the  wife  of  Montowampate  captive,  but  it  so  hap- 
pened that  Abraham  Shurd  of  Pemmcquid  ransomed  her,  and  sent  her  home, 
where  she  arrived  on  the  17  September  the  same  autumn.** * * §§  From  Mr.  Cob- 
bet's  account,  it  appears  that  they  came  against  the  English,  who,  but  for  an 
Indian,  named  Robin , would  have  been  cut  off,  as  the  able  men  at  this  time, 
belonging  to  Ipswich,  did  not  exceed  30  ; and  most  of  these  were  from  home 
on  the  day  the  attack  was  to  have  been  made.  Robin , having  by  some  means 
found  out  their  intentions,  went  to  John  Perkins ,ff  and  told  him  that  on  such 
a day  four  Tarratines  would  come  and  invite  the  English  to  trade,  “and  draw 
them  down  the  hill  to  the  water  side,”  when  40  canoes  full  of  armed  Indians 
would  be  ready,  under  “the  brow'  of  the  hill,”  to  fall  upon  them.  It  turned 
out  as  Robin  had  reported ; but  the  Indians  were  frightened  off  by  a false 
show  of  numbers,  an  old  drum,  and  a few  guns,  without  effecting  their 
object.# 

We  hear  no  more  of  him  until  1644,  March  8,  when,  at  a court  held  in 
Boston,  “ Cutshamekin  and  Squaw- Sachem,  Masconomo , Nashacowam  and  Was- 
samagin , two  sachems  near  the  great  hill  to  the  west,  called  Wachusett , came 
into  the  court,  and,  according  to  their  former  tender  to  the  governor,  desired 
to  be  received  under  our  protection^  and  government,  upon  the  same  terms 


* 1 Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  i.  167. 

+ Hist  N.  England. 

f This  is  doubtless  the  most  correct  spelling  of  his  name.  It  is  scarce  spelt  twice  alike  in 
the  MS.  records. 

$ Records  of  Gen.  Court,  v.  381.  ||  Prince,  357. 

If  Hubbard’s  N.  E.  145. 

**  Winthrop’ s Jour. — Lewis’s  Hist.  Lynn,  39,  40. — Felt’s  Hist.  Ipswich,  3. 

ti  Quarter-master,  “ living  then  in  a little  hut  upon  his  father's  island  on  this  side  of  Jeof- 
ry's  Neck.”  MS.  Narrative. 

ft  Cobbel’s  MS.  Narrative. 

§§  They  desired  this  from  their  great  fear  of  the  Mohawks,  it  is  said. 


Chap.  III.] 


MONTOW  AMP  ATE.— WONOHAQUAHAM. 


47 


that  Pumham  and  Sacononoco  were.  So  we  causing  them  to  understand  the 
articles,  and  all  the  ten  commandments  of  God,  and  they  freely  assenting  to 
all,*  they  were  solemnly  received,  and  then  presented  the  court  with  twenty- 
six  fathom  of  wampum,  and  the  court  gave  each  of  them  a coat  of  two  yards 
of  cloth,  and  their  dinner ; and  to  them  and  their  men,  every  one  of  them,  a 
cup  of  sac  at  their  departure ; so  they  took  leave,  and  went  away  very  joyful.” f 

In  the  Town  Records  of  Ipswich,  under  date  18  June  1658,  a grant  is  made  to 
the  widow  of  Mascononomo , of  “ that  parcel  of  land  which  her  husband  had 
fenced  in,”  so  long  as  she  should  remain  a widow.  Her  husband  was  the  last 
of  the  sachems  of  Agawam,  and  with  him,  says  Mr.  Felt , descended  “ his  feble 
and  broken  scepter  to  the  grave.”  He  died  on  the  6 March,  1658,  and  was 
buried  on  Sagamore  Hill,  now  within  the  bounds  of  Hamilton.  His  gun  and 
other  valuable  implements  were  interred  with  him.  “ Idle  curiosity,  wanton, 
sacrilegious  sport,  prompted  an  individual  to  dig  up  the  remains  of  this  chie£ 
and  to  carry  his  scull  on  a pole  through  Ipswich  streets.  Such  an  act  of  bar- 
barity was  severely  frowned  upon,  and  speedily  visited  with  retributive  civil 
justice.”  | 

MONTOWAMPATE,  sagamore  of  Lynn  and  Marblehead,  was  known  more 
generally  among  the  whites  as  Sagamore  James.  He  was  son  of  JYanepashemet , 
and  brother  of  Wonohaquaham  and  Winnepurkitt.§  He  died  in  1633,  of  the 
small-pox,  “with  most  of  his  people.  It  is  said  that  these  two  promised,  if 
ever  they  recovered,  to  live  with  the  English,  and  serve  their  God.”|| 
Montoivampate , having  been  defrauded  of  20  beaver-skins,  by  a man  named 
Watts , who  had  since  gone  to  England,  he  went  to  Gov.  Winthrop  on  the  26 
March,  1631,  to  know  how  he  should  obtain  recompense.  The  governor  gave 
him  a letter  to  Emanuel  Downing , Esq.  of  London,  from  which  circumstance 
it  would  seem  that  the  chief  determined  to  go  there ; and  it  is  said  that  he 
actually  visited  England  and  received  his  due.f  The  histories  of  those  times 
give  a melancholy  picture  of  the  distresses  caused  by  the  small-pox  among  the 
“ wretched  natives.”  “ There  are,”  says  Mather , “ some  old  planters  surviving 
to  this  day,  who  helped  to  bury  the  dead  Indians ; even  whole  families  of 
them  all  dead  at  once.  In  one  of  the  wigwams  they  found  a poor  infant  suck- 
ing at  the  breast  of  the  dead  mother.”**  The  same  author  observes  that,  before 
the  disease  began,  the  Indians  had  begun  to  quarrel  with  the  English  about 
the  bounds  of  their  lands,  “ but  God  ended  the  controversy  by  sending  the 
small-pox  among  the  Indians  at  Saugus,  who  were  before  that  time  exceeding- 
ly numerous.” 

We  have  mentioned  another  of  the  family  of  Nanepashemet,  also  a sachem. 
This  was  Wonohaquaham , called  by  the  English  Sagamore  John , of  Winisimet. 
His  residence  was  at  what  was  then  called  Rumneymarsh,  part  of  which  is 
now  in  Chelsea  and  part  in  Saugus.§  As  early  as  1631,  he  had  cause  to  com- 
plain that  some  of  the  English  settlers  had  burnt  two  of  his  wigwams. 
“ Which  wigwams,”  says  Governor  Dudley, ff  “ were  not  inhabited,  but  stood  in 
a place  convenient  for  their  shelter,  when,  upon  occasion,  they  should  travel 
that  way.”  The  court,  upon  examination,  found  that  a servant  of  Sir  R.  Sal- 
tonstall  had  been  the  means  of  the  mischief,  whose  master  was  ordered  to 
make  satisfaction,  “ which  he  did  by  seven  yards  of  cloth,  and  that  his  servant 
pay  him,  at  the  end  of  his  time,  fifty  shillings  sterling.”]:];  Sagamore  John  died 
at  Winisimet,  in  1633,  of  the  small-pox.§§  He  desired  to  become  acquainted 
with  the  Englishmen’s  God,  in  his  sickness,  and  requested  them  to  take  his 
two  sons  and  instruct  them  in  Christianity,  which  they  did.|||| 

WinnepurkittfH^  who  married  a daughter  of  Passaeonaway , makes  considera- 
ble figure  also  in  our  Indian  annals.  He  was  bom  about  1616,  and  succeeded 
Montowampate  at  his  death,  in  1633.  The  English  called  him  George  Rumney- 


* The  articles  which  they  subscribed,  will  be  seen  at  large  when  the  Manuscript  Hist,  of  the. 
Praijing  Indians,  by  Daniel  Gookin,  shall  be  published.  They  do  not  read  precisely  as 
rendered  by  Winthrop. 

t Winthrop' s Journal.  ]:  Hist.  Ipswich,  5.  § Lewis’s  Hist.  Lynn,  16,  17. 

||  Hist,  of  New  England,  195.  IT  History  of  Lynn,  38.  **  Relation,  &c.  23. 

ft  Letter  to  the  Countess  of  Lincoln,  25,  edition  1696. 

tt  Prince's  Chronology.  §§  History  of  New  England,  195,  650. 

||  ||  Wonder-working  Providence.  HIT  Spelt  also  Winnaperket. 


48 


MANATAHQUA.— NATTAHATTAWANTS. 


[Book  II. 


marsh , and  at  one  time  he  was  proprietor  of  Deer  Island,  in  Boston  harbor. 
“In  the  latter  part  of  his  life,  he  went  to  Barbadoes.  It  is  supposed  that  he 
was  carried  there  with  the  prisoners  who  were  sold  for  slaves,  at  the  end  of 
Philip's  war.  He  died  soon  after  his  return,  in  1684,  at  the  house  of  Mumin- 
quash , aged  68  years.”  Ahawayetsquaine , daughter  of  Poquanum,  is  also  men- 
tioned as  his  wife,  by  whom  he  had  several  children.* 

Manatahqua , called  also  Black-william , was  a sachem,  and  proprietor  of  Na- 
liant,  when  the  adjacent  country  was  settled  by  the  whites.  His  father  lived 
at  Swampscot,  and  was  also  a sagamore,  but  probably  was  dead  before  the 
English  settled  in  the  country .f  A traveller  in  this  then  \ wilderness  world, 
thus  notices  William , and  his  possessing  Nahant.  “One  Black-william,  an 
Indian  Duke , out  of  his  generosity  gave  this  place  in  general  to  the  plantation 
of  Saugus,  so  that  no  other  can  appropriate  it  to  himself.”  He  was  a great 
friend  to  the  whites,  but  his  friendship  was  repaid,  as  was  that  of  many  others 
of  that  and  even  much  later  times.  There  was  a man  by  the  name  of  Walter 
Bagnall,  nicknamed  Great  Wot,  “ a wicked  fellow,”  who  had  much  wronged 
the  Indians, § killed  near  the  mouth  of  Saco  River,  probably  by  some  of 
those  whom  he  had  defrauded.  This  was  in  October,  1631.  As  some  vessels 
were  upon  the  eastern  coast  in  search  of  pirates,  in  January,  1633,  they  put  in 
at  Richmond’s  Island,  where  they  fell  in  with  Black-william.  This  was  tin- 
place  where  Bagnall  had  been  killed  about  two  years  before  ; but  whether  he 
had  any  thing  to  do  with  it,  does  not  appear,  nor  do  I find  that  any  one,  even 
his  murderers,  pretended  he  was  any  way  implicated ; but,  out  of  revenge  for 
Bagnall's  death,  these  pirate-hunters  hanged  Black-william.  On  the  contrary, 
it  was  particularly  mentioned  ||  that  Bagnall  was  killed  by  Squidrayset  and  his 
men,  some  Indians  belonging  to  that  part  of  the  country. 

This  Squidrayset,  or  Scitterygusset,  for  whose  act  Manatahqua  suffered,  was 
the  first  sachem  who  deeded  land  in  Falmouth,  Maine.  A creek  near  the 
mouth  of  Presumpscot  River  perpetuates  his  name  to  this  day.  Mr.  Willis 
supposes  he  was  sachem  of  the  Aucocisco  tribe,  who  inhabited  between  the 
Androscoggin  and  Saco  rivers;  and  that  from  Aucocisco  comes  CascoA 
There  can  be  but  little  doubt  that  Bagnall  deserved  his  fate,**  if  any  deserve 
such  ; but  the  other  was  the  act  of  white  men,  and  we  leave  the  reader  to 
draw  the  parallel  between  the  two : perhaps  he  will  inquire,  Were  the  murderers 
of  Manatahqua  brought  to  justice?  All  we  can  answer  is,  The  records  are  si- 
lent. Perhaps  it  was  considered  an  offset  to  the  murder  of  Bagnall. 

JVattahattawants,  in  the  year  1642,  sold  to  Simon  Willard,  in  behalf  of  “Mr. 
Winthrop,  Mr.  Dudley,  Mr.  JVoivell,  and  Mr.  Alden,"  a large  tract  of  land  upon 
both  sides  Concord  River.  “Mr.  Winthrop,  our  present  governor,  1260  acres, 
Mr.  Dudley,  1500  acres,  on  the  S.  E.  side  of  the  river,  Mr.  JYowell,  500  acres, 
and  Mr.  Allen,  500  acres,  on  the  N.  E.  side  of  the  river,  and  in  consideration 
hereof  the  said  Simon  giueth  to  the  said  Nattahattawants  six  fadom  of  waom- 
pampege,  one  wastcoat,  and  one  breeches,  and  the  said  JVattahattaivants  doth 
covenant  and  bind  himself,  that  hee  nor  any  other  Indians  shall  set  traps  with- 
in this  ground,  so  as  any  cattle  might  recieve  hurt  thereby,  and  what  cattle 

shall  receive  hurt  by  this  meanes,  hee  shall  be  lyable  to  make  it  good.”  [In 
the  deed,  JVattahattaivants  is  called  sachem  of  that  land.] 

Witnessed  by  The  mark  of  $ Natahatta wants. 

three  whites.  The  mark  of  • Winnipin,  an  Indian 

that  traded  for  him.\\ 


The  name  of  this  chief,  as  appears  from  documents  copied  by  Mr.  Shattuck,X\ 
was  understood  Tahattaivan , Tahattawants , Attawan,  Attawanee,  and  Ahatawa- 
nee.  He  was  sachem  of  Musketaquid,  since  Concord,  and  a supporter  and 


* Hist.  Lynn.  t Hist.  N.  Eng. 

} 1633.  William  Wood,  author  of  New  Eng.  Prospect. 

§ Winthrop’ s Journal,  i.  62,  63.  ||  Winthrop,  ib. 

IT  Col.  Maine  Hist.  Soc.  i.  68. 

**  He  had,  in  about  three  years,  by  extortion,  as  we  infer  from  Winthrop,  accumulated 
about  £400  from  among  the  Indians.  See  Journal  ut  3upra. 

ft  Suffolk  Records  of  Deeds,  vol.  i.  No.  34.  Hist.  Concord,  Mass,  passim  chap.  i. 


WAHGUMACUT. — JACK-STRAW. 


49 


Chap.  III.] 


propagator  of  Christianity  among  his  people,  and  an  honest  and  upright  man. 
The  celebrated  Waban  married  his  eldest  daughter.  John  Tahattawan  was  his 
son,  who  lived  at  Nashoba,  where  he  was  chief  ruler  of  the  praying  Indians — 
a deserving  Indian.  He  died  about  1670.  His  widow  was  daughter  of  John , 
sagamore  of  Patucket,  upon  the  Merrimack,  who  married  Oonamog , another 
ruler  of  the  praying  Indians,  of  Marlborough.  Her  only  son  by  Tahattawan  * * * § 
was  killed  by  some  white  ruffians,  who  came  upon  them  while  in  their  wig- 
wams, and  his  mother  was  badly  wounded  at  the  same  time.  Of  this  affair 
we  shall  have  occasion  elsewhere  to  be  more  particular.  JY xanashquaiv , an- 
other daughter,  married  Naanishcow , called  John  Thomas , who  died  at  Natick, 
aged  110  years. 

We  know  very  little  of  a sachem  of  the  name  of  Wahgumacut ,f  except  that 
he  lived  upon  Connecticut  River,  and  came  to  Boston  in  1631,  with  a request 
to  the  governor  w to  have  some  English  to  plant  in  his  country;”  and  as  an 
inducement,  said  he  would  “ find  them  corn,  and  give  them,  yearly,  80  skins 
of  beaver.”  The  governor,  however,  dismissed  him  without  giving  him  any 
encouragement ; doubting,  it  seems,  the  reality  of  his  friendship.  But  it  is 
more  probable  that  he  was  sincere,  as  he  was  at  this  time  in  great  fear  of  the 
Pequots,  and  judged  that  if  some  of  the  English  would  reside  with  him,  he 
should  be  able  to  maintain  his  country. 

There  accompanied  JVahgumacut  to  Boston  an  Indian  named  Jackstraw, \ 
who  was  his  interpreter,  and  Sagamore  John.  We  have  labored  to  find  some 
further  particulars  of  him,  but  all  that  we  can  ascertain  with  certainty,  is,  that 
he  had  lived  some  time  in  England  with  Sir  Walter  Ralegh .§  How  Sir  Walter 


* Mr.  Gookin  writes  this  name  Tohatooner,  that  of  the  father  Tahattawarre.  MS.  Hist. 
Praying  Indians,  105. 

f Wahginnacut,  according  to  Mr.  Savage’s  reading  of  Winthrop.  Our  text  is  according 
to  Prince , who  also  used  Winthrop  in  MS.  It  is  truly  diverting  to  see  how  the  author  of 
Tales  of  the  Indians  has  displayed  his  invention  upon  the  passage  in  Winthrop’ s Journal 
bringing  to  our  knowledge  this  chief.  We  will  give  the  passage  of  Winthrop,  that  the  reader 
may  judge  whether  great  ignorance,  or  misrepresentation  “ of  set  purpose  ” be  chargeable 
to  him.  “ He  [Gov.  Winthrop ] discovered  after  [ Wahginnacut  was  gone],  that  the  said 
sagamore  is  a very  treacherous  man,  and  at  war  with  the  Pekoath  (a  far  greater  sagamore.”) 
Now,  every  child  that  has  read  about  the  Indians,  it  seems  to  us,  ought  to  know  that  the 
meaning  of  Pekoath  was  mistaken  by  the  governor,  and  no  more  meant  a chief  than  the 
Massasoits  meant  what  the  Plimouth  people  first  supposed  it  to  mean.  In  the  one  case,  the 
name  of  a tribe  was  mistaken  for  that  of  a chief,  and  in  the  other  the  chief  for  the  tribe. 
Mistakes  of  this  kind  were  not  uncommon  before  our  fathers  became  acquainted  with  the 
country.  Winthrop  says,  too,  the  Mohawks  was  a great  sachem.  Now,  who  ever  thought 
there  was  a chief  of  that  name  ? 

]:  Probably  so  named  from  the  Maidstone  minister,  who  flourished  in  Wat  Tyler’s  rebellion, 
and  whose  real  name  was  John  Ball,  but  afterwards  nick-named  Jack  Straw.  He  became 
chaplain  to  Wat’s  army,  they  having  let  him  out  of  prison.  A text  which  he  made  great  use 
of  in  preaching  to  his  liberators  was  this  : — 

When  Adam  dalfe  and  Eve  span. 

Who  was  then  a gentleman  ? 

This  we  apprehend  was  construed,  Down  with  the  nobility!  See  Rapin’ s Eng.  i.  457.  In 
Kennet,  i.  247,  John  Wraw  is  called  Jack  Straw.  He  was  beheaded. 

§ “ The  imputation  of  the  first  bringing  in  of  tobacco  into  England  lies  on  this  heroic  knight.” 
Winstanley's  Worthies,  259.  “ Besides  the  consumption  of  the  purse,  and  impairing  of  our 

inward  parts,  the  immoderate,  vain  and  phantastical  abuse  of  the  hellish  weed,  corrupteth  the 
natural  sweetness  of  the  breath,  stupifieth  the  brain;  and  indeed  is  so  prejudicial  to  the 
general  esteem  of  our  country.”  Ibid.  211.  Whether  Jack-straw  were  the  servant  who 
acted  a part  in  the  often-told  anecdote  of  Sir  Walter  Ralegh’s  smoking  tobacco,  on  its  first 
being  taken  to  England,  we  shall  not  presume  to  assert ; but,  for  the  sake  of  the  anecdote,  we 
will  admit  the  fact ; it  is  variously  related,  but  is  said  to  be,  in  substance,  as  follows.  At  one 
time,  it  was  so  very  unpopular  to  use  tobacco  in  any  way  in  England,  that  many  who  had  got 
attached  to  it,  used  it  only  privately.  Sir  Walter  was  smoking  in  his  study,  at  a certain  time, 
and,  being  thirsty,  called  to  his  servant  to  bring  him  a tankard  of  beer.  Jack  hastily  obeyed 
the  summons,  and  Sir  Walter,  forgetting  to  cease  smoking,  was  in  the  act  of  spouting  a 
volume  of  smoke  from  his  mouth  when  his  servant  entered.  Jack,  seeing  his  master  smoking 
prodigiously  at  the  mouth,  thought  no  other  but  he  was  all  on  fire  inside,  having  never  seen 
such  a phenomenon  in  all  England  before  ; dashed  the  quart  of  liquor  at  once  in  his  face,  and 
ran  out  screaming,  “ Massa’s  a fire  ! Massa’s  a fire  ! ” 

Having  dismissed  the  servant,  every  one  might  reasonably  expect  a few  words  concerning 
his  master.  Sir  Walter  Ralegh  may  truly  be  said  to  have  lived  in  an  age  fruitful  in  great  and 
worthy  characters.  Captain  John  Smith  comes  to  our  notice  through  his  agency,  and  the 


50 


JAME3-PRINTER,  OR  JAMES-THE-PRINTER. 


fBooit  IX 


came  by  him,  does  not  satisfactorily  appear.  Captains  Amidas  and  Barlow 
sailed  to  America  in  his  employ,  and  on  their  return  carried  over  two  natives 
from  Virginia,  whose  names  were  Wanchese  and  Manteo .*  It  is  barely  possible 
that  one  of  these  was  afterwards  Jack-straiv. 

A Nipmuck  Indian,  of  no  small  note  in  his  time,  it  may  in  the  next  place  be 
proper  to  notice. 

James  Printer , or  James-the-printer , was  the  son  of  JYaoas,  brother  of  Tuka - 
pewillin  f and  Anaiveakin.  When  a child,  he  was  instructed  at  the  Indian 
charity  school,  at  Cambridge.  In  1659,  he  was  put  apprentice  to  Samuel 
Green,  to  learn  the  printer’s  business  ;J  and  he  is  spoken  of  as  having  run 
away  from  his  master  in  1675.  If,  after  an  apprenticeship  of  16  years,  one 
could  not  leave  his  master  without  the  charge  of  absconding,  at  least,  both  the 
master  and  apprentice  should  be  pitied.  In  relation  to  this  matter,  Mr.  Hub- 


renowned  first  English  circumnavigator  was  his  contemporary.  He,  like  the  last  named,  was 
born  in  the  county  of  Devonshire,  in  1552,  in  the  parish  of  Budle}'.  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert , 
so  well  known  in  our  annals,  was  his  half-brother,  his  father  having  married  Sir  Humphrey's 
mother,  a widow*,  by  whom  he  had  Walter , a fourth  son.f  The  great  successes  and  dis- 
coveries of  the  celebrated  admiral  Sir  Francis  Drake  gave  a new  impetus  to  the  English 
nation  in  maritime  affairs,  and  consequent  thereupon  was  the  settlement  of  North  America  -7 
as  great  an  era,  to  say  the  least,  as  was  ever  recorded  in  history.  No  one  shone  more 
conspicuous  in  those  undertakings  than  Sir  Walter  Ralegh.  After  persevering  a long  time, 
he  established  a colony  in  Virginia,  in  1607.  He  was  a man  of  great  valor  and  address,  and 
a favorite  with  the  great  Queen  Elizabeth,  tha  promoter  of  his  underiakings,  one  of  whose 
maids  of  honor  ” he  married.  In  this  affair  some  charge  him  with  having  first  dishonored 
that  lady,  and  was  for  a time  under  the  queen’s  displeasure  in  consequence,  but  marrying  her 
restored  him  to  favor.  The  city  of  Ralegh  in  Virginia  was  so  named  by  his  direction.  He 
was  conspicuous  with  Drake  and  Howard  in  the  destruction  of  the  Spanish  armada  in  1588. 
Ou  the  death  of  the  queen,  he  was  imprisoned  almost  13  years  in  the  tower  of  London,  upon 
the  charge  of  treason.  It  was  during  his  imprisonment  that  he  wrote  his  great  and  learned 
work,  the  History  of  the  World.  The  alleged  crime  of  treason  has  long  since  been  viewed 
by  all  the  world  as  without  foundation,  and  the  punishment  of  Ralegh  reflects  all  its  blackness 
upon  the  character  of  James  I.  The  ground  of  the  charge  was,  that  Ralegh  and  others  were 
in  a conspiracy  against  the  king,  and  were  designing  to  place  on  the  throne  Arabella  Stewart. t 
He  was  never  pardoned,  although  the  king  set  him  at  liberty,  and  permitted  him  to  go  on  an 
expedition  to  South  America  in  search  of  a gold  mine  of  which  he  had  gained  some  intima- 
tions in  a previous  visit  to  those  countries.  His  attempt  to  find  gold  failed,  but  he  took  the 
town  of  St.  Thomas,  and  established  in  it  a garrison.  This  was  a depredation,  as  Spain 
and  England  were  then  at  peace,  but  Ralegh  had  the  king’s  commission.  The  Spanish 
ambassador  complained  loudly  against  the  transaction,  and  the  miserable  James,  to  extricate 
himself,  and  appease  the  Spanish  king,  ordered  Ralegh  to  be  seized  on  his  return,  who,  upon 
the  old  charge  of  treason,  was  sentenced  to  be  beheaded,  which  was  executed  upon  him  29th 
Oct.  1618. § “ I shall  only  hint,”  says  Dr.  Polwhele, ||  “that  the  execution  of  this  great  man,, 
whom  James  was  advised  to  sacrifice  to  the  advancement  of  the  peace  with  Spain,  hath  left  an 
indelible  stain  on  the  memor}’  of  that  misguided  monarch.”  It  appears  from  another  account  TT 
that  Sir  Walter,  on  arriving  at  the  mouth  of  the  Oronoko,  was  taken  “ desperately  sick,”  and 
sent  forward  a company  under  one  of  his  captains  in  search  of  the  gold  mine.  That  they 
were  met  by  the  Spaniards,  who  attacked  them,  and  that  this  was  the  cause  of  thjeir  assault- 
ing St.  Thomas,  and  being  obliged  to  descend  the  river  without  effecting  the  object  they 
were  upon. 

The  following  circumstance  respecting  the  celebrated  History  of  the  World,  not  being 
generally  known,  cannot  but  be  acceptable  to  the  reader.  The  first  volume  (which  is  what 
we  have  of  it)  was  published  before  he  was  imprisoned  the  last  time.  Just  before  his  execu- 
tion, he  sent  for  the  publisher  of  it.  When  he  came,  Sir  Walter  took  him  by  the  hand,  and, 
“ after  some  discourse,  askt  him  how  that  work  of  his  sold.  Mr.  Burre  [the  name  of  the 
publisher]  returned  this  answer,  that  it  had  sold  so  slowly  that  it  had  undone  him.  At  which 
words  of  his,  Sir  Walter  Ralegh,  stepping  to  his  desk,  reaches  his  other  part  of  his  history  to 
Mr.  Burre , which  he  had  brought  down  to  the  times  he  lived  in;  clapping  his  hand  on  his 
breast,  he  took  the  other  unprinted  part  of  his  works  into  his  hand,  with  a sigh,  saying,  ‘ Ah, 
my  friend,  hath  the  first  part  undone  thee,  the  second  volume  shall  undo  no  more;  this 
ungrateful  world  is  unworthy  of  it.’  When,  immediately  going  to  the  fire-side,  threw  it  in 
ana  set  his  foot  on  it  till  it  was  consumed.”** 

*See  Cayley's  Life  Sir  W.  Ralegh,  i.  70.  ed.  Lond.  1816,  2 vols.  8vo. 
t Some  author  of  Indian  tales  might  delight  himself  for  a long  time  in  ringing  changes  on 
this  Indian  preacher’s  name,  without  inventing  any  new  ones ; for  it  is  not,  as  I remember, 
spelt  twice  alike  in  our  authorities.  $ Thomas,  Hist.  Printing. 


*“  Of  Otho  Gilbert,  of  Compton,  Esq.”  Polwhele’s  Hist.  Devon,  ii.  219. 
f Stith,  Hist.  Virginia,  7.  Second  son,  says  Mr.  Polwhele,  Devon,  ii.  219. 
j Rapin,s  Eng.  ii.  161.  § Tindal’s  notes  in  Rapin,  ii.  195. 

||  Hist.  Devonshire,  i.  259.  IT  Winstanley,  Worthies,  256. 

**  Winstanley,  Worthies,  257. 


Chap.  III.] 


JAMES-THE-PRINTER. — KUTCHMAKIN. 


51 


bard  says,*  “ He  had  attained  some  skill  in  printing,  and  might  have  attained 
more,  had  he  not,  like  a false  villain,  ran  away  from  his  master  before  his 
time  was  out.”  And  the  same  author  observes  that  the  name  printer  was 
superadded  to  distinguish  him  from  others  named  James. 

Dr.  I.  Mother  f has  this  record  of  James-printer.  “July  8,  [1676.]  Whereas 
the  council  at  Boston  had  lately  emitted  a declaration,  signifying,  that  such 
Indians  as  did,  within  14  days,  come  in  to  the  English,  might  hope  for  mercy, 
divers  of  them  did  this  day  return  from  among  the  Nipmucks.  Among 
others,  James,  an  Indian,  who  could  not  only  read  and  write,  but  had  learned 
the  art  of  printing,  notwithstanding  his  apostasy,  did  venture  himself  upon  the 
mercy  and  truth  of  the  English  declaration,  which  he  had  seen  and  read, 
promising  for  the  future  to  venture  his  life  against  the  common  enemy.  He 
and  the  other  now  come  in,  affirm  that  very  many  of  the  Indians  are  dead 
since  this  war  began  ; and  that  more  have  died  by  the  hand  of  God,  in  respect 
of  diseases,  fluxes  and  fevers,  Avhich  have  been  amongst  them,  than  have  been 
killed  with  the  sword.” 

Mr.  Thomas  says,  t it  was  owing  to  the  amor  patriot  of  James-printer  that  he 
left  his  master  and  joined  in  Philip's  war.  But  how  much  amor  patriae  he 
must  have  had  to  have  kept  him  an  apprentice  16  years  is  not  mentioned. 

It  was  in  1685  that  the  second  edition  of  the  famous  Indian  Bible  was 
completed.  From  the  following  testimony  of  Mr.  Eliot  will  be  seen  how 
much  the  success  of  that  undertaking  was  considered  to  depend  on  James- 
ihe-printer.  In  1683,  in  writing  to  the  Hon.  Robert  Boyle  at  London,  Mr.  Eliot 
says,  “ I desire  to  see  it  done  before  I die,  and  I am  so  deep  in  years,  that  I 
cannot  expect  to  live  long ; besides,  we  have  but  one  man , viz.  the  Indian 
Printer , that  is  able  to  compose  the  sheets,  and  correct  the  press  with  under- 
standing.” In  another,  from  the  same  to  the  same,  dated  a year  after,  he  says, 
“Our  slow  progress  needeth  an  apology.  We  have  been  much  hindered  by 
the  sickness  the  last  year.  Our  workmen  have  been  all  sick,  and  Ave  have  but 
feAv  hands,  (at  printing,)  one  Englishman,  and  a boy,  and  one  Indian  ” &c. 

This  Indian  was  undoubtedly  James-the-printer.  And  Mr.  Thomas  adds, 
“ Some  of  James's  descendants  were  not  long  since  living  in  Grafton  ; they 
bore  the  surname  of  Printer .”§ 

There  Avas  an  Indian  named  Job  JSTesutan , who  Avas  also  concerned  in  the 
first  edition  of  the  Indian  Bible.  He  was  a valiant  soldier,  and  Avent  with  the 
English  of  Massachusetts,  in  the  first  expedition  to  Mount  Hope,  Avhere  lie 
was  slain  in  battle.  “ He  was  a very  good  linguist  in  the  English  tongue,  and 
was  Mr.  Eliot's  assistant  and  interpreter  in  his  translation  of  the  Bible  and 
other  books  in  the  Indian  language.”|| 

In  a letter  of  the  commissioners  of  the  U.  C.  of  New  England,  to  the 
corporation  in  England,  Ave  find  this  postscript. — “ Two  of  the  Indian  youths 
formerly  brought  up  to  read  and  write,  are  put  apprentice ; the  one  to  a 
carpenter,  the  other  to  Mr.  Green  the  printer,  who  take  then*  trades  and 
follow  then-  business  very  well.”  James-the-printer  Avas  probably  one  of  these. 
Nesutan , we  presume,  was  only  an  interpreter.  The  above-mentioned  letter 
was  dated  10th  Sept.  1660. 

In  1698,  James  was  teacher  to  five  Indian  families  at  HassinammiscoN 
In  1709,  he  seems  to  have  got  through  with  his  apprenticeship,  and  to  have 
had  some  interest  in  carrying  on  the  printing  business.  For,  in  the  title 
pages  of  the  Indian  and  English  Psalter,  printed  in  that  year,  is  this  imprint : 
“BOSTON,  N.  E.  Upprinthomunne  au  B.  Green,  & J.  PRINTER,  ivutche 
guhtiantamwe  Chapanukke  ut  New  England , &c.  1709.” 

We  shall  now  pass  to  notice  a Massachusetts  sachem,  who,  like  too  many 
others,  does  not  appear  to  the  best  advantage ; nevertheless,  we  doubt  not  but 
as  much  so  as  he  deserves,  as  by  the  sequel  will  be  seen.  We  mean 

Kutchmakin,  known  also  by  several  other  names,  or  variations  of  the  same 
name ; as,  Kutshamaquin , Cutshamoquen , Cutchamokin , and  many  more,  as,  in 


* Narrative,  96.  t Brief  Hist.  89.  f Hist.  Printing,  ii(  290. 

§ Hist.  Printing,  i.  292,  293.  ||  Gookin,  Hist.  Praying  Indians. 

TT  Information  from  Mr.  E.  Tuckerman,  Jr. — Hassinammisco,  Hassanamesit,  &c.  signified 
a place  of  stones.  Thomas,  ut  supra. 


KUTCHMAKIN.— WAR  WITH  THE  PEQUOTS. 


[Book  II. 


different  parts  of  our  work,  extracts  will  necessarily  show.  He.  was  one  of 
those  sachems  who,  in  1643 — 4,  signed  a submission  to  trie  English,  as  has 
been  mentioned  in  a preceding  chapter. 

In  1636,  Kutshamakin  sold  to  the  people  of  Dorchester,  Uncataquisset, 
being  the  part  of  that  town  since  called  Milton.  This,  it  appears,  was  at  some 
period  his  residence.  Though  he  was  a sachem  under  JVoosamequin,  yet,  like 
Caunbitant , he  was  opposed  to  the  settlement  of  the  English  in  his  country, 
lie  soon,  however,  became  reconciled  to  it,  and  became  a Christian.  When 
Mr.  Eliot  desired  to  know  why  he  was  opposed  to  his  people’s  becoming 
Christians,  he  said,  then  they  would  pay  him  no  tribute. 

When  the  English  of  Massachusetts  sent  to  Canonicus,  to  inquire  into  the 
cause  of  the  murder  of  John  Oldham , Kutshamakin  accompanied  them  as 
interpreter,  fighter,  or  whatever  was  required  of  him. 

As  no  satisfaction  could  be  had  of  the  Pequots,  for  the  murder  of  Mr.  Old- 
ham, it  was  resolved,  in  1636,  to  send  an  army  into  their  country  “ to  fight  with 
them,”  if  what,  in  the  opinion  of  the  English,  as  a recompense,  were  not  to  be 
obtained  without.  The  armament  consisted  of  about  90  men.  These  first 
went  to  Block  Island,  where  they  saw  a few  Indians  before  they  landed,  who, 
after  shooting  a few  arrows,  which  wounded  two  of  the  English,  fled.  The 
Indians  had  here  “two  plantations,  three  miles  in  sunder,  and  about  60 
wigwams,  some  very  large  and  fair,  and  above  200  acres  of  corn.”  This  the 
English  destroyed,  “staved  seven  canoes,”  and  after  two  days  spent  in  this 
business,  and  hunting  for  Indians  without  success,  sailed  to  the  main  land, 
where  Kutshamakin  performed  his  part  in  hastening  on  the  Pequot  calamity. 
Having  waylaid  one  of  that  nation,  he  shot  and  scalped  him.  The  scalp  he 
sent  to  Canonicus , who  sent  it  about  among  all  his  sachem  friends;  thus 
expressing  his  approbation  of  the  murder,  and  willingness  to  engage  his 
friends  to  fight  for  the  English.  As  a further  proof  of  his  approval  of  the  act, 
he  not  only  thanked  the  English,  but  gave  Kutshamakin  four  fathom  of 
wampum. 

Capt.  Jbion  Gardener  gives  us  some  particulars  of  this  affair,  which  are  very 
valuable  for  the  light  they  throw  on  this  part  of  our  early  transactions  with  the 
Pequots.  The  affair  we  have  just  mentioned  happened  immediately  after 
Endicott , Turner , and  Underhill  arrived  at  Saybrook,  from  Block  Island.  Capt. 
Gardener  then  commanded  the  fort,  who  spoke  to  them  as  follows  of  their 
undertaking:  “You  come  hither  to  raise  these  wasps  about  my  ears,  and  then 
you  will  take  wing  and  flee  away.”  It  so  came  to  pass ; and  although  he  was 
much  opposed  to  their  going,  yet  they  went,  agreeably  to  their  instructions. 
Gardener  instructed  them  how  to  proceed,  to  avoid  being  surprised ; but  the 
Indians  played  them  a Yankee  trick,  as  in  the  sequel  will  appear. 

On  coming  to  the  Pequot  town,  they  inquired  for  the  sachem,*  wishing  to 
parley  with  him : his  people  said  “ he  was  from  home,  but  within  three  hours 
lie  would  come;  and  so  from  three  to  six,  and  thence  to  nine,  there  came 
none.”  But  the  Indians  came  fearlessly,  in  great  numbers,  and  spoke  to  them, 
through  the  interpreter,  Kutshamakin , for  some  time.  This  delay  was  a strata- 
gem which  succeeded  well ; for  they  rightly  guessed  that  the  English  had 
come  to  injure  them  in  their  persons,  or  property,  or  both.  Therefore,  while 
some  were  entertaining  the  Engjish  with  words,  others  carried  off  their  effects 
and  hid  them.  When  they  had  done  this,  a signal  was  given,  and  all  the 
Indians  ran  away.  The  English  then  fell  to  burning  and  destroying  every 
thing  they  could  meet  with.  Gardener  had  sent  some  of  his  men  with  the 
others,  who  were  unaccountably  left  on  shore  when  the  others  reembarked, 
and  were  pursued,  and  two  of  them  wounded  by  the  Indians. 

“ The  Bay-men  killed  not  a man,  save  that  one,  Kichomiquim , an  Indian 
sachem  of  the  Bay,  killed  a Pequit;  and  thus  began  the  war  between  the 
Indians  and  us,  in  these  parts.”  f The  Pequots  henceforth  used  every  means 
to  kill  the  English,  and  many  were  taken  by  them,  and  some  tortured  in  their 
manner.  “Thus  far,”  adds  Gardener , “I  had  written  in  a book,  that  all  men 


* Sassacus,  says  Winthrop  (i.  194.)  ; but  being  told  he  was  gone  to  Long  Island,  the  gene- 
ral demanded  to  see  “ the  other  sachem,  See.”  which  was  doubtless  Mononotto. 
i 3 Coll.  Hut.  Soc.  iii.  141,  &c. 


Chap.  IV.]  OF  THE  NARRAGANSETS — TASHTASSUCK.  53 

and  posterity  might  know  how  and  why  so  many  honest  men  had  their  blood 
shed,  yea,  and  some  flayed  alive,  others  cut  in  pieces,  and  some  roasted  alive, 
only  because  Kichamokin , a Bay  Indian,  killed  one  Pequot.” 

To  say  the  least  of  our  author,  he  had  the  best  possible  means  to  be  correctly 
informed  of  these  matters,  and  we  know  not  that  he  had  any  motive  to  mis- 
represent them. 

Governor  Winthrop  mentions,  under  date  1646,  that  Mr.  Eliot  lectured 
constantly  “one  week  at  the  wigwam  of  one  Wabon , a new  sachem  near 
Watertown  mill,  and  the  other  the  next  week  in  the  wigwam  of  Cutshamekin, 
near  Dorchester  mill.”  We  shall  have  occasion  in  another  chapter  to  speak 
of  Kutshamakin. 

In  1648,  Cutchamekin , as  he  was  then  called,  and  Jojeuny  appear  as  witnesses 
to  a deed  made  by  another  Indian  called  Cato , alias  Goodman.  Lane  and 
Griffin  were  the  grantees  “in  behalf  of  the  rest  of  the  people  of  Sudbury.” 
The  tract  of  land  sold  adjoined  Sudbury,  and  was  five  miles  square;  for 
which  Cato  received  five  pounds.  Jojeuny  was  brother  to  Cato.* * * § 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Of  the  great  nation  of  the  Narragansets — Geography  of  their  country — Canonicus 
— Miantunnomoh — His  relations — Aids  the  English  in  destroying  the  Pequots — 
Sells  Rhode  Island — His  difficulties  with  the  English — Visits  Boston — His  mag- 
nanimity and  independence — Charged  tcith  a conspiracy  against  the  whites — Ably 
repels  it — Waiandance  becomes  his  secret  enemy — His  speech  to  Waiandance  and 
his  people — His  tear  with  Uncas — His  capture  and  death — Circumstances  of  his 
execution — Participation  of  the  whites  therein — Impartial  view  of  that  affair — 
Traditions — Ninigret — Mexam,  alias  Mexano — Affair  of  Cuttaquin  and  Uncas 
— Character  of  Ascassassotick — Ninigret  visits  the  Dutch — Accused  by  the  English 
of  plotting  with  them — Ably  defends  himself — Notices  of  various  other  Indians — 
War  between  Ninigret  and  Ascassassotick — Present  condition  of  his  descendants — 
Further  account  of  Pessacus — Killed  by  the  Mohawks. 

The  bounds  of  Narraganset  were,  as  described  in  the  times  of  the  sachems,  f 
“ Pautuckit  River,  Quenebage  [Quabaog]  and  Nipmuck,”  northerly ; “ westerly 
by  a brook  called  Wequapaug,  not  far{  from  Paquatuck  River;  southerly  by 
the  sea,  or  main  ocean ; and  easterly  by  the  Nanhiganset  Bay,  wherein  lieth 
many  islands,  by  deeds  bought  of  the  Nanhiganset  sachems.”  Coweesett  and 
Niantick,  though  sometimes  applied  to  this  country,  were  names  only  of  places 
within  it.  According  to  Mr.  Gookin , “ the  territory  of  their  sachem  extended 
about  30  or  40  miles  from  Sekunk  River  and  Narragansitt  Bay,  including 
Rhode  Island  and  other  islands  in  that  bay.”  Pawcatuck  River  separated 
them  from  the  Pequots.  This  nation,  under  Canonicus , had,  in  1642,  arrived 
at  the  zenith  of  its  greatness,  and  was  supposed  to  have  contained  a population 
of  thirty  thousand.  This  estimate  was  by  Richard  Smith , jr.,  who,  with  his 
father,  lived  in  their  country. 

In  1766,  or  about  that  year,  Mr.  Samuel  Brake  made  a catalogue  of  the 
Narraganset  Indians.  This  catalogue  contained  the  names  of  about  315  per- 
sons. Mr.  Brake  spent  14  years  among  them,  chiefly  in  the  capacity  of  a 
schoolmaster.  He  wrote  an  account  of  them,  but  whether  it  was  ever  pub- 
lished I cannot  learn.  § 

A census  of  those  calling  themselves  a remnant  of  the  Narragansets,  taken 
F eb.  1832,  was  315 ; only  seven  of  whom  were  unmixed.  The  Indians 
themselves  make  then*  number  364.  || 

Of  the  early  times  of  this  nation,  some  of  the  first  English  inhabitants 
learned  from  the  old  Indians,  that  they  had,  previous  to  their  arrival,  a sachem 
named  Tashtassuck , and  their  encomiums  upon  his  wisdom  and  valor  were 


* Suffolk  Reg.  Deeds.  There  is  no  name  signed  to  the  deed,  but  in  the  place  thereof,  is  the 

picture  of  some  four-legged  animal  drawn  on  his  back, 

t See  3 Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  i.  210.  J Four  or  five  miles,  says  Gookin. 

§ See  Beatty’s  Journal,  106.  j|  MS.  letter  of  Rev.  Mr.  Ely. 


O 4 


CANONICUS. 


[Book  IT, 


much  the  same  as  the  Delawares  reported  of  their  great  chief  Tamany ; that 
since,  there  had  not  been  his  equal,  &c.  Tashtassuck  had  but  two  children,  a 
son  and  daughter ; these  he  joined  in  marriage,  because  he  could  find  none 
worthy  of  them  out  of  his  family.  The  product  of  this  marriage  was  four 
sons,  of  whom  Canonicus  was  the  oldest.* 

Canonic  us, f the  great  sachem  of  the  Narragansets,  was  contemporary  with 
Miantunnomoh , who  was  his  nephew.  We  know  not  the  time  of  his  birth,  but 
a son  of  his  was  at  Boston  in  1631,  the  next  year  after  it  was  settled.  But  the 
time  of  his  death  is  minutely  recorded  by  Governor  Winthrop , in  his  “Journal,” 
thus:  “June  4,  1647.  Canonicus , the  great  sachem  of  Narraganset,  died,  a 
very  old  man.”  He  is  generally  supposed  to  have  been  about  85  years  of  age 
when  he  died. 

The  Wampanoags  were  in  great  fear  of  the  Narragansets  about  the  time  the 
English  came  to  Plimouth,  and  at  one  time  war  actually  existed,  and  Massasoit 
fled  before  Canonicus , and  applied  to  the  English  for  protection. 

Edivard  Winslow  relates,  in  his  Good  News  from  New  England,  that,  in 
Feb.  1622,  Canonicus  sent  into  Plimouth,  by  one  of  his  men,  a bundle  of 
aiTOWS,  bound  with  a rattlesnake’s  skin,  and  there  left  them,  and  retired.  The 
Narragansets,  who  were  reported  at  this  time  “many  thousand  strong,” hearing 
of  the  weakness  of  the  English,  “began,  (says  the  above-named  author,)  to 
breath  forth  many  threats  against  us,”  although  they  had  the  last  summer 
“ desired  and  obtained  peace  with  us.” — “ Insomuch  as  the  common  talk  of 
our  neighbor  Indians  on  all  sides  was  of  the  preparation  they  made  to  come 
against  us.”  They  were  now  imboldened  from  the  circumstance  that  the 
English  had  just  added  to  their  numbers,  but  not  to  their  arms  nor  provisions. 
The  ship  Fortune  had,  not  long  before,  landed  35  persons  at  Plimouth,  and 
the  Narragansets  seem  to  have  been  well  informed  of  all  the  circumstances. 
This,  (says  Mr.  Winsloiv,)  “occasioned  them  to  slight  and  brave  us  with  so 
many  threats  as  they  did.  At  length  came  one  of  them  to  us,  who  was  sent 
by  Conaucus , their  chief  sachem  or  king,  accompanied  with  one  Tokamahamon. 
a friendly  Indian.  This  messenger  inquired  for  Tisquantum , our  interpreter, 
who  not  being  at  home,  seemed  rather  to  be  glad  than  sorry ; and  leaving  for 
him  a bundle  of  new  arrows,  lapped  in  a rattlesnake’s  skin,  desired  to  depart 
with  all  expedition.” 

When  Squanto  was  made  acquainted  with  the  circumstance,  he  told  the 
English  that  it  was  a challenge  for  war.  Governor  Bradford  took  the  rattle- 
snake’s skin,  and  filled  it  with  powder  and  shot,  and  returned  it  to  Canonicus ; 
at  the  same  time  instructing  the  messenger  to  bid  him  defiance,  and  invite  him 
to  a trial  of  strength.  The  messenger,  and  his  insulting  carriage,  had  the 
desired  effect  upon  Canonicus , for  he  would  not  receive  the  skin,  and  it  was 
cast  out  of  every  community  of  the  Indians,  until  it  at  last  was  returned  to 
Plimouth,  and  all  its  contents.  This  was  a demonstration  that  he  was  awed 
into  silence  and  respect  of  the  English,  by  the  decided  stand  and  hostile 
attitude  they  assumed. 

In  1621,  soon  after  the  war  with  Caunbitant  was  over,  among  those  who 
sought  the  friendship  of  the  English,  was  Canonicus  himself,  notwithstanding 
he  was  now  courting  war  again  so  soon.  He  had  doubtless  nearly  got  rid  of 
the  fear  that  the.  news  of  Standish’s  conduct  first  inspired,  and  had  taken  up 
again  his  old  resolution  of  fighting  the  strangers  at  Plimouth. 

He  is  mentioned  with  great  respect  by  Rev.  Roger  Williams,  \ in  the  year 
1654.  After  observing  that  many  hundreds  of  the  English  were  witnesses  to 
the  friendly  disposition  of  the  Narragansets,  he  says,  “Their  late  famous  long- 
lived  Caunonicus  so  lived  and  died,  and  in  the  same  most  honorable  manner 
and  solemnity,  (in  their  way,)  as  you  laid  to  sleep  your  prudent  peace-maker, 
Mr.  Winthrop,  did  they  honor  this  their  prudent  and  peaceable  prince ; yea, 


* Hutchinson,  i.  458,  who  met  with  this  account  in  MS.  j but  we  do  not  give  implicit  credit 
to  it,  as,  at  best,  it  is  tradition. 

f This  spelling  does  not  convey  the  true  pronunciation  of  the  name ; other  spellings  will  be 
noticed  in  the  course  of  his  biography.  Its  sound  approached  so  near  the  Latin  word  canoni- 
cus, that  it  became  confounded  with  it.  Qunnoune  was  early  written, 
t Manuscript  letter  to  the  governor  of  Massachusetts. 


CANONICUS. — MASCUS. 


55 


Chap.  IV.] 

through  all  their  towns  and  countries  how  frequently  do  many,  and  oft  times, 
our  Englishmen  travel  alone  with  safety  and  loving  kindness  P ” 

The  following  statement  of  Roger  Williams  is  in  a deposition,  dated  Narra- 
ganset, 18  June,  1682,  and,  although  varying  a little  from  the  above,  contains 
facts  very  pertinent  to  our  purpose.  He  says,  “ I testify  that  it  was  the  general 
and  constant  declaration,  that  Canonicus  his  father  had  three  sons,  whereof 
Canonicus  was  the  heir,  and  his  youngest  brother’s  son  Meantinomy  (because 
of  his  youth)  was  his  marshal  and  executioner,  and  did  nothing  without  his 
uncle  Canonicus ’ consent.  And  therefore  I declare  to  posterity,  that  were  it 
not  for  the  favor  that  God  gave  me  with  Canonicus , none  of  these  parts,  no, 
not  Rhode  Island,  had  been  purchased  or  obtained ; for  I never  got  any  thing 
of  Canonicus  but  by  gift.” 

When  Mr.  John  Oldham  was  killed  near  Block  Island,  and  an  investigation 
set  on  foot  by  the  English  to  ascertain  the  murderers,  they  were  fully  satisfied 
that  Canonicus  and  Miantunnomoh  had  no  hand  in  the  affair,  but  that  “ the  six 
other  Narraganset  sachems  had.”  No  wonder  he  took  great  offence  at  the 
conduct  of  the  English  concerning  the  death  of  Miantunnomoh.  The  Warwick 
settlers  considered  it  a great  piece  of  injustice,  and  Mr.  Samuel  Gorton  wrote  a 
letter  for  Canonicus  to  the  government  of  Massachusetts,  notifying  them  that 
he  had  resolved  to  be  revenged  upon  the  Mohegans.  Upon  this  the  English 
despatched  messengers  to  Narraganset  to  inquire  of  Canonicus  whether  he 
authorized  the  letter.  He  treated  them  with  great  coldness,  and  would  not 
admit  them  into  his  wigwam  for  the  space  of  two  hours  after  their  arrival, 
although  it  was  exceedingly  rainy.  When  they  were  admitted,  he  frowned 
upon  them,  and  gave  them  answers  foreign  to  the  purpose,  and  referred  them 
to  Pessacus.  This  was  a very  cold  reception,  compared  with  that  which  the 
messengers  received  when  sent  to  him  for  information  respecting  the  death 
of  Mr.  Oldham.  “ They  returned  with  acceptance  and  good  success  of  their 
business ; observing  in  the  sachem  much  state,  great  command  of  his  men, 
and  marvellous  wisdom  in  his  answers;  and  in  the  carriage  of  the  whole 
treaty,  clearing  himself  and  his  neighbors  of  the  murder,  and  offering  revenge 
of  it,  yet  upon  very  safe  and  wary  conditions.” 

This  sachem  is  said  to  have  governed  in  great  harmony  with  his  nephew. 
u The  chiefest  government  in  the  country  is  divided  between  a younger  sachem, 
Miantunnomu , and  an  elder  sachem,  Caunaunacus , of  about  fourscore  years  old,* 
this  young  man’s  uncle ; and  their  agreement  in  the  government  is  remarkable. 
The  old  sachem  will  not  be  offended  at  what  the  young  sachem  doth ; and  the 
young  sachem  will  not  do  what  he  conceives  will  displease  his  uncle.”f  With 
this  passage  before  him,  Mr.  Durfee  versifies  as  follows,  in  his  poem  called 
Whatcheer : — 

“ Two  mighty  chiefs,  one  cautious,  wise,  and  old, 

One  young,  and  strong,  and  terrible  in  fight, 

All  Narraganset  and  Coweset  hold ; 

One  lodge  they  build— one  counsel  fire  they  light.’’ 

“ At  a meeting  of  the  commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies  at  Boston,  vij 
Sept.,  1643,”  it  was  agreed  that  Massachusetts,  in  behalf  of  the  other  colonies, 
“give  Conoonacus  and  the  Nanohiggunsets  to  understand,  that  from  time  to 
time  ” they  have  taken  notice  of  their  violation  of  the  cbvenant  between  them, 
notwithstanding  the  great  manifestations  of  their  love  to  them  by  the  English ; 
that  they  had  concurred  with  Miantunnomoh  in  his  late  mischievous  plots,  by 
which  he  had  intended  “ to  root  out  the  body  of  the  English  ” from  the  coun- 
try* by  gifts  and  allurements  to  other  Indians ; and  that  he  had  invaded  ZJncas , 
contrary  to  the  “ tripartie  covenant  ” between  himself,  Uncas , and  Connecticut. 
Therefore,  knowing  “ how  peaceable  Conanacus  and  Mascus,  the  late  father  of 
Myantenomo , governed  that  great  people,”  they  ascribed  the  late  “ tumults  and 
outbreakings  ” to  the  malicious,  rash  and  ambitious  spirit  of  Miantunnomoh , 
more  than  to  “ any  affected  way  of  their  own.” 

Notwithstanding,  Miantunnomoh  being  now  put  to  death,  the  English  and 
their  confederate  Indian  sachems,  namely,  “ Vncus , sagamore  of  the  Mohegins, 


* This  was  written  about  1643. 


t Col.  R.  I.  Hist.  Soc  vol.  i. 


56 


CANONICUS.— HIS  WAR  WITH  THE  PEQUOTS. 


[Book  IL 


and  his  people,  Woosamequine  and  his  people,  Sacanocoe  and  his  people,  Pum~ 
ham,  and  his  people,  were  disposed,  they  said,  still  to  have  peace  with  the 
Narragansets;  but  should  expect  a more  faithful  observance  of  their  agree- 
ment than  they  had  shown  hitherto.”  This  determination  was  to  be  imme- 
diately laid  before  them,  and  a prompt  answer  demanded. 

In  a grave  assembly,  upon  a certain  occasion,  Canonicus  thus  addressed 
Roger  Williams:  “I  have  never  suffered  any  wrong  to  be  offered  to  the 
English  since  they  landed,  nor  never  will;”  and  often  repeated  the  word 
Wunnaunewayean.  “If  the  Englishman  speak  true,  if  he  mean  truly,  then 
shall  I go  to  my  grave  in  peace,  and  hope  that  the  English  and  my  posterity 
shall  live  in  love  and  peace  together.” 

When  Mr.  Williams  said  he  hoped  he  had  no  cause  to  question  the  English- 
men’s wunnaumtvauonck , that  is,  faithfulness,  having  long  been  acquainted  with 
it,  Canonicus  took  a stick,  and,  breaking  it  into  ten  pieces,  related  ten  instances 
wherein  they  had  proved  false ; laying  down  a piece  at  each  instance.  Mr. 
Williams  satisfied  him  that  he  was  mistaken  in  some  of  them,  and  as  to  others 
he  agreed  to  intercede  with  the  governor,  who,  he  doubted  not,  would  make 
satisfaction  for  them. 

In  1635,  Rev.  Roger  Williams  found  Canonicus  and  Miantunnomoh  carrying 
on  a bloody  war  against  the  Wampanoags.  By  his  intercession  an  end  was 
put  to  it,  and  he  grew  much  in  favor  with  all  the  sachems ; especially  Canonicus, 
whose  “heart  (he  says)  was  stirred  up  to  love  me  as  his  son  to  his  last  gasp.” 
He  sold  the  Island  of  Rhode  Island  to  William  Coddington,  Roger  Williams, 
and  others.  A son  of  Canonicus,  named  Mriksah , is  named  by  Williams  as 
inheriting  his  father’s  spirit.  This  son  is  also  called  Meika,  who,  alter  his 
father’s  death,  was  chief  sachem  of  the  Narragansets,  and  was  said  to  have 
been  his  eldest  son.  Many  particulars  of  him  will  be  found  in  our  progress 
onward. 

At  the  time  of  the  Peqtiot  war,  much  pains  was  taken  to  secure  the  friend- 
ship of  Canonicus  more  firmly.  Mr.  Williams  wrote  to  Governor  Winthrop 
concerning  him  as  follows:  “Sir,  if  any  thing  be  sent  to  the  princes,  I find 
Canounicus  would  gladly  accept  of  a box  of  eight  or  ten  pounds  of  sugar,  and 
indeed  he  told  me  he  would  thank  Mr.  Governor  for  a box  full.”  In  another 
letter  which  Mr.  Williams  sent  to  the  same  by  Miantunnomoh  himself,  he  says, 
“ I am  bold  to  request  a word  of  advice  of  you  concerning  a proposition  made 
by  Caunounicus  and  Miantunnomu  to  me  some  half  year  since.  Caunounicus 
gave  an  island  in  this  bay  to  Mr.  Oldham,  by  name  Chibachuivese,  upon 
condition,  as  it  should  seem,  that  he  would  dwell  there  near  unto  them.”  The 
death  of  Mr.  Oldham,  it  appears,  prevented  his  accepting  it,  and  they  offered 
it  to  Mr.  Williams  upon  the  same  conditions;  but  he  first  desired  tp  know 
whether,  in  so  doing,  it  would  be  perfectly  agreeable  to  Massachusetts,  and 
that  he  had  no  idea  of  accepting,  without  paying  the  chiefs  for  it ; said  he  told 
them  “once  and  again,  that  for  the  present  he  mind  not  to  remove ; but  if  he 
had  it,  would  give  them  satisfaction  for  it,  and  build  a little  house  and  put  in 
some  swine,  as  understanding  the  place  to  have  store  of  fish  and  good  feeding 
for  swine.”  When  Miantunnomoh  heard  that  some  of  the  Massachusetts  men 
thought  of  occupying  some  of  the  islands,  Canonicus,  he  says,  desired  he 
would  accept  of  half  of  it,  “ it  being  spectacle- wise,  and  between  a mile  or 
two  in  circuit;”  but  Mr.  Williams  wrote  to  inform  them  that,  if  he  had  any, 
he  desired  the  whole.  This  was  not  long  before  the  Pequot  war,  which 
probably  put  a stop  to  further  negotiation  upon  the  subject. 

There  was  another  chief  of  the  same  name  in  Philip's  war,  which  Mr. 
Hubbard  denominates  “the  great  sachem  of  the  Narragansets,”  and  who, 
“distrusting  the  proffers  of  the  English,  was  slain  in  the  woods  by  the 
Mohawks,  his  squaw  surrendering  herself:  by  this  means  her  life  was 
spared.”  He  was  probably  a younger  son  of  Canonicus,  or  an  immediate 
descendant. 

In  1632,  a war  broke  out  between  the  Narragansets  and  the  Pequots,  on 
account  of  disputed  right  to  the  lands  between  Paucatuck  River  and  Wecapaug 
Brook.#  It  was  a tract  of  considerable  consequence,  being  about  ten  miles 

* u The  natives  are  very  exact  and  punctual  in  the  bounds  of  their  lands,  belonging  to  this 


Chap.  IV  ] 


CANONICUS.— SOKOSO. 


57 


wide,  and  fifteen  or  twenty  long.  Canonicus  drew  along  with  him,  besides  his 
own  men,  several  of  the  Massachusetts  sagamores.  This  was  maintained  with 
ferocity  and  various  success,  until  1635,  when  the  Pequots  were  driven  from  it, 
but  who,  it  would  seem,  considered  themselves  but  little  worsted ; for  Canonicus, 
doubting  his  ability  to  hold  possession  long,  and  ashamed  to  have  it  retaken  from 
him,  made  a present  of  it  to  one  of  his  captains,  who  had  fought  heroically  in 
conquering  it ; but  he  never  held  possession : howevhr,  alter  the  Pequots  were 
subdued  by  the  English,  these  lands  were  possessed  by  the  Narragansets  again. 

The  name  of  this  Pequot  captain  was  Sokoso,  sometimes  called  Soso,  Sosoa, 
&c.  He  had  killed  one  of  his  countrymen  and  fled  to  the  Narragansets,  who 
protected  him.  This  tract  of  country  was  afterwards  in  dispute  between  the 
English.  Sokoso  having  deeded  it  to  some  of  them,  (9  June,  1660,)  an  English- 
man afterwards  testified,  that  Sokoso  had  acknowledged,  that,  although  he  had 
received  money  for  it,  he  never  owned  it.  But,  according  to  the  testimony  of 
Wawaloam,  the  wife  of  Miantunnomoh,  there  was  doubtless  some  false  swearing 
about  it.  It  was  reckoned  to  contain  20,000  acres,  and  the  following  is  attested 
concerning  it : — “ I,  Wawaloam,  do  affirm  it  to  be  Socho's  or  his  assigns’,  and 
further,  whereas  my  uncle  JVenegrad  sayeth  that  it  is  his  land,  I do  utterly  deny 
it  before  all  men ; for  it  was  conquered  by  my  husband  Miantonomy , and  my 
uncle  Canonicus,  long  before  the  English  had  any  wars  with  the  Pequots ; and 
my  uncle  JYinegrad  had  no  hand  in  the  war.  This  land  was  given  and  past 
over  to  the  valiant  Captain  Socho,  for  service  done  for  us  before  the  English 
had  any  wars  with  the  Pequots.”  # 

It  is  said  that,  in  the  war  between  Uncas  and  Miantunnomoh,  two  of  the 
sons  of  Canonicus  fought  on  the  side  of  Miantunnomoh,  and  were  wounded 
when  he  was  taken  prisoner  at  Sachem’s  Plain. 

Canonicus  has  been  the  subject  of  a poem  which  was  published  at  Boston, 
in  1803.  f Among  the  tolerable  passages  are  the  following: — 

“ A mighty  prince,  of  venerable  age, 

A peerless  warrior,  but  of  peace  the  friend ; 

His  breast  a treasury  of  maxims  sage — 

His  arm,  a host — to  punish  or  defend.” 

Canonicus,  at  the  age  of  84  years,  is  made  to  announce  his  approaching 
dissolution  to  his  people  thus: — 

“ I die. — My  friends,  you  have  no  cause  to  grieve  : 

To  abler  hands  mjr  regal  power  I leave. 

Our  god  commands — to  fertile  realms  I haste, 

Compared  with  which  your  gardens  are  a waste. 

There  in  full  bloom  eternal  spring  abides, 

And  swarming  fishes  glide  through  azure  tides 
Continual  sunshine  gilds  the  cloudless  skies, 

No  mists  conceal  Keesuckquand  from  our  eyes.” 

About  1642,  a son  of  Canonicus  died,  at  which  his  grief  was  very  great; 
insomuch  that,  “having  buried  his  son,  he  burned  his  own  palace,  and  all  his 
goods  in  it,  to  a great  value,  in  solemn  remembrance  of  his  son.” 

Like  other  men  ignorant  of  science,  Canonicus  was  superstitious,  and  was 
greatly  in  fear  of  the  English,  chiefly,  perhaps,  from  a belief  in  their  ability  to 
hurt  him  by  enchantment,  which  belief,  very  probably,  was  occasioned  by  the 
story  that  Squanto  circulated,  of  which,  in  a previous  chapter,  we  have  spoken. 
When  Roger  Williams  fled  into  his  country,  he  at  first  viewed  him  with  dis- 
trust, and  would  only  frown  upon  him ; at  length  he  accused  him,  as  well  as 
the  other  English,  of  sending  the  plague  among  the  Indians  ; but,  as  we  have 
said  before,  he  soon  became  reconciled  to  him,  gave  him  lands,  and  even 
protected  him.  They  became  mutual  helps  to  each  other,  and,  but  for  ani- 
mosities among  the  English  themselves,  it  may  be  fair  to  conclude,  friendship 
would  have  continued  with  the  Narragansets  through  several  generations. 


or  that  prince  or  people,  even  to  a river,  brook,  &c.  And  I have  known  them  make  bargain 
and  sale  amongst  themselves,  for  a small  piece,  or  quantity  of  ground;  notwithstanding  a 
sinful  opinion  amongst  many,  that  Christians  have  right  to  heathen’s  lands.”  R.  Williams. 

* Sec  Potter's  History  of  Narraganset,  in  Col.  R.  I.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  248. 
f By  John  Lathrop , A.  M.  in  8vo. 


58 


MIANTUNNOMOH. — THE  PEQUOT  WAR. 


[Book  II, 


Miantunnomoh  * * * § was  the  son  of  a chief  called  Mascus,  nephew  of  Canoni- 
cus , brother  or  brother-in-law  to  Ninigret,]  and  brother  of  Otash.  And,  from 
a manuscript  | among  the  papers  of  the  late  Dr.  Trumbull , it  appears  that 
Mossup , or  Mosipe,§  and  Canjanaquond, ||  were  also  his  brothers. 

“This  Miantonimo”  says  Mr.  Hubbard,  “ was  a very  good  personage,  [that 
is,  well  made,]  of  tall  stature,  subtil  and  cunning  in  his  contrivements,  as  well 
as  haughty  in  his  designs.’’^ 

As  early  as  3 Aug.  1632,  this  chief  came  with  his  wife  to  Boston,  where  he 
staid  two  nights.  He  was  then  known  by  the  name  of  Mecumeli.  While  here 
he  went  to  church  with  the  English,  and  in  the  mean  while,  some  of  his  men, 
twelve  of  whom  had  accompanied  him,  it  seems,  broke  into  a house,  and 
committed  a theft,  on  5 March.  Complaint  was  made  to  the  English  gov- 
ernor, who  “ told  the  sachem  of  it,  and  with  some  difficulty  caused  him  to 
make  one  of  his  sannaps  '**  beat  them.”  The  authors  of  the  mischief  were 
immediately  sent  out  of  town,  but  Miantunnomoh  and  the  others,  the  governor 
took  to  his  house,  “ and  made  much  of  them.”ff 

The  English  seem  always  to  have  been  more  favorably  inclined  towards 
other  tribes  than  to  the  Narragansets,  as  appears  from  the  stand  they  took  in 
the  wars  between  them  and  their  enemies.  And  so  long  as  other  tribes  suc- 
ceeded against  them,  the  English  were  idle  spectators;  but  whenever  the 
scale  turned  in  their  favor,  they  were  not  slow  to  intercede. 

In  the  Life  of  Canonicus , the  part  Miantunnomoh  exercised  in  the  govern- 
ment of  the  great  nation  of  the  Narragansets  is  related. 

In  1634,  Captains  Stone  and  Norton  were  killed  by  the  Pequots,  and  in  1636, 
Mr.  John  Oldham , by  the  Indians  “ near  Block  Island.”  Miantunnomoh  did  all 
in  his  power  to  assist  in  apprehending  the  murderers,  and  was  at  much  pains 
and  trouble  in  furnishing  the  English  with  facts  relative  thereto,  from  time  to 
time.  And  when  it  was  told  at  Boston  that  there  was  a cessation  of  hostilities 
between  the  Narragansets  and  Pequots,  Miantunnomoh  was  immediately  or- 
dered to  appear  there,  which  he  did  without  delay,  and  agreed  to  assist  them 
in  a war  against  the  Pequots  ; without  whose  aid  and  concurrence,  the  English 
would  hardly  have  dared  to  engage  in  a war  against  them  at  that  time. 

Early  in  1637,  (March  21,)  to  show  the  governor  of  Massachusetts  that  ho 
kept  his  promise  of  warring  against  the  Pequots,  Miantunnomoh  sent  him,  by 
26  of  his  men,  a Pequot’s  hand  and  40  fathom  of  warn  pom.  The  war  with 
them  now  commenced,  and  though  of  short  duration,  destroyed  them  to  such 
a degree,  that  they  appeared  no  more  as  a nation.  One  hundred  of  the  Nar- 
ragansets joined  themselves  with  the  English  in  its  accomplishment,  and  re- 
ceived a part  of  the  prisoners  as  slaves  for  their  services.];];  When  the  war 
was  over,  Miantunnomoh  still  adhered  to  the  English,  and  seized  upon  such 
of  the  Pequots  as  had  made  their  escape  from  bondage,  and  returned  them  to 
their  English  masters ; gave  up  to  them  his  claim  of  Block  Island,  and  other 
places  where  the  English  had  found  Pequots,  and  which  they  considered  as 
belonging  to  them  by  right  of  conquest. 

About  the  same  time,  or  in  the  course  of  the  year  1638,  troubles  had  grown 
to  an  alarming  height  between  the  Narragansets  and  Mohegans,  and,  as  usual, 


* This  spelling  is  according  to  Wintlirop:  we  prefer  Williams's  method,  as  more  correct, 
which  is  Miantunnomu ; but,  having  employed  the  former  in  our  first  edition,  it  is  retained  in 
this.  It  is,  however,  oflener  written  Myantonimo  now,  which  only  shows  another  pronuncia- 

tion. The  accent  is  usually  upon  the  penultimate  syllable.  See  Callender's  Cent.  Dis- 
course, page  1. 

[MSS.  of  R.  Williams.  \ Now  published  in  the  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 

§ Called  also  Cussusquench,  or  Sucquaneh,  and  Paticus ; that  is,  Pessacus.  He  “ was 
killed  by  the  Moqui,  [Mohawks.]  in  the  wilderness,  about  20  miles  above  Pisataqua,  in  his 
travel  eastward,  m the  time  of  the  Indian  wars,  and  other  Indians  with  him,  and  were  buried 
by  order  of  Major  Waldron.”  3 Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 

||  “ Receaued  this  First  of  Iuly,  1659,  of  Majr.  Humfrey  Aderton,  [Atherton,']  and  the  rest 
of  his  friends,  the  sume  of  75  pounds  in  Wampam  peag  w*h  seueral  other  things  as  gratuity 
for  certaine  lands  giuen  ye  said  Majr.  Aderton  and  his  friends,  as  may  appeare  by  two  seuerall 
deeds  of  gift.  I say  receaued  by  me. 

Coginaquan  his  mark.” 

[MS.  Documents. 

IT  Hist.  New  Eng.  446.  **  A name  the  sachems  gave  their  attendants. 

ft  Winthrop's  Journal.  fr  Miantunnomoh  received  eighty.  Mather's  Relation,  39. 


Chap.  IV.] 


MIANTUNNOMOH.— INTRIGUES  OF  UNCAS. 


59 


Roger  Williams  exercised  all  his  skill  to  restore  tranquillity.  Many  of  the 
Pequots  who  had  escaped  the  sword  of  the  war  of  1637,  were  among  the 
Mohegans,  and  seem  to  have  taken  part  with  them  against  Miantunnomoh. 
They  did  this,  no  doubt,  that  the  Mohegans  might  screen  them  from  the 
English,  who  were  still  seizing  on  all  of  that  nation  against  whom  they  could 
find  any  cause  of  suspicion  of  having  been  engaged  in  murdering  the  English, 
or  in  arms  against  them. 

Miantunnomoh , it  is  probable,  had  been  ordered  before  the  magistrates  of 
Connecticut,  to  give  some  account  of  the  Pequot  refugees  in  the  hands  of  the 
Mohegans,  as  well  as  of  those  in  his  nation ; which  may  have  been  a main 
cause  of  the  war  they  had  now  waged  against  him.  For,  when  he  set  out  for 
Hartford,  he  had  a guard  of  “upwards  of  150  men,  and  many  sachems,  and 
his  wife  and  children.”  Mr.  Williams  was  with  him,  and  strongly  urged  him 
not  to  venture  upon  the  journey,  even  with  this  force,  because  of  the  hostility 
of  the  Mohegans ; but  the  sachem  would  not  be  dissuaded,  although  he  had 
no  doubt  that  the  Mohegans  and  their  Pequots  were  in  great  force  not  far  off. 
And  while  they  were  on  their  march,  “about  660”  of  them  fell  upon  the 
Wunnashowatuckoogs,  a tribe  under  Canonicus , where  they  committed  exten- 
sive robberies,  and  destroyed  “ about  23  fields  of  com.” 

Notwithstanding  this  great  Mohegan  army  had  prepared  an  ambush  to 
intercept  and  cut  off  Miantunnomoh,  and  gave  out  a threat  that  they  would  boil 
him  in  a kettle,  yet  he  went  to,  and  returned  safe  from,  Connecticut.* 

On  this  occasion  he  discovers  great  bravery,  if  it  border  not  too  closely 
upon  temerity ; for,  when  Williams  urged  him  to  retreat,  they  had  performed 
half  their  journey,  or  about  50  miles;  and  Miantunnomoh1  s answer  was,  after 
holding  a council  with  his  chiefs,  “that  no  man  should  turn  back,  resolving 
rather  all  to  die.” 

The  Mohegan  sachem,  Uncas,  was  at  the  same  time  ordered  to  appear  at 
Hartford,  to  give  an  account  of  the  Pequot  warriors,  or  murderers,  as  the 
English  called  them,  in  his  keeping,  as  well  as  to  effect  a reconciliation  of 
differences  between  him  and  Miantunnomoh ; but,  instead  of  appearing,  he 
sent  a messenger,  with  word  that  he  was  lame  and  could  not  come.  The 
governor  of  Connecticut,  Mr.  Haynes,  at  once  saw  through  the  artifice,  and 
observed  that  it  was  a lame  excuse,  and  immediately  sent  for  him  to  come 
without  delay. 

Whether  cured  of  his  lameness  or  not  before  coming,  we  are  not  informed ; 
but,  in  a few  days  after,  the  subtle  sachem  appeared,  not  daring  to  forfeit  the 
friendship  of  the  English,  which,  it  seems,  he  preferred  to  hiding  longer  his 
guilty  face  from  the  presence  of  the  magnanimous  Miantunnomoh. 

Now  before  the  English,  Uncas  was  charged  with  the  depredations,  some 
of  which  were  too  well  attested  to  admit  of  a denial,  and  others  were  dis- 
owned in  part.  The  inquiry  seems  to  have  ended  after  the  parties  were  tired 
of  it,  without  any  advantage  to  the  injured  Narragansets,  and  we  hear  of  no 
measures  taken  for  their  relief. 

The  next  thing  in  order  was  a call  upon  Uncas  for  an  account  of  the 
Pequots  which  he  was  sheltering,  which  resulted  only  in  a new  series  of 
falsehoods  from  him.  When  he  was  requested  to  give  their  names,  he  said  he 
knew  none  of  them,  and  that  there  were  but  20  in  his  dominions.  Whereupon 
witnesses  were  called,  whose  testimonies  proved,  in  his  presence,  that  his 
statement  was  false.  “ Then  he  acknowledged  that  he  had  30.”  At  length 
Mr.  Haynes  dismissed  him,  with  orders  to  bring  in  their  names  in  10  days,  or 
he  would  take  those  Indians  by  force  out  of  his  country.  But,  when  Mian- 
tunnomoh was  called  upon  for  the  names  of  those  with  him,  nothing  was 
withheld. 

At  this  time,  at  the  request  of  the  English,  Miantunnomoh  consented  to  lay 
aside  all  animosities,  and  take  Uncas  by  the  hand.  When  he  had  done  this, 
he  urged  Uncas  to  dine  with  him ; but  the  guilty  sachem  would  not,  though 
pressed  by  the  English  for  some  time  to  do  so ; and  thus  all  efforts  to  bring 
about  a peace  vanished,  f 


* Coll.  R.  I.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  145. 


t Ibid.  iii.  146,  147. 


60 


MIANTUNNOMOH  SELLS  AQUIDNICK. 


[Book  11, 


Rev.  Samuel  Gorton  and  his  associates  purchased  Shaomet,  afterwards 
called  Warwick,  from  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  of  Miantunnomoh;  but,  as 
Gorton  could  do  nothing  right  in  the  eyes  of  the  Puritans  of  Massachu setts, 
Pumham  was  instigated  to  claim  said  tract  of  country;  and,  although  a 
sachem  under  Miantunnomoh ,*  did  not  hesitate,  when  supported  by  the  Eng- 
lish, to  assert  his  claim  as  chief  sachem.  And  the  government  of  Massachu- 
setts, to  give  to  their  interference  the  appearance  of  disinterestedness,  which  it 
would  seem,  from  their  own  vindication,  they  thought  there  was  a chance  to 
doubt,  ‘ Send  for  the  foresaid  sachems,  [who  had  complained  of  Mr.  Gorton 
and  others,  through  the  instigation  of  the  English,]  and  upon  examination 
find,  both  by  English  and  Indian  testimony,  that  Miantonomo  was  only  a 
usurper,  and  had  no  title  to  the  foresaid  lands.”  f This  is  against  the  testi- 
mony of  every  record,  and  could  no  more  have  been  believed  then,  than  that 
Philip  was  not  sachem  of  Pokanoket.  In  all  cases  of  purchase,  in  those 
times,  the  chief  sachem’s  grant  was  valid,  and  maintained,  in  almost  every 
instance,  by  the  purchaser  or  grantee.  It  was  customary,  generally,  to  make 
the  inferior  sachems,  and  sometimes  all  their  men,  presents,  but  it  was  by  no 
means  a law.  The  chief  sachems  often  permitted  those  under  them  to 
dispose  of  lands  also,  without  being  called  to  account.  This  was  precisely 
the  situation  of  things  in  the  Warwick  controversy,  of  which  we  shall  have 
occasion  again  to  speak,  when  we  come  to  the  life  of  Pumham. 

In  March,  1638,  Miantunnomoh,  with  four  other  sachems,  sold  to  William 
Coddington  and  others,  the  island  now  called  Rhode  Island,  also  most  of  the 
others  in  Narraganset  bay,  “for  the  full  payment  of  40  fathom  of  white  peag, 
to  be  equally  divided  ” between  them.  Hence  Miantunnomoh  received  eight 
fathom.  He  was  to  “ have  ten  coats  and  twenty  hoes  to  give  to  the  present  in- 
habitants, that  they  shall  remove  themselves  from  the  island  before  next  winter.” 

The  deed  of  this  purchase,  a copy  of  which  is  in  my  possession,  is  dated 
24th  March,  and  runs  thus:  “We,  Canonicas  and  Meantinomie , the  two  chief 
sachems  of  Naragansets,  by  virtue  of  our  general  command  of  this  Bay,  as 
also  the  particular  subjecting  of  the  dead  sachems  of  Aquednick,  Kitacka- 
mucknut,  themselves  and  lands  unto  us,  have  sold  unto  Mr.  Coddington  and 
his  friends  * # the  great  Island  of  Aquidnick,  lying  from  hence  [Providence] 
eastward  * * also  the  marshes,  grass  upon  Q,unnonigat  and  the  rest  of  the 
islands  in  the  bay,  excepting  Chabatewece,  formerly  sold  unto  Mr.  Winthrop, 
the  now  Gov.  of  Mass,  and  Mr.  Williams  of  Providence,  also  the  grass 
upon  the  rivers  and  coves  about  Kitackamuckqut,  and  from  thence  to  Pau- 
pasquat.” 

“ The  mark  of  <4*  Cononicus. 

The  mark  of  0 Yotnesh,  [Otash, 
brother  of  Miantunnomoh.] 

The  mark  of  ^ Meantinomie. 

The  mark  of  , — ^ Asotamnet. 

The  mark  of  vw\  Meihammoh, 

Canonic  us  his  son . 

“ This  witnesseth  that  I,  Wanamatanamet , the  present  sachem  of  the  island, 
have  received  five  fathom  of  wampum  and  consent  to  the  contents. 

The  mark  of  4?  Wanamatanamet. 

“Memorandum.  I,  Osemequon,  freely  consent”  that  they  may  “make  use 
of  any  grass  or  trees  on  the  main  land  on  Pocasicke  side,”  having  receiued 
five  fathom  of  wampum  also. 

The  mark  of  Osamequen 


As  late  as  21  Sept.  1638,  the  hand  of  Miantunnomoh  is  set  to  an  instrument* 
with  that  of  Uncas.  Said  instrument  was  a treaty  of  peace,  a bond  for  the 
settling  of  difficulties  between  these  two  sachems  and  their  men,  and  an 

*“The  law  of  the  Indians  in  all  America  is,  that  the  inferior  sachems  and  subjects  shall 
plant  and  remove  at  the  pleasure  of  the  highest  and  supreme  sachems.’7  Roger  Williams 
This  is  authority,  and  we  need  no  other  commentary  on  tne  arbitrary  proceedings  of  the  court 
of  Massachusetts. 

t In  manuscript  on  file,  at  the  slate-house,  Boston. 


Chap.  IV.] 


MIANTUNNOMOH.— TREATY  WITH  UNCAS. 


61 


obligation  from  both  to  appeal  to  the  English  when  any  difficulty  should  arise 
between  them.  This  treaty  was  done  at  Hartford,  the  substance  of  which 
follows : 

1st.  Peace  and  friendship  is  established  between  Miantunnomoh  on  the  part 
of  the  Narragansets,  and  Poquim , as  Uncas  was  then  sometimes  called,  on  the 
part  of  the  Mohegans.  And  all  former  injuries  and  wrongs  to  be  forgiven, 
and  never  to  be  renewed. 

2d.  Each  of  the  sachems  agree,  “that  if  there  fall  out  injuries”  from  either 
side,  they  will  not  revenge  them,  but  that  they  will  appeal  to  the  English, 
whose  decision  shall  stand ; and  if  either  party  refuse  to  submit,  “ it  shall  he 
lawful  for  the  English  to  compel  him.” 

3d.  The  sachems  further  covenant  with  the  English,  that  they  nor  none  of 
their  people  shall  harbor  any  Indians  who  shall  be  enemies  to  them,  or  shall 
have  murdered  any  white  people.  They  further  agree  that  they  wili,  “as 
soon  as  they  can,  either  bring  the  chief  sachem  of  our  late  enemies  the 
Peaquots,  that  had  the  chief  hand  in  killing  the  English,  to  the  sd  English,  or 
take  of ” his  head.  As  to  the  “murders  that  are  now  agreed  upon  amongst 
us  that  are  living,  they  shall,  as  soon  as  they  can  possibly,  take  off  their 
heads.” 

4th.  And  whereas  it  is  agreed  that  there  are  now  among  the  Narragansets 
and  Mohegans,  200  Pequot  men,  besides  squaws  and  papooses ; this  article  is 
to  provide,  that  the  Narragansets  have  enough  of  them  to  make  up  80,  with 
the  11  they  have  already,  “ and  Poquime  his  number,  and  that  after  they,  the 
Peaquots,  shall  be  divided  as  above,  shall  no  more  be  called  Peaquots,  but 
Narragansets  and  Mohegans.”  They  agree  to  pay  for  every  sanop  one  fathom 
of  vvampom,  and  for  every  youth  half  as  much — “and  for  every  sanop 
papoose  one  hand  to  be  paid  at  killing-time  of  corn  at  Connecticut  yearly, 
and  shall  not  suffer  them  for  to  live  in  the  country  that  was  formerly  theirs, 
but  is  now  the  English’s.  Neither  shall  the  Narragansets  or  Mohegans 
possess  any  part  of  the  Pequot  country  without  leaue  of  them.” 

John  Haines,  Miantinommt,  •) 

Rog’r  Ludlow,  Poquiam,  alias  Unkas. 

Edw’rd  Hopkins. 


The  wife  of  Miantunnomoh , named  Wawaloam,  was  alive  as  late  as  1661, 
as  appears  by  an  information  which  she  gave,  dated  25  June,  concerning  the 
right  of  Sokoso  to  sell  the  lands  adjacent  to  Wecapaug. 

On  a time  previous  to  1643,  Roger  Williams  delivered  a discourse  to  some 
Indians  at  their  residence,  as  he  was  passing  through  their  country.  Mian- 
tunnomoh was  present,  and  seemed  inclined  to  believe  in  Christianity.  Mr. 
Williams,  being  much  fatigued,  retired  to  rest,  while  Miantunnomoh  and  others 
remained  to  converse  upon  what  they  had  heard.  One  said  to  the  chief; 
“ Our  fathers  have  told  us  that  our  souls  go  to  the  south-west ; ” Miantunno- 
moh rejoined,  “How  do  you  know  your  souls  go  to  the  south-west?  did  you 
ever  see  a soul  go  that  way?”  (Still  he  was  rather  inclined  to  believe,  as  Mr. 
Williams  had  just  said,  that  they  went  up  to  heaven  or  down  to  hell.)  The 
other  added,  “When  did  he  (meaning  Williams)  ever  see  a soul  go  up  to 
heaven  or  down  to  hell  ? ” 

We  have  given  the  above  anecdote,  which  is  thought  a good  illustration 
of  the  mind  of  man  under  the  influence  of  a superstitious  or  prejudiced 
education. 

When  it  was  reported,  in  1640,  that  Miantunnomoh  was  plotting  to  cut  off 
the  English,  as  will  be  found  mentioned  in  the  account  of  JVinigret,  and 
several  English  were  sent  to  him  in  July,  to  know  the  truth  of  the  matter,  he 
would  not  talk  with  them  through  a Pequot  interpreter,  because  he  was  then 
at  war  with  that  nation.  In  other  respects  he  complied  with  their  wishes, 
and  treated  them  respectfully,  agreeing  to  come  to  Boston,  for  the  gratification 
of  the  government,  if  they  would  allow  Mr.  Williams  to  accompany  him. 
This  they  would  not  consent  to,  and  yet  he  came,  agreeably  to  their  desires. 
We  shall  presently  see  who  acted  best  the  part  of  civilized  men  in  this  affair. 


62 


MIANTUNNOMOH  ACCUSED  OF  A CONSPIRACY.  [Book  H 


He  had  refused  to  use  a Pequot  interpreter  for  good  reasons,  but  when  he  was 
at  Boston,  and  surrounded  by  armed  men,  fie  was  obliged  to  submit.  “The 
governor  being  as  resolute  as  he,  refused  to  use  any  other  interpreter,,  thinking 
it  a dishonor  to  us  to  give  so  much  way  to  them ! ” The  great  wisdom  of  the 
government  now  displayed  itself  in  the  person  of  Governor  Thomas  Dudley. 
It  is  not  to  be  expected  but  that  Miantunnomoh  should  resent  their  proceedings ; 
for  to  the  above  insult  they  added  others ; “ would  show  him  no  countenance,, 
nor  admit  him  to  dine  at  our  table,  as  formerly  he  had  done,  till  he  had 
acknowledged  his  failing,  &c.,  which  he  readily  did.”  * By  their  own  folly,, 
the  English  had  made  themselves  jealous  of  a powerful  chief,  and  they  appeal 
ever  ready  afterwards  to  credit  evil  reports  of  him. 

That  an  independent  chief  should  be  obliged  to  conform  to  transitory 
notions  upon  such  an  occasion,  is  absolutely  ridiculous  ; and  the  justness  of 
the  following  remark  from  him  was  enough  to  have  shamed  good  men  into 
their  senses.  He  said,  “ When  your  people  come  to  me,  they  are  permitted  to  use 
their  own  fashions,  and  I expect  the  same  liberty  when  I come  to  you.'1 

In  1649,  Connecticut  became  very  suspicious  of  Miantunnomoh,  and  urged 
Massachusetts  to  join  them  in  a war  against  him.  Their  fears  no  doubt  grew 
out  of  the  consideration  of  the  probable  issue  of  a war  with  Uncas  in  his 
favor,  which  was  now  on  the  point  of  breaking  out.  Even  Massachusetts  did 
not  think  their  suspicions  well  founded  ; yet,  according  to  their  request,  they 
sent  to  Miantunnomoh , who,  as  usual,  gave  them  satisfactory  answers,  and,, 
agreeably  to  their  request,  came  again  to  Boston.  Two  days  were  employed 
by  the  court  of  Massachusetts  in  deliberating  with  him,  and  we  are  aston- 
ished at  the  wisdom  of  the  great  chief,  even  as  reported  by  his  enemies. 

That  a simple  man  of  nature,  who  never  knew  courts  or  law,  should  cause 
such  acknowledgments  as  follow,  from  the  civilized  and  wise,  will  always  be 
contemplated  with  intense  admiration.  “When  he  came,”  says  Winthrop,. 
“the  court  was  assembled,  and  before  his  admission,  we  considered  how  to 
treat  with  him,  for  we  knew  him  to  be  a veiy  subtle  man.”  When  he  was 
admitted,  “ he  was  set  down  at  the  lower  end  of  the  table,  over  against  the 
governor,”  but  would  not,  at  any  time  speak  upon  business,  unless  some  of  his 
counsellors  were  present;  saying,  “he  would  have  them  present,  that  they 
might  bear  witness  with  him,  at  his  return  home,  of  all  his  sayings.”  The 
same  author  further  says,  “In  all  his  answers  he  was  very  deliberate,  and 
showed  good  understanding  in  the  principles  of  justice  and  equity,  and 
ingenuity  withal.” 

He  now  asked  for  his  accusers,  urging,  that  if  they  could  not  establish  their 
allegations,  they  ought  to  suffer  what  he  expected  to,  if  they  did;  but  the 
court  said  they  kneiv  of  none ; that  is,  they  knew  not  whom  they  were,  and 
therefore  gave  no  credit  to  the  reports  until  they  had  advised  him  according 
to  a former  agreement.  He  then  said,  “ If  you  did  not  give  credit  to  it,  why 
then  did  you  disarm  the  Indians?”  Massachusetts  having  just  then  disarmed 
some  of  the  Merrimacks  under  some  pretence.  “ He  gave  divers  reasons,” 
says  Governor  Winthrop, f “why  we  should  hold  him  free  of  any  such  con- 
spiracy, and  why  we  should  conceive  it  was  a report  raised  by  Uncas , &c. 
and  therefore  offered  to  meet  Uncas , and  would  prove  to  his  face  his  treachery 
against  the  English,  &c.,  and  told  us  he  would  come  to  us  at  any  time,”  al- 
though he  said  some  had  tried  to  dissuade  him,  saying  that  the  English  would 
put  him  to  death,  yet  he  feared  nothing,  as  he  was  innocent  of  the  charges 
against  him.  f 

The  punishment  due  to  those  who  had  raised  the  accusations,  bore  heavily 
upon  his  breast,  and  “ he  put  it  to  our  consideration  what  damage  it  had  been 
to  him,  in  that  he  was  forced  to  keep  his  men  at  home,  and  not  suffer  them  to 
go  forth  on  hunting,  &c.,  till  he  had  given  the  English  satisfaction.”  After 
two  day3  spent  in  talk,  the  council  issued  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  English. 

During  the  council,  a table  was  set  by  itself  for  the  Indians,  which  Mian- 


* Winthrop’s  Journal.  t See  book  iii.  chap.  vii. 

t Here,  the  reader  may  with  propriety  exclaim,  was  another  Michael  Servetus : — “ Pour- 
quov,  Messeigneurs,  ie  demande  que  mon  faulx  accusateur  soit  puni  poena  talionis,”  &cc 
koscoe’s  Leo  X.  iv.  457. 


63 


Chap.  IV.]  MIANTUflNOMOH.— HIS  WAR  WITH  UNCAS. 

tunnomoh  appears  not  to  have  liked,  and  “ would  not  eat,  until  some  food  had 
been  sent  him  from  that  of  the  governor’s.” 

That  wisdom  seems  to  have  dictated  to  Massachusetts,  in  her  answer  to 
Connecticut,  must  be  acknowledged ; but,  as  justice  to  Miantunnomoh  abun- 
<lantly  demanded  such  decision,  credit  in  this  case  is  due  only  to  them,  as  to 
him  who  does  a good  act  because  it  was  his  interest  so  to  do.  They  urged 
Connecticut  not  to  commence  war  alone,  “alleging  how  dishonorable  it  would 
be  to  us  all,  that,  while  we  were  upon  treaty  with  the  Indians,  they  should 
make  war  upon  them ; for  they  would  account  their  act  as  our  own,  seeing 
we  had  formerly  professed  to  the  Indians,  that  we  were  all  as  one  ; and  in  our 
last  message  to  Miantunnomoh , had  remembered  him  again  of  the  same,  and 
he  had  answered  that  he  did  so  account  us.  Upon  receipt  of  this  our  answer, 
they  forbare  to  enter  into  a war,  but  (it  seemed)  unwillingly,  and  as  not  well 
pleased  with  us.”  The  main  consideration  which  caused  Massachusetts  to 
decide  against  war  was,  “ That  all  those  informations  [furnished  by  Connecti- 
cut] might  arise  from  a false  ground,  and  out  of  the  enmity  which  was 
between  the  Narraganset  and  Mohigan”  sachems.  This  was  no  doubt  one 
of  the  real  causes;  and,  had  Miantunnomoh  overcome  TJncas , the  English 
would,  from  policy,  as  gladly  have  leagued  with  him  as  with  the  latter ; for  it 
was  constantly  pleaded  in  those  days,  that  then*  safety  must  depend  on  a 
union  with  some  of  the  most  powerful  tribes. 

There  can  be  no  doubt,  on  fairly  examining  the  case,  that  Uncas  used  many 
arts,  to  influence  the  English  in  his  favor,  and  against  his  enemy.  In  the 
progress  of  the  war  between  the  two  great  chiefs,  the  English  acted  precisely 
as  the  Indians  have  been  always  said  to  do — stood  aloof,  and  watched  the 
scale  of  -victory,  determined  to  join  the  conquerors : and  we  will  here  digress 
for  a moment,  to  introduce  a character,  more  fully  to  illustrate  the  cause  of  the 
operations  of  the  English  against  the  chief  of  the  Narragansets. 

Miantunnomoh  had  a wretched  enemy  in  Waiandance , a Long  Island 
sachem,  who  had  assisted  in  the  destruction  of  the  Pequots,  at  their  last 
retreat.  He  revealed  the  plots  and  plans  of  Miantunnomoh ; and,  says  Lion 
Gardener , “he  told  me  many  years  ago,”  as  all  the  plots  of  the  Narragansets 
had  been  discovered,  they  now  concluded  to  let  the  English  alone  until  they 
had  destroyed  Uncas  and  himself,  then,  with  the  assistance  of  the  Mohawks, 
“and  Indians  beyond  the  Dutch,  and  all  the  northern  and  eastern  Indians, 
would  easily  destroy  us,  man  and  mother’s  son.” 

Mr.  Gardener  next  relates  that  he  met  with  Miantunnomoh  at  Meanticut, 
Waiandance’ s country,  on  the  east  end  of  Long  Island.  That  Miantunnomoh 
was  there,  as  Waiandance  said,  to  break  up  the  intercourse  with  those  Indians. 
There  were  others  with  Miantunnomoh , and  what  they  said  to  Waiandance  was 
as  follows : — 

“ You  must  give  no  more  wampum  to  the  English,  for  they  are  no  sachems,  nor 
none  of  their  children  shall  be  in  their  place  if  they  die.  They  have  no  ti’ibute 
given  them.  There  is  but  one  king  in  England,  who  is  over  them  all , and  if  you 
should  sTnd  him  100,000  fathom  of  wampum,  he  would  not  give  you  a knife  for  it, 
nor  thank  you."  Then  said  Waiandance,  “ They  will  come  and  kill  us  all,  as 
they  did  the  Pequits;”  but  replied  the  Narragansets,  “Ah,  the  Pequots  gave 
them  wampum  and  beaver,  which  they  loved  so  well,  but  they  sent  it  them  again, 
and  killed  them  because  they  had  killed  an  Englishman ; but  you  have  killed  none , 
therefore  give  them  nothing .” 

Some  time  after,  Miantunnomoh  went  again,  “ with  a troop  of  men,  to  the 
same  place,  and,  instead  of  receiving  presents  as  formerly,  he  gave  presents 
to  Waiandance  and  his  people,  and  made  the  following  speech : — 

“Brothers,  we  must  be  one  as  the  English  are,  or  we  shall  soon  all  be 
destroyed.  You  know  our  fathers  had  plenty  of  deer  and  skins,  and  our 
plains  were  full  of  deer  and  of  turkeys,  and  our  coves  and  rivers  were  full  of 
fish.  But,  brothers,  since  these  English  have  seized  upon  our  country,  they 
cut  down  the  grass  with  scythes,  and  the  trees  with  axes.  Their  cows  and 
horses  eat  up  the  grass,  and  their  hogs  spoil  our  beds  of  clams ; and  finally 
we  shall  starve  to  death ! Therefore,  stand  not  in  your  own  light,  I beseech 
you,  but  resolve  with  us  to  act  like  men.  All  the  sachems  both  to  the  east 
and  west  have  joined  with  us,  and  we  are  all  resolved  to  fall  upon  them,  at  a 


64  MIANTUNNOMOH  DEFEATED  AND  TAK^N  PRISONER.  [Book  II. 

day  appointed,  and  therefore  I have  come  secretly  to  you,  because  you  can 
persuade  the  Indians  to  do  what  you  will.  Brothers,  I will  send  over  50 
Indians  to  Manisses,  and  30  to  you  from  thence,  and  take  an  100  of 
Southampton  Indians,  with  an  100  of  your  own  here.  And,  when  you 
see  the  three  fires  that  will  be  made  at  the  end  of  40  days  hence,  in  a 
dear  night,  then  act  as  we  act,  and  the  next  day  fall  on  and  kill  men,  women 
and  children,  but  no  cows ; they  must  be  killed  as  we  need  them  for  pro- 
visions, till  the  deer  come  again.” 

To  this  speech  all  the  old  men  said,  “ Wurregen ,”  i.  e.  “ It  is  well.”  But 
this  great  plot,  if  the  account  given  by  Waiandance  be  true,  was  by  him 
brought  to  the  knowledge  of  the  English,  and  so  failed.  “And  the  plotter,” 
says  Gardener , “next  spring  after,  did  as  Ahab  did  at  Ramoth- Gilead. — So  he 
to  Mohegan,* * * §  and  there  had  his  fall.”  f 

Capture  and  death  of  Miantunnomoh. — The  war  brought  on  between  Uncas 
and  Miantunnomoh  was  not  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  English,  nor  is  it  to 
be  expected  that  they  could  with  certainty  determine  the  justness  of  its  cause. 
The  broil  had  long  existed,  but  the  open  rupture  was  brought  on  by  Uncas 1 
making  war  upon  Sequasson,  one  of  the  sachems  under  Miantunnomoh.  The 
English  accounts  say,  (and  we  have  no  other,)  that  about  1000  warriors  were 
raised  by  Miantunnomoh , who  came  upon  Uncas  unprepared,  having  only 
about  400  men ; yet,  after  an  obstinate  battle,  in  which  many  were  killed  on 
both  sides,  the  Narragansets  were  put  to  flight,  and  Miantunnomoh  taken 
prisoner ; that  he  endeavored  to  save  himself  by  flight,  but,  having  on  a coat 
of  mail,  was  known  from  the  rest,  and  seized  by  two  | of  his  own  men,  who 
hoped  by  their  treachery  to  save  their  own  lives.  Whereupon  they  imme- 
diately delivered  him  up  to  the  conqueror.  Uncas  slew  them  both  instantly ; 
probably  with  his  own  hand.  This  specimen  of  his  bravery  must  have  had  a 
salutary  effect  on  all  such  as  afterwards  chanced  to  think  of  acting  the  part 
of  traitors  in  their  wars,  at  least  among  the  Narragansets. 

The  English  of  Rhode  Island  rather  favored  the  cause  of  the  Narragansets, 
nor  could  a different  course  be  expected  of  them,  satisfied  as  they  were,  that 
that  nation  were  greatly  wronged  ; while,  on  the  other  hand,  Connecticut  and 
Massachusetts  rather  favored  the  Mohegans.  That  Miantunnomoh  should  not 
suffer  in  his  person,  in  battles  which,  it  was  now  seen,  were  inevitable,  Samuel 
Gorton  furnished  him  with  a heavy  old  English  armor,  or  coat  of  mail ; and 
this,  instead  of  being  beneficial,  as  it  was  intended,  proved  the  destruction  of 
his  friend.  For,  when  a retreat  became  necessary,  not  being  used  to  this  kind 
of  caparison,  it  both  obstructed  his  efforts  at  resistance  and  his  means  of  flight. 
About  30  of  his  men  were  killed,  and  many  more  were  wounded. 

Being  brought  before  Uncas , he  remained  without  speaking  a word,  until 
Uncas  spoke  to  him,  and  said,  “ If  you  had  taken  me , I would  have  besought  you 
for  my  life .”  He  then  took  his  prisoner  to  Hartford,  and  at  his  request  left 
him  a prisoner  with  the  English,  until  the  mind  of  the  United  Colonies  should 
be  known  as  to  what  disposition  should  be  made  of  him. 

The  sorrowful  part  of  the  tale  is  yet  to  be  told.  The  commissioners  of  the 
United  Colonies,  having  convened  at  Boston,  “ taking  into  serious  considera- 
tion, they  say,  what  was  safest  and  best  to  be  done,  were  all  of  opinion  that  it 
would  not  be  safe  to  set  him  at  liberty,  neither  had  we  sufficient  ground  for  us 
to  put  him  to  death.”  § The  awful  design  of  putting  to  death  their  friend  they 
had  not  yet  fixed  upon ; but,  calling  to  their  aid  in  council  “ five  of  the  most 
judicious  elders”  “ they  all  agreed  that  he  ought  to  be  put  to  death.”  This  was 
the  final  decision ; arid,  to  complete  the  deed  of  darkness,  secrecy  was  enjoin- 
ed upon  all.  And  their  determination  was  to  be  made  known  to  Uncas 


* This  goes  to  show  that  Miantunnomoh.  was  not  killed  above  Hartford,  as  Winthrop  states  \ 
for  the  country  at  some  distance  from  the  mouth  of  Pequot  River  was  called  Mohegan.  It 
probably  included  Windsor. 

f 3 Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  155. 

+ In  the  records,  ( Hazard , ii.  48,)  but  one  person  is  mentioned  as  having  taken  Miantunno- 
nioli , whose  name  was  Tantoqueson ; and  there  he  is  called  a Mohegan  captain.  That  there- 
fore the  Narragansets  tried  to  kill  him  ; came  upon  him  once  in  the  night,  and  dangerously 
wounded  him,  as  he  lay  in  his  wigwam  asleep.  See  vote  in  the  Life  of  Ninigret. 

§ Winthrop,  ii.  131. 


Chap.  IV.]  MIANTUNNOMOH.— CONDUCT  OF  THE  ENGLISH.  65 

privately,  with  direction  that  he  should  execute  him  within  his  own  jurisdic- 
tion, and  without  torture.  . 

From  their  own  account  of  this  affair,  the  English  (of  the  United  Colonies) 
stand  condemned  in  the  trial  of  time  at  the  bar  of  history.  It  is  allowed  that 
Uncas  had  made  war  upon  Sequasson , in  July,  1643,  and  done  him  much 
injury;* *  and  that,  according  to  a previous  agreement  with  the  English,  Mian- 
tunnomoh  had  complained  to  the  governor  of  Massachusetts  of  the  conduct 
of  Uncas , and  had  received  answer  from  him,  “ that,  if  Uncas  had  done  him 
or  his  friends  wrong,  and  would  not  give  satisfaction,  he  was  left  to  take  his 
own  course.”  No  account  is  given  that  Sequasson  had  injured  Uncas,  but  that 
Uncas  “ set  upon  Sequasson,  and  killed  7 or  8 of  his  men,  wounded  13,  burnt 
his  wigwams,  and  carried  away  the  booty.”  * 

We  will  now  go  to  the  record,  which  will  enable  us  to  judge  of  the  justness 
of  this  matter.  When  the  English  had  determined  that  Uncas  should  execute 
Miantunnomoh , Uncas  was  ordered  to  be  sent  for  to  Hartford,  “ with  some 
considerable  number  of  his  best  and  trustiest  men,”  to  take  him  to  a place  for 
execution,  “ carrying  him  into  the  next  part  of  his  own  government,  and  there 
put  him  to  death:  provided  that  some  discreet  and  faithful  persons  of  the 
English  accompany  them,  and  see  the  execution,  for  our  more  full  satisfac- 
tion ; and  that  the  English  meddle  not  with  the  head  or  body  at  all.”  f 

The  commissioners  at  the  same  time  ordered,  “ that  Hartford  furnish  Uncas 
with  a competent  strength  of  English  to  defend  him  against  any  present  fury 
or  assault,  of  the  Nanohiggunsetts  or  any  other.”  And  “that  in  case  Uncas 
shall  refuse  to  execute  justice  upon  Myantenomo,  that  then  Myantenomo  be  sent 
by  sea  to  the  Massachusetts,  there  to  be  kept  in  safe  durance  till  the  com- 
missioners may  consider  further  how  to  dispose  of  him.”f 

Here,  then,  we  see  fully  developed  the  real  state  of  the  case.  The  Mohe- 
gans  had,  by  accident,  captured  Miantunnomoh,  after  which  event,  they  were 
more  in  fear  of  his  nation  than  before ; which  proves,  beyond  doubt,  that  they 
would  never  have  dared  to  put  him  to  death,  had  they  not  been  promised  the 
protection  of  the  English. 

No  one  can  read  this  account  without  being  reminded  of  the  fate  of  Napo- 
leon. We  do  not  say  that  the  English  of  New  England  dreaded  the  power 
of  Miantunnomoh  as  much  as  those  of  Old  England  did  that  of  Napoleon 
afterwards ; but  that  both  were  sacrificed  in  consequence  of  the  fears  of  those 
into  whose  power  the  fortune  of  wars  cast  them,  will  not,  we  presume,  be 
denied. 

When  the  determination  of  the  commissioners  and  elders  was  made  known 
to  Uncas,  he  “readily  undertook  the  execution,  and  taking  Miantunnomoh 
along  with  him,  in  the  way  between  Hartford  and  Windsor,  (where  Uncas 
hath  some  men  dwell,)  Uncas ’ brother,  following  after  Miantunnomoh,  clave 
his  head  with  an  hatchet” { Mather  says,  they  “very  fairly  cut  off  his 
head.”  § 

Dr.  Trumbull  ||  records  an  account  of  cannibalism,  at  this  time,  which  we 
ought  to  caution  the  reader  against  receiving  as  true  history,  as  it  no  doubt 
rests  on  the  authority  of  tradition,  which  is  wont  to  transfer  even  the  transac- 
tions of  one  continent  to  another,  which  is  this : — “ Uncas  cut  out  a large  piece 
of  his  shoulder,  and  ate  it  in  savage  triumph  ;”  saying,  “ ‘it  was  the  sweetest 
meat  he  ever  ate ; it  made  his  heart  strong.’  ” H 


* Hubbard,  N.  E.  450.  f Records  of  the  U.  Colonies. 

• t Vinthrop’s  Journal,  ii.  134.  As  to  the  place  of  Miantunnomoh ’s  execution,  Winihrop 
seems  to  have  been  in  a mistake.  It  is  not  very  likely  that  he  was  taken  in  the  opposite 
direction,  from  Uncas’s  own  country,  as  Windsor  was  from  Hartford.  It  is  also  unlikely  that 
Uncas  had  men  dwell  so  far  from  his  country  upon  the  Thames. 

A gentleman  who  lately  visited  his  sepulchre,  says  the  wandering  Indians  have  made  a 
heap  of  stones  upon  his  grave.  It  is  a well-known  custom  of  the  race,  to  add  to  a monu- 
mental pile  of  the  dead  whenever  they  pass  by  it.  See  3 Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  135.  and 
Jefferson’s  Notes.  [O3  Some  wretchedly  ignorant  neighbors  to  this  sacred  pile  (whites,  of 
course)  have,  not  long  since,  taken  stones  from  it  to  make  wall ! but  enough  remain  to  mark 
the  spot.  It  is  in  the  east  part  of  Norwich.  Colls.  Ibid. 

§ Magnalia.  _ ||  History  of  Connecticut,  i.  135. 

That  this  is  tradition,  may  be  inferred  from  the  circumstance  of  an  eminently  obscure 
writer’s  publishing  nearly  the  same  story,  which  he  says,  in  his  book,  took  place  upon  the 
6* 


DEATH  OF  MIANTUNNOMOH  — TRADITIONS. 


[Book  U. 


66 

We  are  now  certain  that  what  Dr.  Trumbull  has  given  us  as  unquestionable 
history,  from  a “manuscript  of  Mr.  Hyde?  is  only  tradition.  Having  been  put 
in  possession  of  a copy  of  that  manuscript,* *  we  deem  it  highly  important  that 
it ; f » oi ild  be  laid  before  the  world,  that  its  true  weight  may  be  considered  by 
all  who  would  be  correctly  informed  in  this  important  transaction. 

Bv  way  of  preliminary  to  his  communication,  Mr.  Hyde  says,  “The  follow- 
ing facts  being  communicated  to  me  from  some  of  the  ancient  fathers  of  this 
town,  who  were  contemporary  with  Uncas 11  &c.  “ That  before  the  settlement 

of  Norwich,  the  sachem  of  the  Narraganset  tribe  [Miantunnomoh]  had  a per- 
sonal quarrel  with  Uncas , and  proclaimed  Avar  with  the  Moheg[an]s:  and 
marched  with  an  army  of  900  fighting  men,  equipped  Avith  bows  and  arroAvs 
and  hatchets.  Uncas  be[ing]  informed  by  spies  of  their  march  towards  his 
seat,  Uncas  called  his  warriors  together,  about  600,  stout,  hard  men,  light  of 
foot,  and  skilled  in  the  use  of  the  bow ; and,  upon  a conference,  Uncas  told 
his  men  that  it  would  not  do  to  let  ye  Narragansets  come  to  their  tOAvn,  but 
they  must  go  and  meet  them.  Accordingly,  they  marched,  and  about  three 
miles,  on  a large  plain,  the  armies  met,  and  both  halted  within  boAV-shot.  A 
parley  was  sounded,  and  gallant  Uncas  proposed  a conference  with  the  Narra- 
ganset sachem,  Avho  agreed.  And  being  met,  Uncas  saith  to  his  enemy  word[s] 
to  this  effect : ‘ You  have  got  a number  of  brave  men  with  you , and  so  have  I. 
A'nt  it  a pity  that  such  brave  men  should  be  killed  for  a quairel  between  you  and 
I 9 Only  come  like  a man , as  you  pretend  to  be,  and  we  will  fight  it  out.  If  you 
kill  me,  my  men  shall  be  yours ; but  if  I kill  you,  your  men  shall  be  mine.1  Upon 
which  the  Narraganset  sachem  replied:  ‘My  men  came  to  fight,  and  they  shall 
fight.1 

“ Uncas  having  before  told  his  men,  that  if  his  enemy  should  refuse  to  fight 
him,  he  would  fall  doAvn,  and  then  they  were  to  discharge  their  artillery 
[arrows]  on  them,  and  fall  right  on  them  as  fast  as  they  could ; ” this  was 
done,  and  the  Mohegans  rushed  upon  Miantunnomoh1  s army  “like  lions,”  put 
them  to  flight,  and  killed  “ a number  on  the  spot.”  They  “pursued  the  rest, 
driving  some  doAvn  ledges  of  rocks.”  The  foremost  of  Uncas ’s  men  got 
ahead  of  Miantunnomoh,  and  impeded  his  flight,  drawing  him  back  as  they 
passed  him,  “ to  give  Uncas  opportunity  to  take  him  himself.” 

“ In  the  pursuit,  at  a place  now  called  Sachem ’s  Plain,  Uncas  took  him  by 
the  shoulder.  He  then  set  down,  knowing  Uncas.  Uncas  then  gave  a whoop, 
and  his  men  returned  to  him ; and  in  a council  then  held,  ’twas  concluded  by 
them,  that  Uncas,  with  a guard,  should  carry  said  sachem  to  Hartford,  to  the 
governor  and  magistrates,  (it  being  before  the  charter,)  to  advise  what  they 
should  do  Avith  him.”  “ Uncas  was  told  by  them,  as  there  was  no  war  with 
the  English  and  Narragansets,  it  was  not  proper  for  them  to  intermeddle,  in 
the  affair,  and  advised  him  to  take  his  own  way.  Accordingly,  they  brought 
said  Narraganset  sachem  back  to  the  same  spot  of  ground  where  he  was  took : 
where  Uncas  killed  him,  and  cut  out  a large  piece  of  his  shoulder,  roasted, 
and  eat  it ; and  said,  ‘ It  ivas  the  sweetest  meet  f he  ever  eat ; it  made  him  have 
strong  hart.1  There  they  bury  him,  and  made  a pillar,  which  I have  seen  but 
a few  years  since.” 

This  communication  Avas  in  the  form  of  a letter,  and  dated  at  Norwich,  9 
Oct.  1769,  and  signed  Richard  Hide.  The  just  remark  of  Mr.  Ely  upon  it  I 
cannot  withhold,  in  justice  to  my  subject. 

“ The  above  ‘ Manuscript  of  Mr.  Hyde,1  as  a tradition,  is  a valuable  paper, 
and  worthy  of  preservation ; yet,  bemg  written  125  years  after  the  event 
which  it  describes,  it  is  surprising  that  Dr.  Trumbull  should  have  inserted  it, 
in  his  History  of  Connecticut,  in  its  principal  particulars,  as  matter  of  fact.”]: 

In  the  proceedings  of  the  commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies,  the  main 


death  of  Philip.  Onelco,  he  saj's,  cut  out  a pound  of  Philip’s  bleeding  body  and  ate  it. 
The  book  is  by  one  Henry  Trumbull,  and  purports  to  be  a history  of  the  discovery  of  Amer- 
ica, the  Indian  wars,  &c.  The  reader  will  find  it  about  stalls  by  the  street-side,  but  rarely  in 
a respectable  book-store.  It  has  been  forced  through  many  editions,  but  there  is  scarce  a 
word  of  true  history  in  it. 

* By  Rev.  Wm.  Ely,  of  Connecticut. 

t Trumbull  says  meat,  but  the  MS.  is  plain,  and  means  meal. 

\ Manuscript  letter,  1 Mar.  1833. 


€hap.  IV.]  NIN1GRET— TROUBLE  WITH  MIANTUNNOMOH.  6/ 

facts  in ' reference  to  the  death  of  Miantunnomoh,  contained  in  the  above 
account,  are  corroborated.  The  records  of  the  commissioners  say,  that  Uncas , 
before  the  battle,  told  Miantunnomoh , that  he  had  many  ways  sought  his  life, 
.and  now,  if  he  dared,  he  would  fight  him  in  single  combat ; but  that  Mian- 
tunnomoh, “ presuming  upon  his  numbers  of  men,  would  have  nothing  but  a 
battle”* * * § 

It  does  not  appear  from  these  records,  that  Uncas  had  any  idea  of  putting 
Miantunnomoh  to  death,  but  to  extort  a great  price  from  his  countrymen,  for 
his  ransom.  That  a large  amount  in  wampum  was  collected  for  this  purpose, 
appears  certain ; but,  before  it  was  paid,  Uncas  received  the  decision  of  the 
English,  and  then  pretended  that  he  had  made  no  such  agreement,  or  that  the 
quantity  or  quality  was  not  as  agreed  upon,  as  will  more  at  length  be  seen  in 
the  life  of  Uncas . 

NIN1GRET  was  often  called  Ninicraft , and  sometimes  Nenekunat,  f JYini- 
glud,  jYcnegelett ; and  his  name  was  written  almost  as  many  other  ways  as 
times  mentioned,  by  some  early  writers.  Janemo  \ was  the  first  name  by 
which  he  was  known  to  the  English.  He  was  generally  styled  sachem  of  the 
Nianticks,  a tribe  of  the  Narragansets,  whose  principal  residence  was  at  We- 
kapaug,  now  Westerly,  in  Rhode  Island.  He  was  cousin  to  Miantunnomoh,  § 
and  is  commonly  mentioned  in  history  as  the  chief  sachem  of  the  Nianticks, 
which  always  made  a part  of  the  great  nation  of  the  Narragansets.  JVinigret 
married  a sister  of  Cashaivashett,  otherwise  called  Harmon  Garret,  who  was 
his  uncle. 

The  relation  in  which  the  Nianticks  stood  to  the  Narragansets  is  plain,  from 
the  representation  given  by  Miantunnomoh  to  the  government  of  Massachu- 
setts in  1642.  In  treating  with  him,  at  that  time,  Governor  Winthrop  says, 
“ Some  difficulty  we  had,  to  bring  him  to  desert  the  Nianticks,  if  we  had  just 
cause  of  war  with  them.  They  were,”  he  said,  “ as  his  own  flesh,  being  allied 
by  continual  intermarriages,  &c.  But  at  last  he  condescended,  that  if  they 
should  do  us  wrong,  as  he  could  not  draw  them  to  give  us  satisfaction  for,  nor 
himself  could  satisfy,  as  if  it  were  for  blood,  &c.  then  he  would  leave  them 
to  us.” 

On  the  12  July,  1637,  Ayanemo,  as  his  name  was  written  by  Governor 
Winthrop  at  this  time,  came  to  Boston  with  17  men.  The  objects  of  his  visit 
being  stated  to  the  governor,  he  promised  him  an  answer  the  next  day ; but 
the  governor,  understanding  meanwhile,  that  he  had  received  many  of  the 
Pequots,  who  had  taken  refuge  in  his  country  after  their  defeat  at  Mystic,  first 
demanded  their  delivery  to  the  English.  Ninigret  was  very  loath  to  comply 
with  the  demand  5 but,  finding  he  could  get  no  answer  to  his  propositions 
without,  he  consented  to  give  up  the  Pequots,  after  a day’s  consideration. 
The  governor  shortly  after  dismissed  him,  with  instructions  to  treat  with  the 
English  captains  then  in  the  Pequot  country. 

On  the  9 Mar.  1638,  “ Miantunnomoh  came  to  Boston.  The  governor, 
deputy  and  treasurer  treated  with  him,  and  they  parted  upon  fair  terms.” 
“ We  gave  him  leave  to  right  himself  for  the  wrongs  which  Janemoh  and 
Wequash  Cook  had  done  him ; and,  for  the  wrong  they  had  done  us,  we 
would  right  ourselves,  in  our  own  time.”||  Hence,  it  appears  that,  at  this 
period,  they  were  not  so  closely  allied  as  they  were  afterwards. 

The  next  year,  Janemo  was  complained  of  by  the  Long  Island  Indians,  who 
paid  tribute  to  the  English,  that  he  had  committed  some  robberies  upon  them. 
Captain  Mason  was  sent  from  Connecticut  with  seven  men  to  require  satisfac- 
tion. Janemo  went  immediately  to  the  English,  and  the  matter  was  amicably 
settled.  IF 

When  it  was  rumored  that  Miantunnomoh  was  plotting  to  cut  off  the 


* See  Hazard's  Historical  Collections,  ii.  7,  10. 

t So  written  by  Roger  Williams. 

f Mr.  Prince,  in  his  edition  of  Hubbard’s  Narrative,  probably  mistook  Winthrop’ s MS., 
and  wrote  Aranemo  instead  of  Ayanemo.  See  the  edition  1775,  of  Nar.  p.  40,  and  Winthrop, 
Jour.  i.  232. 

§ Prince  says  he  was  uncle  to  Miantunnomoh,  ( Chronology , ii.  59.)  but  that  could  not 
have  been. 

II  Winthrop1  s Journal,  i.  243. 


IT  Ibid.  i.  267. 


68 


.NINlCflET. — DUTCH  AND  INDIAN  WAR. 


[Book  1L 


English,  and  using  his  endeavors  to  unite  other  tribes  in  the  enterprise,  the 
English  sent  deputies  to  him,  to  learn  the  truth  of  the  report,  as  will  be  found 
elsewhere  fully  stated.  The  deputies  were  well  satisfied  with  the  carriage  of 
Miantunnomoh ; but,  they  say,  “ Janemoh , the  Niantick  sachem,  carried  himself 
proudly,  and  refused  to  come  to  us,  or  to  yield  to  any  thing ; only,  he  said,  he 
would  not  harm  us,  except  we  invaded  him.”  # Thus  we  cannot  but  form  an 
exalted  opinion  of  Ninigret,  in  the  person  of  Janemo. 

A Dutch  and  Indian  war  raged  at  this  time,  and  was  conducted  with 
unrelenting  barbarity  by  the  former  party.  It  grew  out  of  a single  murder, 
an  Indian  having  killed  a Dutchman  in  a drunken  frolic.  The  murderer  was 
immediately  demanded,  but  could  not  be  obtained;  and  the  governor  was 
urged  to  retaliate,  and  often  called  upon  to  take  revenge.  He  waived  the 
subject,  foreseeing,  no  doubt,  that  retaliation  was  a bad  course  to  pursue  for 
satisfaction,  especially  with  Indians.  However,  it  soon  happened  that  the 
Mohawks  fell  upon  those  Indians,  killed  about  30  of  them,  and  the  rest  fled 
their  country  ; many  of  whom  sought  protection  from  the  Dutch  themselves. 
Some  evil-minded  persons  now  thought  to  revenge  themselves  on  these 
Indians,  without  the  danger  of  suffering  from  resistance.  It  is  reported  that 
an  inhuman  monster,  named  Marine , a Dutch  captain,  obtained  the  consent  of 
the  governor  to  kill  as  many  of  them  as  he  pleased ; and,  acting  under  that 
authority,  surprised  and  murdered  70  or  80  of  them,  men,  women,  and 
children.  No  sooner  was  this  blow  of  assassination  struck,  than  the  Indians 
flew  to  their  arms,  and  began  hostilities  of  the  same  kind ; and,  with  such 
fury  was  their  onset  made,  that  they  cut  off  20  persons  or  more,  before  the 
alarm  could  spread ; and  they  were  soon  masters  of  their  settlements,  and  the 
Dutch  were  confined  to  their  fort.  By  employing  Captain  Underhill,  however, 
an  experienced  English  officer  in  the  Indian  wars,  and  some  others  of  the 
English,  the  Dutch  were  enabled  to  maintain  their  ground ; and,  fortunately, 
soon  after,  Roger  Williams  accidentally  arrived  there,  through  whose  mediation 
a peace  was  effected,  and  an  end  was  put  to  a bloody  war.  This  Marine , who 
was  the  principal  cause  of  it,  quarrelled  with  the  governor,  on  account  of  his 
employing  Underhill  instead  of  him,  and  even  attempted  his  life  on  the 
account  of  it.  He  presented  a pistol  at  his  breast,  which,  being  turned  aside 
by  a bystander,  the  governor’s  life  was  preserved.  A servant  of  Marine's 
then  discharged  a gun  at  the  governor,  but  missing  him,  one  of  the  governor’s 
guard  shot  the  servant  dead,  and  Marine  was  made  prisoner,  and  forthwith 
sent  into  Holland.  Williams , having  been  denied  a passage  through  N.  Eng- 
land by  the  law  of  banishment,  was  forced  to  take  passage  for  England  at  N. 
York  in  a Dutch  ship,  by  way  of  Holland ; and  this  was  the  reason  of  his 
being  there  in  the  time  of  this  war. 

Before  this  war  was  brought  to  a close,  Captain  Underhill , with  his  company 
of  Dutch  and  English,  killed  about  300  Indians  on  the  mam,  and  120  more  on 
Long  Island.  The  Dutch  governor’s  employing  the  English  was  charged 
upon  him  as  a “plot”  to  engage  the  English  in  his  quarrel  with  the  Indians ; 
“ which,”  says  Winthrop, f “we  had  wholly  declined,  as  doubting  of  the  justice 
of  the  cause.” 

It  was  about  the  beginning  of  this  war,  Sept.  1643,  that  “the  Indians  killed 
and  drove  away  all  the  English  ” on  the  coast,  from  Manhattan  to  Stamford, 
the  extent  of  the  Dutch  claim  to  the  eastward.  They  then  passed  over  “ to 
Long  Island,  and  there  assaulted  the  Lady  Moodey  in  her  house  divers  times;” 
but  she,  having  about  40  men  at  her  place  at  that  time,  was  able  to  defend 
herself.  “ These  Indians  at  the  same  time,”  continues  Winthrop , \ “ set  upon 
the  Dutch  with  an  implacable  fury,  and  killed  all  they  could  come  by,  and 
burnt  their  houses,  and  killed  their  cattle  without  any  resistance,  so  as  the 
governor  and  such  as  escaped,  betook  themselves  to  their  fort  at  Monhaton, 
and  there  lived  and  eat  up  their  cattle.” 

Among  the  English  people  who  were  murdered  when  this  war  began,  was 
a Mrs.  Ann  Hutchinson , from  whom  was  descended  the  historian  of  Massa- 
chusetts. She,  having  given  offence  to  the  Puritans  of  the  Bay  state,  (as 
Massachusetts  was  then  called,)  by  her  peculiar  religious  notions,  to  avoid 


Winthrop’ s Journal  , ii.  8. 


t Ibid.  ii.  157. 


t Ibid.  ii.  136. 


Chap.  IV.] 


NINIGRET.— MOHEGAN  WAR. 


persesution,  fled  first  to  Rhode  Island,  and  afterwards  to  the  Dutch  posses- 
sions, not  far  beyond  Stamford.  This  was  in  1642.  When  the  Indians 
broke  up  the  settlements  there,  in  Sept.  1643,  they  fell  upon  the  family  of 
this  woman,  killed  her,  a Mr.  Collins , her  son-in-law,  and  all  her  family  ex- 
cept one  daughter  eight  years  old,  whom  they  carried  into  captivity,  and  such 
of  two  other  families,  Throckmorton  and  CornhilVs , as  were  at  home ; in 
all  16  persons.  They  then  collected  their  cattle  into  the  houses  and  set 
them  on  fire  and  burned  them  alive ! A greater  slaughter  would  have  been 
made  at  this  time  and  place,  but  for  the  arrival  of  a boat  while  the  tragedy 
was  acting,  into  which  several  women  and  children  escaped.  But  two  of 
the  boat’s  crew  were  killed  in  their  humane  exertions  to  save  these  distressed 
people.  The  daughter  of  Mrs.  Hutchinson  remained  a prisoner  four  years, 
when  she  was  delivered  to  the  Dutch  governor  at  New  York,  who  restored 
her  to  her  friends.  She  had  forgotten  her  native  language,  and  was  unwilling 
to  be  taken  from  the  Indians.  This  governor,  with  a kindiiess  not  to  be  for- 
gotten, sent  a vessel  into  Connecticut  River,  where  its  captain  contrived 
to  get  several  Pequots  on  board,  whom  he  secured  as  prisoners.  He  then 
informed  their  friends,  that  they  would  not  be  set  at  liberty  until  the  captive 
girl  was  delivered  to  him.  This  had  the  desired  effect,  and  she  was 
accordingly  rescued. 

Notwithstanding  a peace  was  brought  about  in  the  manner  before  stated, 
yet  it  was  of  short  duration,  and  the  sparks  of  war  which  had  for  a short  time 
laid  hid  in  its  own  embers,  was  by  sordid  spirits  fanned  again  into  a flame. 
The  series  of  murderous  acts  which  followed,  are  nowhere  recorded  within 
my  researches,  but  an  end  was  not  put  to  it  until  1646.  It  ended  in  a san- 
guinary battle  at  Strickland’s  Plain,  near  what  is  since  Horse  Neck  in  New 
York,  about  37  miles  from  the  city.  The  numbers  engaged  on  each  side  are 
not  known,  nor  the  numbers  slain,  but  their  graves  are  still  pointed  out  to 
the  curious  traveller. 

To  return  to  our  more  immediate  subject. 

We  hear  little  of  JYinigret  until  after  the  death  of  Miantunnomoh.  In  1644, 
the  Narragansets  and  Nianticks  united  against  the  Mohegans,  and  for  some 
time  obliged  Uncas  to  confine  himself  and  men  to  his  fort. 

This  affair  probably  took  place  early  in  the  spring,  and  we  have  elsewhere 
given  all  the  particulars  of  it,  both  authentic  and  traditionary.  It  appears, 
by  a letter  from  Tho.  Peters , addressed  to  Governor  Winthrop , written  about 
the  time,  that  there  had  been  some  hard  fighting;  and  that  the  Mohegans 
had  been  severely  beaten  by  the  Narragansets.  Mr.  Peters  writes : — 

“ I,  with  your  son,  [ John  Winthrop  of  Con.,]  were  at  Uncas ’ fort,  where  1 
dressed  seventeen  men,  and  left  plasters  to  dress  seventeen  more,  who  were 
wounded  in  Uncas ’ brother’s  wigwam  before  we  came.  Two  captains  and 
one  common  soldier  were  buried,  and  since  we  came  thence  two  captains 
and  one  common  man  more,  are  dead  also,  most  of  which  are  wounded  with 
bullets.  Uncas  and  his  brother  told  me,  the  Narragansets  had  30  guns  which 
won  them  the  day,  else  would  not  care  a rush  for  them.  They  drew  Uncas ’ 
forces  out  by  a wile,  of  40  appearing  only,  but  a thousand  [lay  hid]  in  am- 
bush, who  pursued  Uncas ’ men  into  their  own  land,  where  the  battle  was 
fought  vario  marte,  till  God  put  fresh  spirit  into  the  Moheagues,  and  so  drave 
the  Narragansets  back  again.”  So  it  seems  that  Uncas  had  been  taken  in  his 
own  play.  The  letter  goes  on: — “’Twould  pity  your  hearts  to  see  them 
[Uncas1  men]  lie,  like  so  many  new  circumcised  Sechemites,  in  their  blood. 
Sir,  whatever  information  you  have,  I dare  boldly  say,  the  Narragansets  first 
brake  the  contract  they  made  with  the  English  last  year,  for  I helped  to  cure 
one  Tantiquieson , a Moheague  captain,  who  first  fingered  [laid  hands  on] 
Miantinomio.  Some  cunning  squaws  of  Narraganset  led  two  of  them  to 
Tantiquieson1  s wigwam,  where,  in  the  night,  they  struck  him  on  the  breast 
through  the  coat  with  an  hatchet,  and  had  he  not  fenced  it  with  his  arm,  no 
hope  could  be  had  of  his  life,”  &c.  * 

“ The  English  thought  it  their  concern,”  says  Dr.  I.  Mather,  f “ not  to  suffer 
him  to  be  swallowed  up  by  those  adversaries,  since  he  had,  (though  for  his 


Winthrop’ s Jour.  ii.  380,  381. 


t Relation,  58. 


70 


NINIGRET. — NARRAGANSET  WAR. 


[Boox  II. 


own  ends,)  approved  himself  faithful  to  the  English  from  time  to  time.”  Ad 
army  was  accordingly  raised  for  the  relief  of  Uncas.  “ But  as  they  were 
just  marching  out  of  Boston,  many  of  the  principal  Narragansct,  Indians,  viz. 
Pessecus,  Mtxano , # and  Witawash,  sagamores,  and  Awasequin , deputy  for  the 
Nianticks ; these,  with  a large  train,  came  to  Boston,  suing  for  peace,  being 
willing  to  submit  to  what  terms  the  English  should  see  cause  to  impose 
upon  them.  It  was  demanded  of  them,  that  they  should  defray  the  charges 
they  had  put  the  English  to,f  and  that  the  sachems  should  send  their  sons 
to  be  kept  as  hostages  in  the  hands  of  the  English,  until  such  time  as  the 
money  should  be  paid.”  After  remarking  that  from  this  time  the  Narragan- 
sets  harbored  venom  in  their  hearts  against  the  English,  Mr.  Mather  pro- 
ceeds : — “ In  the  first  place,  they  endeavored  to  play  legerdemain  in  their 
sending  hostages ; for,  instead  of  sachems’  children,  they  thought  to  send 
some  other,  and  to  make  the  English  believe  that  those  base  papooses  were 
of  a royal  progeny ; but  they  had  those  to  deal  with,  who  were  too  wise  to  be 
so  eluded.  After  the  expected  hostages  were  in  the  hands  of  the  English, 
the  Narragansets,  notwithstanding  that,  were  slow  in  the  performance  of 
what  they  stood  engaged  for.  And  when,  upon  an  impartial  discharge  of 
the  debt,  their  hostages  were  restored  to  them,  they  became  more  backward 
than  formerly,  until  they  were,  by  hostile  preparations,  again  and  again 
terrified  into  better  obedience.  At  last,  Capt.  Atherton , of  Dorchester,  was 
sent  with  a small  party  { of  20  English  soldiers  to  demand  what  was  due. 
He  at  first  entered  into  the  wigwam,  where  old  JYinigret  resided,  with  only 
two  or  three  soldiers,  appointing  the  rest  by  degrees  to  follow  him,  two  or 
three  dropping  in  at  once ; when  his  small  company  were  come  about  him,  the 
Indians  in  the  mean  time  supposing  that  there  had  been  many  more  behind, 
he  caught  the  sachem  by  the  hair  of  his  head,  and  setting  a pistol  to  his 
breast,  protesting  whoever  escaped  he  should  surely  die,  if  he  did  not  forth- 
with comply  with  what  was  required.  Hereupon  a great  trembling  and 
consternation  surprised  the  Indians  ; albeit,  multitudes  of  them  were  then 
present,  with  spiked  arrows  at  their  bow-strings  ready  to  let  fly.  The  event 
was,  the  Indians  submitted,  and  not  one  drop  of  blood  was  shed.”  § This,  it 
must  be  confessed,  was  a high-handed  proceeding. 

“Some  space  after  that,  JYinigret  was  raising  new  trouble  against  us, 
amongst  his  Nianticks  and  other  Indians ; but  upon  the  speedy  sending  up 
of  Capt.  Davis , with  a party  of  horse  to  reduce  him  to  the  former  peace, 
who,  upon  the  news  of  the  captain’s  approach,  was  put  into  such  a panic 
fear,  that  he  durst  not  come  out  of  his  wigwam  to  treat  with  the  captain,  tiil 
secured  of  his  life  by  him,  which  he  was,  if  he  quietly  yielded  to  his  message, 
about  which  he  was  sent  from  the  Bay.  To  which  he  freely  consenting,  that 
storm  was  graciously  blown  over.”  |j 

Thus  having,  through  these  extracts,  summarily  glanced  at  some  prominent 
passages  in  the  life  of  JYinigret,  we  will  now  go  more  into  particulars. 

The  case  of  the  Narragansets,  at  the  period  of  the  treaty  before  spoken  of, 
had  become  rather  desperate  ; two  years  having  passed  since  they  agreed  to 
pay  2000  fathom  of  “good  white  wampum,”  as  a remuneration  for  the 
trouble  and  damage  they  had  caused  the  English  and  Mohegans,  and  they 
were  now  pressed  to  fulfil  their  engagements.  JYinigret , then  called  Janemoy 
was  not  at  Boston  at  that  time,  but  Aumsaaquen  was  his  deputy,  and  signed 
the  treaty  then  made,  with  Pessacus  and  others.  At  their  meeting,  in  July, 
1647,  Pessacus  and  others,  chiefs  of  the  Narragansets  and  Nianticks,  were 

* The  editor  of  Johnson’s  Wonder-working  Providence,  in  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  makes  a 
great  mistake  in  noting  this  chief  as  Miantunnomoh.  Mriksah,  Mixanno,  Meika,  &c.,  are 
names  of  the  same  person,  who  was  the  eldest  son  of  Canonicus.  After  the  death  of  his  father, 
he  was  chief  sachem  of  the  Narragansets.  He  married  a sister  of  Ninigret,  who  was  “a 
woman  of  great  power,”  and  no  other  than  the  famous  Quaiapen,  at  one  time  called  Matan- 
tuck,  from  which,  probably,  was  derived  Magnus.  By  some  writers  mistaking  him  for  Mian- 
tunnomoh, an  error  has  spread,  that  has  occasioned  much  confusion  in  accounts  of  their  gene- 
alogy. . 

f A yearly  tribute  in  wampum  was  agreed  upon.  Manuscript  Narrative  of  the  Rev.  1 . 
Cobbet,  which  places  the  affair  in  1643. 

i MS.  document  among  our  state  papers. 

$ Relation  of  the  Troubles,  &c.,  4to,  1677.  ||  Cobbet’ s MS.  Narrative. 


Chap.  IV.] 


NINIGRET.— M01IEGAN  CONTROVERSY. 


71 


sent  to  by  the  English  commissioners,  as  will  be  found  in  the  life  of  Pessacus. 
Being  warned  to  come  to  Boston,  Pessacus,  not  being  willing  to  get  any  fur- 
ther into  trouble  by  being  obliged  to  sign  whatever  articles  the  English  might 
draw  up,  feigned  himself  sick,  and  told  the  messengers  he  had  agreed  to 
leave  all  the  business  to  JVinigret.  This  seems  to  have  been  well  understood, 
and  we  shall  next  see  with  what  grace  JVinigret  acted  his  part  with  the  com- 
missioners, at  Boston.  Their  record  runs  thus : — 

“ August  3d,  [1647,]  JVinegratt,  with  some  of  the  Nyantick  Indians  and  two 
of  Pessack’s  men,  came  to  Boston,  and  desiring  Mr.  John  Winthrop,  that  came 
from  Pequatt  plantation,  might  be  present,  they  were  admitted.  The  com- 
missioners asked  JVinegratt  for  whom  he  came,  whither  as  a publick  person 
on  the  behalf  of  Pessack's  and  the  rest  of  the  Narragansets’  confederates,  or 
only  for  himself  as  a particular  sagamore  ? He  at  first  answered  that  he  had 
spoke  with  Pessack , but  had  no  such  commission  from  him ; ” and  said  there 
had  not  been  so  good  an  understanding  between  them  as  he  desired ; but, 
from  Mr.  Winthrop'’ s testimony,  and  the  answer  Thos.  Stanton  and  Benedict 
Jlrnold  brought  from  Pessacus,  and  also  the  testimony  of  Pessacus ’ two  men, 
“ it  appeared  to  the  commissioners  that  whatever  formality  might  be  wanting 
in  Pessack'’ s expressions  to  JVinegratt,  yet  Pessack  had  fully  engaged  himself 
to  stand  to  whatsoever  JVinegratt  should  conclude.”  Therefore  they  pro- 
ceeded to  demand  of  him  why  the  wampum  had  not  been  paid,  and  why  the 
covenant  had  not  been  observed  in  other  particulars.  JVinigret  pretended  he 
did  not  know  what  covenants  had  been  made.  He  was  then  reminded  that 
his  deputy  executed  the  covenant,  and  that  a copy  was  carried  into  his  coun- 
try, and  his  ignorance  of  it  was  no  excuse  for  him,  for  Mr.  Williams  was  at 
all  times  ready  to  explain  it,  if  he  had  taken  the  pains  to  request  it  of  him. 
“ There  could,  therefore,  be  no  truth  in  his  answere.” 

JVinigret  next  demanded,  “ For  what  are  the  JVarragansets  to  pay  so  muck 
wampum  ? I know  not  that  they  are  indebted  to  the  English ! ” The  commis- 
sioners then  repeated  the  old  charges — the  breach  of  covenant,  ill  treating 
messengers,  and  what  he  had  said  himself  to  the  English  messengers,  namely, 
that  he  knew  the  English  would  try  to  bring  about  a peace  at  their  meeting  at 
Hartford,  but  he  was  resolved  on  war,  nor  would  he  inquire  who  began  it — 
that  if  the  English  did  not  withdraw  their  men  from  assisting  Uncos,  he  would 
kill  them  and  their  cattle,  &c.  According  to  the  records  of  the  commissioners, 
JVinigret  did  not  deny  these  charges  with  a very  good  face.  He  said,  however, 
their  messengers  provoked  him  to  say  what  he  did. 

In  order  to  waive  the  criminating  discourse,  JVinigret  called  for  documents; 
or  wished  the  English  to  make  a statement  of  their  account  against  him,  that 
he  might  know  “ how  the  reckoninge  stood.”  The  English  answered,  that 
they  had  received  of  Pessacus,  170  fathom  of  wampum  at  one  time: — After- 
wards some  kettles  and  about  15  fathom  more,  ‘‘which  beinge  a contemptible 
some,  was  refused.”  As  to  the  kettles,  they  said,  “ The  Narraganset  messen- 
gers had  sould  them  to  Mr.  Shrimpton ,#  a brasier  in  Boston,”  for  a shilling  a 
pound.  Their  weight  was  285  lbs.,  (not  altogether  so  contemptible  as  one 
might  be  led  to  imagine,)  which  came  to  1 4£.  5s.,  and  the  wampum  to  4£.  4s. 
6d.  f Of  the  amount  in  Mr.  Shrimpton’s  hands,  the  messengers  took  up  1£. 
probably  to  defray  their  necessary  expenses  while  at  Boston.  The  remainder 
an  Englishman  attached  to  satisfy  “ for  goods  stollen  from  him  by  a Narragan- 
set Indian.” 

JVinigret  said  the  attachment  was  not  valid,  “for  that  neither  the  kettles  nor 
wampum  did  belonge  to  Pessacks  himself,  nor  to  the  Indian  that  had  stollen 
the  goods,”  and  therefore  must  be  deducted  from  the  amount  now  due.  “ The 
commissioners  thought  it  not  fit  to  press  the  attachment,”  but  reckoned  the 
kettles  and  wampum  at  70  fathom,  and  acknowledged  the  receipt  of  240 
fathom,  [in  all,]  besides  a parcel  sent  by  JVinigret  himself  to  the  governor ; 
and  though  this  was  sent  as  a present,  yet,  as  it  was  not  accepted  by  the 
governor,  they  left  it  to  JVinigret  to  say  whether  it  should  be  now  so  con- 


* Samuel  Shrimpton,  probably,  who  bought  a house  and  lands  of  Ephraim  Turner,  brasier, 
situated  in  Boston,  in  1671. 

t Hence  4£.  4s.  6d.  15  = 5s.  l^d.  = value  of  a fathom  of  wampum  in  1647. 


72  NINIGRET.— MOHEGAN  CONTROVERSY.  [Book  IJ 

sidered,  or  whether  it  should  be  taken  in  payment  of  the  debt.  JYinigret  said 
the  governor  should  do  as  he  pleased  about  it.  It  was  then  inquired  how 
much  he  had  sent ; (it  being  deposited  in  Cutshamokiri’s  hands,  as  we  have 
elsewhere  stated ;)  he  said  he  had  sent  30  fathom  of  black,  and  45  of  white,  in 
value  together  105  fathom.  Cutshamokin  was  sent  for  to  state  what  he  had 
received  in  trust.  He  had  produced  two  girdles,  “ with  a string  of  wampum, 
all  which  himself  rated  at  45  fathom,  affirming  he  had  received  no  more, 
except  85.  which  he  had  used,  and  would  repay.”  He  was  brought  before 
JYinigi'et  and  questioned,  as  there  appeared  a great  difference  in  their  ac- 
counts. “He  at  first  persisted,”  says  our  record,  “ and  added  to  his  lyes,  but 
was  at  last  convinced  [confronted]  by  JYinigret,  and  his  messengers  who  then 
brought  the  present,  and  besides  Cutshamokin  had  sent  him  at  the  same  time 
10  fathom  as  a present  also.”  It  still  remained  to  be  settled,  whether  this 
wampum  should  be  received  as  a part  of  the  debt,  or  as  a present;  and 
JYinigret  was  urged  to  say  how  it  should  be.  With  great  magnanimity  he 
answered : — 

“ My  tongue  shall  not  helie  my  heart.  Whether  the  debt  be  paid  or  not , I in- 
tended it  as  a present  to  the  governor .” 

It  is  unpleasant  to  contrast  the  characters  of  the  two  chiefs,  Cutshamokin 
and  JYinigret , because  the  former  had  long  had  the  advantage  of  a civilized 
neighborhood,  and  the  latter  was  from  the  depths  of  the  forest,  where  he  saw 
an  Englishman  but  seldom.  We  could  say  much  upon  it;  but,  as  it  is 
thought  by  many  that  such  disquisitions  are  unprofitable,  we  decline  going 
into  them  here. 

What  we  have  related  seems  to  have  finished  the  business  of  the  day,  and 
doubtless  the  shades  of  night  were  very  welcome  to  Cutshamokin.  The  next 
day,  JYinigret  came  into  court,  with  the  deputies  of  Pessacus , and  spoke  to  the 
following  effect : — 

“Before  I came  here  I expected  the  burden  had  been  thrown  upon  me, 
Pessacus  not  having  done  what  he  agreed  to  do.  However,  I have  considered 
upon  the  treaty  of  1645,  and  am  resolved  to  give  the  English  satisfaction  in 
all  things.  I will  send  some  of  my  men  immediately  to  Narraganset  and 
Niantick,  to  raise  the  wampum  now  due  to  them,  and  hope  to  hear  what  they 
will  do  in  three  days.  In  ten  days  I think  the  wampum  will  arrive,  and  I 
will  stay  here  until  it  comes.  I will  tell  this  to  the  Narraganset  confederates. 
But  if  there  should  not  enough  at  this  time  be  raised,  I desire  some  forbear- 
ance as  to  time,  as  I assure  you  that  the  remainder  shall  be  shortly  paid,  and 
you  shall  see  me  true  to  the  English,  henceforth.” 

This  speech  gave  the  commissioners  great  satisfaction,  and  they  proceeded 
to  other  business. 

The  messengers  sent  out  by  JYinigret  did  not  return  so  soon  as  was  ex- 
pected ; but,  on  the  16  August,  notice  was  given  of  their  arrival ; sadly, 
however,  to  the  disappointment  of  the  commissioners,  for  they  brought  only 
200  fathom  of  wampum.  The  feelings  of  the  court  were  somewhat  changed, 
and  they  rather  sternly  demanded  “ what  the  reason  was,  that,  so  much  being 
due,  so  little  was  brought,  and  from  whom  this  200  fathom  came.”  JYinigret 
answered  that  he  was  disappointed  that  more  had  not  been  brought,  but  said, 
if  he  had  been  at  home,  more  would  have  been  obtained : that  100  fathom 
was  sent  by  Pessacus , and  the  other  1 00  by  his  people. 

The  commissioners  say,  that,  “ not  thinking  it  meet  to  begin  a present  war, 
if  satisfaction,  (though  with  a little  forbearance,  may  be  had  otherwise,)  ” told 
JYinigret , that,  since  he  had  said  the  wampum  would  have  been  gathered  and 
paid  if  he  had  been  at  home  himself,  they  would  now  give  him  20  days  to  go 
and  get  it  in ; and,  if  he  could  not  procure  enough  by  500  fathom,  still  they 
would  not  molest  him  until  “next  spring  planting  time.”  That,  as  so  much 
was  still  due,  they  would  reckon  the  present  before  mentioned ; but,  if  they 
did  not  bring  1000  fathom  in  twenty  days,  the  commissioners  would  send  no 
more  messengers  into  his  country,  “but  take  course  to  right  themselves.” 
That,  if  they  were  “ forced  to  seek  satisfaction  by  arms,  he  and  his  confede- 
rates must  not  expect  to  make  their  peace,  as  lately  they  had  done,  by  a little 
wampum.  In  the  mean  time,  though  for  breach  of  covenants  they  might  put 
their  hostages  to  death,  yet  the  commissioners  would  forthwith  deliver  the 


Chap.  IV.]  NINIGRET.— THE  ENGLISH  PREPARE  FOR  WAR. 


73 


children  to  Ninigret, * expecting  from  him  the  more  care  to  see  engage- 
ments fully  satisfied.  And,  if  they  find  him  real  in  his  performance,  they  will 
charge  all  former  neglects  upon  Pessacus ,”  and  “ in  such  case  they  expect 
from  Ninigret  his  best  assistance,  when  he  shall  be  required  to  recover  the 
whole  remainder  from  him.  All  which  Ninigret  cheerfully  accepted,  and 
promised  to  perform  accordingly.” 

Notwithstanding  all  their  promises,  the  Narragansets  had  not  discharged 
their  debt  at  the  end  of  two  years  more,  though  in  that  time  they  had  paid 
about  1100  fathom  of  wampum.  At  their  meeting  this  year,  1649,  at  Boston, 
“the  commissioners  were  minded  of  the  continued  complaint  of  Uncas ” 
against  the  Narragansets,  that  they  were  “still  vndermining  his  peace  and 
seeking  his  ruine,”  and  had  lately  endeavored  “ to  bring  in  the  Mowhaukes 
vpjxm  him,”  which  failing,  they  next  tried  to  take  away  his  life  by  witchcraft. 
A Narraganset  Indian,  named  Cuttaquin , “ in  an  English  vessel,  in  Mohegan 
River,  ran  a sword  into  his  breast,  wherby  hee  receeved,  to  all  appearance,  a 
mortal  wound,  which  murtherus  acte  the  assalant  then  confessed  hee  was,  for 
a considerable  sum  of  wampum,  by  the  Narragansett  and  Nianticke  sachems, 
hired  to  attempt.” 

Meanwhile  Ninigret,  understanding  what  was  to  be  urged  against  him, 
appeared  suddenly  at  Boston  before  the  commissioners.  The  old  catalogue 
of  delinquencies  was  read  over  to  him,  with  several  new  ones  appended.  As 
it  respected  Cuttaquin’s  attempt  upon  the  life  of  Uncas , Ninigret  said  that 
neither  he  nor  Pessacus  had  any  hand  in  it,  but  that  “he  [Cuttaquin]  was 
drawn  thereunto  by  torture  from  the  Mohegans  ; ” “ but  he  was  told,  that  the 
assailant,  before  he  came  into  the  hands  of  the  Mohegans,  presently  after  the 
fact  was  committed,  layed  the  charge  upon  him,  with  the  rest,  which  he 
confirmed,  the  day  following,  to  Capt.  Mason,  in  the  presence  of  the  English 
that  were  in  the  bark  with  him,  and  often  reiterated  it  at  Hartford,  though 
since  he  hath  denied  it : that  he  was  presented  to  Uncas  under  the  notion  of 
one  appertaining  to  Vssamequin , whereby  he  was  acknowledged  as  his  friend, 
and  no  provocation  given  him.”  Cuttaquin  had  affirmed,  it  was  said,  that  his 
desperate  condition  caused  him  to  attempt  the  life  of  Uncas,  “ through  his 
great  engagement  to  the  said  sachems,  having  received  a considerable  quan- 
tity of  wampum,  which  he  had  spent,  who  otherwise  would  have  taken  away 
his  life.” 

The  judgment  of  the  court  was,  that  the  sachems  were  guilty,  and  we  next 
find  them  engaged  in  settling  the  old  account  of  wampum.  Ninigret  had 
got  the  commissioners  debited  more  than  they  at  first  were  willing  to  allow. 
They  say  that  it  appeared  by  the  auditor’s  account,  that  no  more  than  1529^ 
fathom  hath  been  credited,  “ nor  could  Ninigret  by  any  evidence  make  any 
more  to  appear,  only  he  alleged  that  about  600  fathom  was  paid  by  measure 
which  he  accounted  by  tale,  wherein  there  was  considerable  difference.  The 
commissioners,  not  willing  to  adhere  to  any  strict  terms  in  that  particular, 
{and  though  by  agreement  it  was  to  be  paid  by  measure  and  not  by  tale,) 
were  willing  to  allow  62  fathom  and  half  in  that  respect,  so  that  there  remains 
due  408  fathom.  But  Ninigret  persisting  in  his  former  affirmation,  and  not 
endeavoring  to  give  any  reasonable  satisfaction  to  the  commissioners  in  the 
premises,  a small  inconsiderable  parcel  of  beaver  being  all  that  was  tendered 
to  them,  though  they  understood  he  was  better  provided.”  They  therefore 
gave  him  to  understand  that  they  were  altogether  dissatisfied,  and  that  he 
might  go  his  own  way,  as  they  were  determined  to  protect  Uncas  according 
to  their  treaty  with  him. 

The  commissioners  now  expressed  the  opinion  among  themselves,  that 
affairs  looked  rather  turbulent,  and  advised  that  each  colony  should  hold  itself 
in  readiness  to  act  as  circumstances  might  require,  “ which  they  the  rather 
present  to  consideration,  from  an  information  they  received  since  their  sitting, 
of  a marriage  shortly  intended  betwixt  NinigreVs  daughter,  and  a brother  or 
brother’s  son  of  Sassaquas,  the  malignant,  furious  Pequot,  whereby  probably 


* Glad,  no  doubt,  to  rid  themselves  of  the  expense  of  keeping-  them  ; for  it  must  be  remem- 
bered, that  the  English  took  them  upon  the  condition  that  they  should  support  them  at  their 
own  expense. 


74  WAIANDANCE  SEIZES  MIANTUNNOMOH’S  MESSENGER.  [Book  It 

their  aims  are  to  gather  together,  and  reunite  the  scattered  conquered  Pe- 
quates  into  one  body,  and  set  them  up  again  as  a distinct  nation,  which  hath 
always  been  witnessed  against  by  the  English,  and  may  hazard  the  peace 
of  the  colonies.” 

The  four  years  next  succeeding  are  full  of  events,  but  as  they  happened 
chiefly  among  the  Indians  themselves,  it  is  very  difficult  to  learn  the  particu- 
lars. JYinigret  claimed  dominion  of  the  Indians  of  a part  of  Long  Island,  as 
did  his  predecessors ; but  those  Indians,  seeing  the  English  domineering 
over  the  Narragansets,  became  altogether  independent  of  them,  and  even 
waged  wars  upon  them. 

Ascassasotick  was  at  this  period  the  chief  of  those  Indians,  a warlike  and 
courageous  chief,  but  as  treacherous  and  barbarous  as  he  was  brave.  These 
islanders  had,  from  the  time  of  the  Pequot  troubles,  been  protected  by  the 
English,  which  much  increased  their  insolence.  Not  only  had  JYinigret,  and 
the  rest  of  the  Narragansets,  suffered  from  his  insults,  but  the  Mohegans  had 
also,  as  we  shall  more  fully  make  appear  hereafter. 

When  the  English  commissioners  had  met  at  Hartford  in  1650,  Uncas 
came  with  a complaint  to  them,  “that  the  Mohansick  sachem,  in  Long 
Island,  had  killed  som  of  his  men ; bewitched  diners  others  and  himself 
also,”  which  was  doubtless  as  true  as  were  most  of  his  charges  against  the 
Narragansets,  “and  desired  the  commissioners  that  hee  might  be  righted 
therm.  But  because  the  said  sachem  of  Long  Island  was  not  there  to  an- 
swer for  himself,”  several  Englishmen  were  appointed  to  examine  into  it, 
and  if  they  found  him  guilty  to  let  him  know  that  they  ^will  bring  trouble 
upon  themselves.” 

At  the  same  meeting  an  order  was  passed,  “ that  20  men  well  armed  bo 
sent  out  of  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Massachusetts  to  Pessicus , to  demand  the 
said  wampum,  [then  in  arrears,]  which  is  308  fathom  ; ” but  in  case  they 
could  not  get  the  wampum,  they  were  ordered  “ to  take  the  same,  or  the 
vallew  therof,  in  the  best  and  most  suitable  goods  they  can  find.”  Or,  if 
they  could  not  find  enough  to  satisfy  all  demands,  they  were  ordered  to  seize 
and  “ bring  away  either  Pessacus  or  his  children,  or  such  other  considerable 
sachem  or  persons,  as  they  prize,  and  may  more  probably  bow  them  to 
reason.” 

From  Pessacus , they  were  ordered  to  go  to  JYinigret,  and  inform  him  that 
the  commissioners  had  heard  “ that  he  had  given  his  daughter  in  marriage  to 
Sasecos  his  brother,  who  gathers  Pequots  under  him,  as  if  either  he  would  become 
their  sachem,  or  again  possess  the  Pequot  country ,”  which  was  contrary  to 
“ engagements,”  and  what  they  would  not  allow,  and  he  must  inform  them 
whether  it  were  so.  To  inform  him  also  that  Wequash  Cook  “ complains  of 
sundry  wrongs.”  And  that,  as  to  his  hunting  in  the  Pequot  country,  to  inform 
him  he  had  no  right  to  do  so,  as  that  country  belonged  to  the  English.  The 
termination  of  this  expedition,  in  which  JYinigret  was  taken  “by  the  hair,” 
has  been  previously  mentioned  in  our  extract  from  Dr.  Mather. 

We  have  in  the  life  of  Miantunnomoh  given  some  account  of  the  acts  of  a 
chief  called'  Waiandance,  especially  relating  to  the  disorganization  of  the 
plans  of  that  great  chief.  We  come,  in  this  place,  to  a parallel  act  in  relation 
to  JYinigret.  About  a year  after  the  death  of  Miantunnomoh , JYinigret  under- 
took to  organize  a plan  for  expatriating  the  English ; and  sent  a messenger 
to  Waiandance,  the  Long  Island  sachem,  to  engage  him  in  it.  Instead  of 
listening  to  his  message,  Waiandance  seized  upon  JYinigrefs  messenger, 
bound  him,  and  sent  him  to  Captain  Gardener  at  Saybrook  fort.  From  thence 
he  was  sent,  under  a guard  of  10  men,  for  Hartford.  But  they  were  wind- 
bound  in  their  passage,  and  were  obliged  to  put  in  to  Shelter  Island,  where 
an  old  sachem  lived,  who  was  Waiandance’s  elder  brother.  Here  they  le3 
JYinigreVs  ambassador  escape,  and  thus  he  had  knowledge  that  his  plan  was 
discovered  and  overthrown. 

Since  we  have  here  introduced  the  sachem  Waiandance,  we  will  add  the 
account  of  his  last  acts  and  death.  One  William  Hammond  being  killed  “ by 
a giant-like  Indian”  near  New  York,  about  1637,  Captain  Gardener  told 
Waiandance  that  he  must  kill  that  Indian  ; but  this  being  against  the  advice 
of  the  great  sachem,  his  brother,  he  declined  it,  and  told  the  captain  that  that 


75 


Chap.  IV.]  NINIGRET  ACCUSED  OF  A PLOT  WITH  THE  DUTCH. 

Indian  was  a mighty  great  man,  and  no  man  dared  meddle  with  him,  and 
that  he  had  many  friends.  Some  time  after,  he  killed  another,  one  Thomas 
Farrington , and  in  the  mean  time,  Waiandance's  brother  having  died,  he 
undertook  his  execution,  which  he  accomplished.  This  was  his  last  act  in 
the  service  of  the  English  ; “ for  in  the  time  of  a great  mortality  among  them, 
he  died,  but  it  was  by  poison;  also  two-thirds  of  the  Indians  upon  Long- 
Island  died,  else  the  Narragansets  had  not  made  such  havoc  here  as  they 
have.” 

JYinigret  passed  the  winter  of  1652 — 3 among  the  Dutch  of  New  York. 
This  caused  the  English  great  suspicion,  especially  as  they  were  enemies  to 
the  Dutch  at  that  time  ; and  several  sagamores  who  resided  near  the  Dutch 
had  reported  that,  the  Dutch  governor  was  trying  to  hire  them  to  cut  off  the 
English  ; consequently,  there  was  a special  meeting  of  the  English  commis- 
sioners at  Boston,  in  April,  1653,  occasioned  by  a rumor  that  the  Narragansets 
had  leagued  with  the  Dutch  to  break  up  the  English  settlements.  Where- 
upon a letter  was  sent  by  them  to  their  agent  at  Narraganset,  Thomas  Stanton , 
containing  “ divers  queries,”  by  him  to  be  interpreted  “ to  Ninegrett,  Pessicus 
and  Meeksam , three  of  the  chiefest  Narraganset  sachems,”  and  their  answers 
to  be  immediately  obtained  and  reported  to  the  commissioners. 

The  questions  to  be  put  to  the  sachems  were,  in  substance,  as  follows : — 

1.  Whether  the  Dutch  had  engaged  them  * to  fight  against  the  English. — 

2.  Whether  the  Dutch  governor  did  not  endeavor  such  a conspiracy. — 

3.  Whether  they  had  not  received  arms  and  munitions  of  war  from  the 
Dutch. — 4.  What  other  Indians  are  engaged  in  the  plot. — 5.  Whether,  con- 
trary to  their  engagement,  they  were  resolved  to  fight  against  the  English. — 
6.  If  they  are  so  resolved,  what  they  think  the  English  will  do. — 7.  Whether 
they  had  not  better  be  true  to  the  English. — 8.  Similar  to  the  first. — 9.  What 
were  their  grounds  of  war  against  the  English. — 10.  Whether  they  had  not 
better  come  or  send  messengers  to  treat  with  the  English. — 11.  Whether  they 
had  hired  the  Mohawks  to  help  them. 

“ The  answare  of  the  sachems,  viz.  Ninigrett , Pessecus  and  Mixam,  vnto  the 
queries  and  letters  sent  by  the  messengers,  Sarjeant  Waite  and  Sarjeant  John 
Barrell , the  18th  of  the  second  month,  1653.” 

Mexam  seems  to  have  been  the  first  that  answered ; and  of  the  first  queiy 
he  said: — 

“ I speak  unfeignedly,  from  my  heart,  and  say,  without  dissimulation,  that  I 
know  of  no  such  plot  against  the  English,  my  friends ; implicating  either  the 
Dutch  governor  or  any  other  person.  Though  I be  poor,  it  is  not  goods, 
guns,  powder  nor  shot,  that  shall  draw  me  to  such  a plot  as  this  against  the 
English,  my  friends,  f If  the  Dutch  governor  had  made  known  any  such 
intention  to  me,  I would  have  told  it,  without  delay,  to  the  English,  my 
friends.  With  respect  to  your  second  question,  I answer,  JVo.  What  do  the 
English  sachems,  my  friends,  think  of  us? — do  they  think  we  should  prefer 
goods,  guns,  powder  and  shot,  before  our  lives  ? our  means  of  living  ? both 
of  us  and  ours  ? As  to  the  4th  query,  I speak  from  my  heart,  and  say,  I know 
of  no  such  plot  by  the  Dutch  governor.  There  may  come  false  news  and 
reports  against  us;  let  them  say  what  they  will,  they  are  false.  It  is  un- 
necessary to  say  more.  But  in  answer  to  the  10th  query  1 will  say,  It  is  just 
messengers  should  be  sent  to  treat  with  the  English  sachems,  but  as  for 
myselfj  I am  old,  and  cannot  travel  two  days  together,  but  a man  shall  be  sent 
to  speak  with  the  sachems.  I have  sent  to  Mr.  Smith,  and  Toll  X his  man, 
to  speak  to  Mr.  Brown , and  to  say  to  him,  that  I love  the  English  sachems, 
and  all  Englishmen  in  the  Bay : And  desire  Mr.  Brown  to  tell  the  sachems 


* The  third  person  singular,  he,  is  used  throughout,  in  the  original,  as  it  was  supposed  by 
the  propounders  that  each  chief  would  be  questioned  separately. 

f Every  one  must  be  forcibly  reminded  of  the  answer  given  by  one  of  our  revolutionary 
worthies,  Joseph  Reed,  Esq.,  to  a British  agent,  on  reading  this  answer  of  the  chief  Mexam, 
though  not  under  circumstances  exactly  similar.  Mr.  Reed  was  promised  a fortune  if  he 
would  exert  himself  on  the  side  of  the  king.  Viewing  it  in  the  light  of  a bribe,  he  replied  : 
u / am  not  worth  purchasing,  but,  such  as  I am,  the  Icing  of  Great  Britain  is  not  rich  enough 
io  do  it.”  Dr.  Gordon’s  America,  iii.  172.  ed.  London,  4 vols.  8vo.  1788. 

% Vallentine  Whitman,  an  interpreter,  elsewhere  named. 


76  MESSAGE  TO  NINIGRET.— HIS  ANSWER.  [Book  IL 

of  the  Bay,  that  the  child  that  is  now  bom,  or  that  is  to  be  bom  in  time  to 
come,  shall  see  no  war  made  by  us  against  the  English.” 

Pessacus  spoke  to  this  purpose : — 

“ I am  very  thankful  to  these  two  men  that  came  from  the  Massachusetts, 
and  to  you  Thomas , and  to  you  Poll,*  and  to  you  Mr.  Smith,  you  that  are 
come  so  far  as  from  the  Bay  to  bring  us  this  message,  and  to  inform  us  of 
these  things  we  knew  not  of  before.  As  for  the  governor  of  the  Dutch,  we 
are  loath  to  invent  any  falsehood  of  him,  though  we  be  far  from  him,  to  please 
the  English,  or  any  others  that  bring  these  reports.  For  what  I speak  with 
my  mouth  I speak  from  my  heart.  The  Dutch  governor  did  never  propound 
any  such  thing  unto  us.  Do  you  think  we  are  mad?  and  that  we  havo 
forgotten  our  writing  that  we  had  in  the  Bay,  which  doth  bind  us  to  the 
English,  our  friends,  in  a way  of  friendship?  Shall  we  throw  away  that 
writing  and  ourselves  too?  Have  we  not  reason  in  us?  How  can  the  Dutch 
shelter  us,  being  so  remote,  against  the  power  of  the  English,  our  friends — 
we  living  close  by  the  doors  of  the  English,  our  friends  ? We  do  profess,  we 
abhor  such  things.” 

Lastly,  we  come  to  the  chief  actor  in  this  affair,  Ninigret.  He  takes  up 
each  query  in  order,  and  answers  it ; which,  for  brevity’s  sake,  we  will  give  in 
a little  more  condensed  form,  omitting  nothing,  however,  that  can  in  any 
degree  add  to  our  acquaintance  with  the  great  chief.  He  thus  commences  : — 
“ I utterly  deny  that  there  has  been  any  agreement  made  between  the  Dutch 
governor  and  myself,  to  fight  against  the  English.  I did  never  hear  the 
Dutchmen  say  they  would  go  and  fight  against  the  English ; neither  did  I 
hear  the  Indians  say  they  would  join  with  them.  But,  while  I was  there  at 
the  Indian  wigwams,  there  came  some  Indians  that  told  me  there  was  a ship 
come  in  from  Holland,  which  did  report  the  English  and  Dutch  were  fighting 
together  in  their  own  country,  and  there  were  several  other  ships  coming  with 
ammunition  to  fight  against  the  English  here,  and  that  there  would  be  a great 
blow  given  to  the  English  when  they  came.  But  this  I had  from  the  Indians, 
and  how  true  it  is  I cannot  tell.  I know  not  of  any  wrong  the  English  have 
done  me,  therefore  why  should  I fight  against  them  ? Why  do  the  English 
sachems  ask  me  the  same  questions  over  and  over  again  ? Do  they  think  we 
are  mad — and  would,  for  a few  guns  and  swords,  sell  our  lives,  and  the  lives 
of  our  wives  and  children?  As  to  their  tenth  question,  it  being  indifferently 
spoken,  whether  I may  go  or  send,  though  I know  nothing  myself,  wherein  I 
have  wronged  the  English,  to  prevent  my  going;  yet,^as  I said  before,  it  being 
left  to  my  choice,  that  is,  it  being  indifferent  to  the  commissioners,  whether  I 
will  send  some  one  to  speak  with  them,  I will  send.”f 
To  the  letters  which  the  English  messengers  earned  to  the  sachems,  Mexam 
and  Pessacus  said,  “ We  desire  there  may  he  no  mistake , hut  that  we  may  be 
understood,  and  that  there  may  he  a true  understanding  cm  both  sides.  We  desire 
to  know  where  you  had  this  neivs,  that  there  teas  such  a league  made  betwixt  the 
Dutch  and  us,  and  also  to  know  our  accusers .” 

JVinigret,  though  of  the  most  importance  in  this  affair,  is  last  mentioned  in 
the  records,  and  his  answer  to  the  letter  brought  him  by  the  messengers  is  as 
follows : — 

“You  are  kindly  welcome  to  us,  and  I kindly  thank  the  sachems  of  Massa- 
chusetts that  they  should  think  of  me  as  one  of  the  sachems  worthy  to  be 
inquired  of  concerning  this  matter.  Had  any  of  the  other  sachems  been  at 
the  Dutch,  I should  have  feared  their  folly  might  have  done  some  hurt,  one 
way  or  other,  but  they  have  not  been  there.  I am  the  man.  I have  been 
there  myself.  I alone  am  answerable  for  what  I have  done.  And,  as  I have 
already  declared,  I do  utterly  deny  and  protest  that  I know  of  no  such  plot  as 
has  been  apprehended.  What  is  the  story  of  these  great  rumors  that  I hear  at 
Pocatocke — that  I should  be  cut  off,  and  that  the  English  had  a quarrel  against 

* So  printed  in  Hazard,  but  probably  means  the  same  as  Voll;  V,  in  the  latter  case,  having 
been  taken  for  P.  We  have  known  such  instances. 

t The  preceding  sentence  of  our  text,  the  author  of  Tales  of  the  Indians  thinks,  “ would 
puzzle  the  most  mystifying  politician  of  modern  times.”  Indeed ! What ! a Philadelphia 
lawyer  ? Really,  we  cannot  conceive  that  it  ought  in  the  least  to  puzzle  even  a Boston 
lawyer.  If  a puzzle  exist  any  where,  we  apprehend  it  is  in  some  mystifying  word. 


Chap.  IV.] 


NINlGRET.— AWASHAW. 


77 


me  ? I know  of  no  such  cause  at  all  for  my  part.  Is  it  because  1 went 
thither  to  take  physic  for  my  health  ? or  what  is  the  cause  P I found  no  such 
entertainment  from  the  Dutch  governor,  when  I was  there,  as  to  give  me  any 
encouragement  to  stir  me  up  to  such  a league  against  the  English,  my  friends. 
It  was  winter  time,  and  I stood,  a great  part  of  a winter  day,  knocking  at 
Che  governor’s  door,  and  he  would  neither  open  it,  nor  suffer  others  to  open 
it,  to  let  me  in,  I was  not  wont  to  find  such  carriage  from  the  English,  my 
friends.” 

Not  long  after  the  return  of  the  English  messengers,  who  brought  the  above 
relation  of  their  mission,  Awashaw  arrived  at  Boston,  as  “Inessenger”  of 
JVinigret,  Pessacus,  and  Mexam , with  “ three  or  four  ” others.  An  inquisition 
was  immediately  held  over  him,  and,  from  his  cross-examination,  we  gather 
the  following  answers 

“ JVinigret  told  me  that  he  went  to  the  Dutch  to  be  cured  of  his  disease, 
hearing  there  was  a Frenchman  there  that  could  cure  him;  and  Mr.  John 
Winthrop  knew  of  his  going.  He  carried  30  fathom  of  wampum,  gave  the 
doctor  10,  and  the  Dutch  governor  15,  who,  in  lieu  thereof,  gave  him  coats 
with  sleeves,  but  not  one  gun,  though  the  Indians  there  gave  him  two  guns. 
That,  while  JVinigret  was  there,  he  crossed  Hudson’s  River,  and  there  an 
Indian  told  him  about  the  arrival  of  the  Dutch  ships.  As  to  the  com  sent  to 
the  Dutch  by  JVinigret , it  was  only  to  pay  his  passage,  the  Dutch  having 
brought  him  home  in  a vessel.  Five  men  went  A'”  ’ '.  Four  came 


company  was  a Mohegan,  and  one  a Conecticott  Indian,  who  lived  on  the 
other  side  of  Hudson’s  River.  A canoe  was  furnished  with  60  fathom  of 
wampum,  after  JVinigreVs  return  from  Monhatoes,  to  be  sent  there  to  pay  for 
the  two  guns,  but  six  fathom  of  it  was  to  have  been  paid  to  the  doctor,  which 
was  then  due  to  him.  There  were  in  it,  also,  two  raccoon  coats,  and  two 
beaver  skins,  and  seven  Indians  to  go  with  it.  They  and  the  canoe  were 
captured  by  UhcasJ ’ 

An  Indian  named  “ JVewcom-Matuxes,  sometimes  of  Rhode  Island,”  was 
one  that  accompanied  Awashaw.  “ One  John  Ughtfoot , of  Boston,”  said 
Matures  told  him,  in  Dutch,  (he  had  lived  among  them  at  Southhold,  and 
learned  their  language,)  that  the  Dutchmen  would  “ cut  off”  the  English  of 
Long  Island.  “ JVewcom  also  confesseth  [to  him]  that  JVinigret  said  that  he 
heard  that  some  ships  were  to  come  from  Holland  to  the  Monhattoes  to  cut  off 
the  English.”  “ That  an  Indian  told  him  that  the  Dutch  would  come  against 
the  English,  and  cut  them  off,  but  they  would  save  the  women  and  children 
and  guns,  for  themselves.  But  Capt.  Simkins  and  the  said  Ughtfoot  do  both 
affirm  that  the  said  JVewcom  told  them  that  the  Dutchmen  told  him , as  before 
[stated,]  though  he  now  puts  it  off,  and  saith  an  Indian  told  him  so.”  Simkins 
affirmed  also  that  JVewcom  told  him  that  if  he  would  go  and  serve  the  Dutch, 
they  would  give  him  £100  a year. 

On  examining  JVewcom , the  commissioners  gave  it  as  their  opinion  that  he 
was  guilty  of  perfidy,  and  that  they  should  not  have  let  him  escape  without 
punishment,  but  for  his  being  considered  as  an  ambassador.  They,  there- 
fore, desired  Awashaw  to  inform  JVinigret  of  it,  that  he  might  send  him  to 
them  again,  “ the  better  to  clear  himself.”  This  we  apprehend  was  not  done. 
Awashaio  next  notified  the  court  that  he  had  not  done  with  them,  “ where- 
upon he  was  sent  for  to  speak  what  he  had  further  to  propound.”  He  de- 
manded how  they  came  by  then*  information  “ of  all  these  things  touching 
JVinigret .”  They  said  from  several  Indians,  particularly  “ the  Monheage  In- 
dian and  the  Narraganset  Indian,  which  were  both  taken  by  Uncas  his  men, 
who  had  confessed  the  plot  before  Mr.  Haines  at  Hartford.”  Awashaw  also 
demanded  restitution  of  the  wampum  taken  by  Uncas.  The  commissioners 
told  him  that  they  had  not  as  yet  understood  of  the  truth  of  that  action,  but 
when  they  had  thoroughly  examined  it,  he  should  have  an  ansiver. 

So,  all  this  legislating  was  about  JVinigrefs  going  to  the  Dutch ; for  as  to  a 
plot  there  appears  no  evidence  of  any ; but  when  Uncas  had  committed  a 
great  depredation  upon  JVinigret,  why — “ that  altered  the  case  ” — they  must 


home  with  him  in  the  vessel,  and  one  came 


One  of  his 


NINIGRET— UNCAS’S  PERFIDY. 


[Book  II, 


had  been  preferred  against  JVinigret  by  Uncos « we  have  reason  to  think  it 
would  have  been  forthwith  “ inquired  into,”  at  least,  without  an  if. 

A story,  it  cannot  be  called  evidence,  told  by  Uncas,  relating  to  JVinigrefs 
visit  to  the  Dutch,  is  recorded  by  the  commissioners,  and  which,  if  it  amount 
to  any  thing,  goes  to  prove  himself  guilty,  and  is  indeed  an  acknowledgment 
of  his  own  perfidy  in  taking  JVinigrefs  boat  and  goods,  as  charged  by  Awa- 
show.  It  is  as  follows  : — 

“ Uncas , the  Mohegan  sachem,  came  lately  to  Mr.  Hains ’ house  at  Hartford, 
and  informed  him  that  JVinnigrett , sachem  of  the  Niantick  Narragansetts, 
went  this  winter  to  the  Monhatoes  ” and  made  a league  with  the  Dutch  gov- 
ernor, and  for  a large  present  of  wampum  received  20  guns  and  a great  box 
of  powder  and  bullets.  JVinigret  told  him  of  the  great  injuries  he  had 
sustained  from  Uncas  and  the  English.  That  on  the  other  side  of  Hudson’s 
River,  JVinigret  had  a conference  with  a great  many  Indian  sagamores,  and 
desired  their  aid  to  cut  off  the  Mohegans  and  English.  Also,  that,  about  two 
years  since,  JVinigret  “ sent  to  the  Monheage  sachem,  and  gave  him  a present 
of  wampum,  pressing  him  to  procure  a man  skilful  in  magic  workings,  and 
an  artist  in  poisoning,  and  send  unto  him  ; and  he  should  receive  more  one 
hundredth  fathom  of  wampum,  which  was  to  have  been  conveyed  to  the 
Monheage  sachem,  and  the  powaugh  at  the  return  of  him  that  was  to  bring 
the  poison.  Uncas  having  intelligence  of  these  things,  caused  a narrow 
watch  to  be  set,  by  sea  and  land,  for  the  apprehending  of  those  persons ; and 
accordingly  took  them  returning  in  a canoe  to  the  number  of  seven : whereof 
four  of  them  were  Narragansets,  two  strangers  and  one  Pequatt.  This  was 
done  in  his  absence,  while  he  was  with  Mr.  Haines , at  Conecticott,  and  carried 
by  those  of  his  men  that  took  them  to  Mohegan.  Being  there  examined,  two 
of  them,  the  [Wampeage*]  sachem’s  brother,  and  one  Narraganset  freely  con- 
fessed the  whole  plot  formerly  expressed,  and  that  one  of  their  company  was 
that  powaugh  and  prisoner,  pointing  out  the  man.  Upon  this,  his  men  in  a 
rage  slew  him,  fearing,  as  he  said,  least  he  should  make  an  escape,  or  other- 
wise do  either  mischief  to  Uncas  or  the  English,  in  case  they  should  carry 
him  with  the  rest  before  them,  to  Conecticott  to  be  further  examined.  And 
being  brought  to  Conecticott  before  Mr.  Haines , and  examined,  did  assert 
these  particulars.” 

An  Indian  squaw  also  informed  “ an  inhabitant  of  Wethersfield,  that  the 
Dutch  and  Indians  generally  were”  confederating  to  cut  off*  the  English,  and 
that  election  day,  [1654,]  was  the  time  set,  “because  then  it  is  apprehended 
the  plantations  will  be  left  naked  and  unable  to  defend  themselves,  the  strength 
of  the  English  colonies  being  gathered  from  the  several  towns.  And  the 
aforesaid  squaw  advised  the  said  inhabitants  to  acquaint  the  rest  of  the  Eng- 
lish with  it,  desiring  they  would  remember  how  dear  their  slighting  of  her 
former  information  of  the  Pequots  coming  upon  the  English  cost  them.”  f 

It  would  seem,  from  a careful  examination  of  the  records,  that  something 
iiad  been  suggested  either  by  the  Dutch  or  Indians,  about  “ cutting  off  the 
English,”  which  justice  to  JVinigret  requires  us  to  state,  might  have  been  the 
case  without  his  knowledge  or  participation.  For,  the  testimony  of  the  mes- 
sengers of  “nine  Indian  sagamores  who  live  about  the  Monhatoes”  no  how 
implicates  him,  and,  therefore,  cannot  be  taken  into  account,  any  more  than 


* See  declaration  onward  in  the  records,  (Haz.  ii.  222.) 

t Referring  to  an  affair  of  1637,  which  Dr.  I.  Mather  relates  as  follows : u In  the  interim, 

[while  Capt.  Mason  was  protecting  Saybrook  fort,]  many  of  the  Pequods  went  to  a place 
now  callea  'Wethersfield  on  Connecticut  River,  and  having  confederated  with  the  Indians  of 
that  place,  (as  it  was  generally  thought,)  they  laid  in  ambush  for  the  English  people  of  that 
place,  and  divers  of  them  going  to  their  labor  in  a large  field  adjoining  to  the  town,  were  set 
upon  by  the  Indians.  Nine  of  the  English  were  slain  upon  the  place,  and  some  horses,  and 
two  young  women  were  taken  captive.”  Relation  of  the  Troubles , &c.  26. — Dr.  TrumbuU. 
says  this  happened  in  April.  Hist.  Con.  i.  77. 

The  cause  of  this  act  of  the  Pequots,  according  to  Wintlirop,  i.  260,  was  this.  An  Indian 
called  Sequin  had  given  the  English  lands  at  Wethersfield,  that  he  might  live  by  them  and  be 
protected  from  other  Indians.  But  when  he  came  there,  and  had  set  down  his  wigwam,  the 
English  drove  him  away  by  force.  And  hence  it  was  supposed  that  he  had  plotted  their 
destruction,  as  above  related,  with  the  Pequots. 


NlNi(3ftET.—At>BAMv 


€haj>.  IV.] 


79 


what  an  Indian  named  Ronnessoke  told  Nicholas  Tanner , as  interpreted  by 
another  Indian  called  Addam ; the  latter,  though  relating  to  Ninigret' s visit, 
was  only  a hearsay  affair.  Ronnessoke  was  a sagamore  of  Long  Island. 

Addam  also  interpreted  the  story  of  another  Indian,  called  Powanege , “ who 
saith  he  came  from  the  Indians  who  dwell  over  the  river,  over  against  the 
Monhatoes,  where  the  plot  is  a working,  that  was  this : that  the  Dutchmen 
asked  the  Indians  whether  they  would  leave  them  at  the  last  cast,  or  stand  up 
with  them.  And  told  the  Indians  they  should  fear  nothing,  and  not  be  dis- 
couraged because  the  plot  was  discovered,”  &c. 

Addam  the  interpreter  had  also  a story  to  tell.  He  said,  “ this  spring  [1653, 
O.  S.]  the  Dutch  governor  went  to  Fort  Aurania,  [since  Albany,]  and  first 
went  to  a place  called  Ackicksack,  [Hackinsack,]  a great  place  of  Indians,  from 
thence  to  Monnesick,  [Minisink,]  thence  to  Opingona,  thence  to  Warranoke, 
thence  to  Fort  Aurania:  And  so  far  he  went  in  his  own  person.  From 

thence  he  sent  to  Pocomtock,  [Deerfield,  on  the  Connecticut,]  and  he  carried 
with  him  many  note  of  sewan,  that  is,  bags  of  wampum,  and  delivered  them 
to  the  sagamores  of  the  places,  and  they  were  to  distribute  them  amongst  their 
men  ; and  withal  he  carried  powder,  shot,  cloth,  lead  and  guns ; and  told  them 
he  would  get  all  the  great  Indians  under  him,  and  the  English  should  have  the 
scum  of  the  Indians,  and  he  would  have  those  sagamores  with  their  men  to 
cut  off  the  English,  and  to  be  at  his  command  whenever  he  had  use  of  them, 
and  he  was  to  find  them  powder  and  shot  till  he  had  need  of  them.  Further, 
he  sent  one  Govert,  a Dutchman,  to  Marsey,  on  Long  Island,  to  Nittanahom , 
the  sagamore,  to  assist  him  and  to  do  for  him  what  he  Would  have  [him]  do : 
Put  the  sagamore  told  him  he  would  have  nothing  to  [do]  with  it : whereupon 
Govert  gave  the  sagamore  a great  kettle  to  be  silent.  Nittanaham  told  him  he 
had  but  20  men,  and  the  English  had  never  done  him  wrong,  [and]  he  had  no 
cause  to  fight  against  them.  Further,  he  saith  that  Ninnegrett , the  fiscal,*  and 
the  Dutch  governor  were  up  two  days  in  a close  room,  with  other  sagamores ; 
and  there  was  no  speaking  with  any  of  them  except  when  they  came  for  a coal 
of  fire,  f or  the  like.  And  much  sewan  was  seen  at  that  time  in  Ninnegret's 
hand,  and  he  carried  none  away  with  him ; ” and  that  Ronnesseoke  told  him  that 
the  governor  bid  him  fly  for  his  life,  for  the  plot  was  now  discovered. 

Nevertheless,  as  for  any  positive  testimony  that  Ninigret  was  plotting  against 
the  English,  there  is  none.  That  he  was  in  a room  to  avoid  company,  while 
his  physician  was  attending  him,  is  very  probable. 

In  a long  letter,  dated  26th  May,  1653,  which  the  governor  of  New  Amster- 
dam, Peter  StuyvesariL,  wrote  to  the  English,  is  the  following  passage : — “ It  is 
in  part  true,  as  your  worships  conclude,  that,  about  January,  there  came  a 
strange  Indian  from  the  north,  called  Ninnigrett , commander  of  the  Narragan- 
sets.  But  he  came  hither  with  a pass  from  Mr.  John  Winthrop.  Upon  which 
pass,  as  we  remember,  the  occasion  of  his  coming  was  expressed,  namely,  to 
be  cured  and  healed ; and  if,  upon  the  other  side  of  the  river,  there  hath  been 
any  assembly  or  meeting  of  the  Indians,  or  of  their  sagamores,  we  know  not 
[of  it.]  We  heard  that  he  hath  been  upon  Long  Island,  about  Nayacke,  where 
he  hath  been  for  the  most  part  of  the  winter,  and  hath  had  several  Indians 
with  him,  but  what  he  hath  negotiated  with  them  remains  to  us  unknown : 
only  this  we  know,  that  what  your  worships  lay  unto  our  charge  are  false 
reports,  and  feigned  informations.” 

The  war  with  Ascassasdtic,  of  which  we  shall  give  all  the  particulars  in  our 
possession,  was  the  next  affair  of  any  considerable  moment  in  the  life  of 
Ninigret. 

In  1654,  the  government  of  Rhode  Island  communicated  to  Massachusetts, 
that  the  last  summer,  Ninigret , without  any  cause,  “ that  he  doth  so  much  as 
allege,  fell  upon  the  Long  Island  Indians,  our  friends  and  tributaries,”  and 
killed  many  of  them,  and  took  others  prisoners,  and  would  not  restore  them. 
“ This  summer  he  hath  made  two  assaults  upon  them ; in  one  whereof  he 
killed  a man  and  woman,  that  lived  upon  the  land  of  the  English,  and  within 


* A Dutch  officer,  whose  duty  is  similar  to  that  of  treasurer  among  the  English, 
t To  light  their  pipes,  doubtless — the  Dutch  agreeing  well,  in  the  particular  of  smoking, 
with  the  Indians. 


80 


NIN1GRET,— ASCASSASOTICK'S  WAR. 


[Book  II. 


one  of  their  townships ; and  another  Indian,  that  kept  the  cows  of  the  Eng- 
lish.” He  had  drawn  many  of  the  foreign  Indians  down  from  Connecticut 
and  Hudson  Rivers,  who  rendezvoused  upon  Winthrop’s  Island,  where  they 
killed  some  of  his  cattle.*  This  war  began  in  1653,  and  continued  “ several 
years.”  f 

The  commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies  seemed  blind  to  all  complaints 
against  Uncas ; but  the  Narragansets  were  watched  and  harassed  without 
ceasing.  Wherever  we  meet  with  an  unpublished  document  of  those  times, 
the  fact  is  very  apparent.  The  chief  of  the  writers  of  the  history  of  that 
period  copy  from  the  records  of  the  United  Colonies,  which  accounts  for 
their  making  out  a good  case  for  the  English  and  Mohegans.  The  spirit 
which  actuated  the  grave  commissioners  is  easily  discovered,  and  I need  only 
refer  my  readers  to  the  case  of  Miantunnomoh.  Desperate  errors  require 
others,  oftentimes  still  more  desperate,  until  the  first  appear  small  compared 
with  the  magnitude  of  the  last ! It  is  all  along  discoverable,  that  those 
venerable  records  are  made  up  from  one  kind  of  evidence,  and  that  when  a 
Narraganset  appeared  in  his  own  defence,  so  many  of  his  enemies  stood 
ready  to  give  him  the  lie,  that  his  indignant  spirit  could  not  stoop  to  contra- 
dict or  parley  with  them  ; and  thus  his  assumed  guilt  passed  on  for  history. 
The  long-silenced  and  borne-down  friend  of  the  Indians  of  Moosehausic,}  no 
longer  sleeps.  Amidst  his  toils  and  perils,  he  found  time  to  raise  his  pen  in 
their  defence ; and  though  his  letters  for  a season  slept  with  him,  they  are  now 
awaking  at  the  voice  of  day. 

When  the  English  had  resolved,  in  1654,  to  send  a force  against  the  Nar- 
ragansets, because  they  had  had  difficulties  and  wars  with  Ascassasotic , as  we 
have  related,  Mr.  Williams  expressed  his  views  of  the  matter  in  a letter  to  the 
governor  of  Massachusetts  as  follows  : — “The  cause  and  root  of  all  the  present 
mischiefs  is  the  pride  of  two  barbarians,  Ascassasotick , the  Long  Island  sachem, 
and  Nenekunat  of  the  Narigenset.  The  former  is  proud  and  foolish,  the  latter 
is  proud  and  fierce.  1 have  not  seen  him  these  many  years,  yet,  from  their 
sober  men,  I hear  he  pleads,  1st.  that  Ascassasotick,  a very  inferior  sachem, 
(bearing  himself  upon  the  English,)  hath  slain  three  or  four  of  his  people, 
and  since  that  sent  him  challenges  and  darings  to  fight  and  mend  himself. 
2d.  He,  Nenekunat , consulted  by  solemn  messengers,  with  the  chief  of  the  Eng- 
lish governors,  Maj.  Endicot , then  governor  of  the  Massachusetts,  who  sent  him 
an  implicit  consent  to  right  himself:  upon  which  they  all  plead  that  the  English 
have  just  occasion  of  displeasure.  3d.  After  he  had  taken  revenge  upon  the 
Long  Islanders,  and  brought  away  about  14  captives,  (divers  of  them  chief 
women,)  yet  he  restored  them  all  again,  upon  the  mediation  and  desire  of  the 
English.  4th.  After  this  peace  [was]  made,  the  Long  Islanders  pretending 
to  visit  Nenekunat  at  Block  Island,  slaughtered  of  his  Narragansets  near  30 
persons,  at  midnight ; two  of  them  of  great  note,  especially  Wepiteammock? s 
son,  to  whom  Nenekunat  was  uncle.  5th.  In  the  prosecution  of  this  war, 
although  he  had  drawn  down  the  inlanders  to  his  assistance,  yet,  upon  pro- 
testation of  the  English  against  his  proceedings,  he  retreated  and  dissolved  his 
army.  § , 

The  great  Indian  apostle  looked  not  so  much  into  these  particulars,  being 
entirely  engaged  in  the  cause  of  the  praying  Indians ; but  yet  we  occasionally 
meet  with  him,  and  will  here  introduce  him,  as  an  evidence  against  the 
proceedings  of  Uncas , and  his  friends  the  commissioners : 

“ The  case  of  the  Nipmuk  Indians,  so  far  as  by  the  best  and  most  credible  in- 
telligence, I have  understood,  presented  to  the  honored  general  court,  [of  Mas- 
sachusetts,] 1.  Uncas  his  men,  at  unawares,  set  upon  an  unarmed  poor  people, 
and  slew  eight  persons,  and  carried  captive  twenty-four  women  and  children. 
2.  Some  of  these  were  subjects  to  Massachusetts  government,  by  being  the 
subjects  of  Josias.  ||  3.  They  sued  for  relief  to  the  worshipful  governor  and 

magistrates.  4.  They  were  pleased  to  send,  (by  some  Indians,)  a commission 
to  Capt.  Denison , [of  StoningtonJ  to  demand  these  captives.  5.  Uncas  his 


* Manuscript  documents.  f Wood's  Hist.  Long  Island.  t Providence. 

& From  the  original  letter,  in  manuscript,  among  the  files  in  our  state-house. 
i|  Son  of  Chikataubut. 


Chap.  IV.] 


NINIGRET. 


81 


answer  was,  (as  I heard,)  insolent.  6.  They  did  not  only  abuse  the  women 
by  filthiness,  but  have,  since  this  demand,  sold  away  (as  I hear)  some  or  all 
of  those  captives.  7.  The  poor  bereaved  Indians  wait  to  see  what  you  please  to 
do.  8.  You  were  pleased  to  tell  them,  you  would  present  it  to  the  free  court, 
and  they  should  expect  their  answer  from  them,  which  they  now  wait  for. 
9.  Nenecroft,  yea,  all  the  Indians  of  the  country,  wait  to  see  the  issue  of  this 
matter.”  # 

This  memorial  is  dated  12th  May,  1659,  and  signed  by  John  Eliot ; from 
which  it  is  evident  there  had  been  great  delay  in  relieving  those  distressed 
by  the  haughty  Uncos.  And  yet,  if  he  were  caused  to  make  remuneration  in 
any  way,  we  do  not  find  any  account  of  it. 

In  1660,  “ the  general  court  of  Connecticut  did,  by  their  letters  directed  to 
the  commissioners  of  the  other  colonies,  this  last  summer,  represent  an 
intolerable  affront  done  by  the  Narraganset  Indians,  and  the  same  was  now 
complained  of  by  the  English  living  at  a new  plantation  at  Mohegan,  viz : 
that  some  Indians  did,  in  the  dead  time  of  the  night,  shoot  eight  bullets  into 
an  English  house,  and  fired  the  same ; wherein  five  Englishmen  were  asleep. 
Of  which  insolency  the  Narraganset  sachems  have  so  far  taken  notice,  as  to 
send  a slight  excuse  by  Maj.  Atherton , that  they  did  neither  consent  to  nor 
allow  of  such  practices,  but  make  no  tender  of  satisfaction.”  f But  they 
asked  the  privilege  to  meet  the  commissioners  at  their  next  session,  at  which 
time  they  gave  them  to  understand  that  satisfaction  should  be  made.  This 
could  not  have  been  other  than  a reasonable  request,  but  it  was  not  granted ; 
and  messengers  were  forthwith  ordered  to  “ repair  to  Ninigret,  Pessicus , 
Woquacanoose , and  the  rest  of  the  Narraganset  sachems,”  to  demand  “ at  least 
four  of  the  chief  of  them  that  shot  into  the  English  house.”  And  in  case 
they  should  not  be  delivered,  to  demand  five  hundred  fathoms  of  wampum. 
They  were  directed,  in  particular,  to  “ charge  Ninigret  with  breach  of  cove- 
nant, and  high  neglect  of  then* **  order,  sent  them  by  Maj.  Willard , six  years 
since,  not  to  invade  the  Long  Island  Indians ; and  [that  they]  do  account  the 
surprising  the  Long  Island  Indians  at  Gull  Island,  and  murdering  of  them, 
to  be  an  insolent  carriage  to  the  English,  and  a barbarous  and  inhuman  act.” 
These  are  only  a few  of  the  most  prominent  charges,  and  five  hundred  and 
ninety-five  $ fathoms  of  wampum  was  the  price  demanded  for  them ; and  “ the 
general  court  of  Connecticut  is  desired  and  empowered  to  send  a convenient 
company  of  men,  under  some  discreet  leader,  to  force  satisfaction  of  the 
same  above  said,  and  the  charges  of  recovering  the  same ; and  in  case  the 
persons  be  delivered,  they  shall  be  sent  to  Barbadoes,”  § and  sold  for  slaves. 

It  appears  that  the  force  sent  by  Connecticut  could  not  collect  the  wampum, 
nor  secure  the  offenders  ; but  for  the  payment,  condescended  to  take  a mortgage 
of  all  the  Narraganset  country,  with  the  provision  that  it  should  be  void,  if  it 
were  paid  in  four  months.  Quissoquus , ||  Neneglud , and  Scuttup , If  signed  the 
deed. 

Ninigret  did  not  engage  with  the  other  Narraganset  chiefs,  in  Philip’s  war. 
Dr.  Mather  #*  calls  him  an  “ old  crafty  sachem,  who  had  with  some  of  his  men 
withdrawn  himself  from  the  rest.”  He  must  at  this  time  have  been  “ an  old 
sachem,”  for  we  meet  with  him  as  a chief,  as  early  as  1632. 

Although  Ninigret  was  not  personally  engaged  in  Philip’s  war,  still  he 
must  have  suffered  considerably  from  it ; often  being  obliged  to  send  his 
people  to  the  English,  to  gratify  some  whim  or  caprice,  and  at  other  times 
to  appear  himself  On  10  Sept.  1675,  eight  of  his  men  came  as  ambassadors 
to  Boston,  “ having  a certificate  from  Capt.  Smith,”  ff  who  owned  a large 

* Manuscript  state  paper.  f Record  of  the  United  Colonies,  in  Hazard. 

f The  additional  ninety-five  was  for  another  offence,  viz.  u for  the  insolencies  committed  at 
Mr.  Brewster’s,  in  killing  an  Indian  servant  at  Mrs.  Brewster’s  feet,  to  her  great  affrightment, 
and  stealing  corn,  &c.,  and  other  affronts."  Hazard,  ii.  433. 

(S  Records  of  the  United  Colonies,  in  Hazard. 

y The  same  called  Quequegunent,  the  son  of  Magnus.  Newcom  and  Awashars  were 
witnesses.  The  deed  itself  may  be  seen  on  file  among  our  State  Papers. 

If  Grandson  of  Canonicus,  son  of  Magnus,  and  brother  of  Quequegunent. 

**  Brief  History,  20. 

ft  Captain  Richard  Smith,  probably,  who  settled  quite  early  in  that  country.  We  find 
him  there  15  years  before  this. 


82 


NINIGRET.— DIVISION  OF  THE  PEQUOTS. 


[Rook  II. 


estate  in  Narraganset.  After  having  finished  their  business,  they  received 
a pass  from  the  authorities  to  return  to  their  own  country.  This  certificate 
or  pass  was  fastened  to  a staff  and  carried  by  one  in  front  of  the  rest.  As 
they  were  going  out  of  Boston  “ a back  way,”  two  men  met  them,  and  seized 
upon  him  that  carried  the  pass.  These  men  were  brothers,  who  had  had  a 
brother  killed  by  Philip's  men  some  time  before.  This  Indian  they  accused 
of  killing  him,  and  in  court  swore  to  his  identity,  and  he  was  in  a few  days 
hanged.* 

Notwithstanding  these  affairs,  another  embassy  was  soon  after  sent  to 
Boston.  On  the  15  September  “ the  authority  of  Boston  sent  a party  ” to  order 
JVinigret  to  appear  there  in  person,  to  give  an  account  of  his  sheltering 
Quaiapen , the  squaw-sachem  of  Narraganset.  He  sent  word  that  he  would 
come  “ provided  he  might  be  safely  returned  back.”  Mr.  Smith , “ living  near 
him,  offered  himself,  wife  and  children,  and  estate,  as  hostages  ” for  his  safe 
return,  and  the  embassy  forthwith  departed  for  Boston.  A son,  f however,  of 
JVinigret,  was  deputed  prime  minister,  “he  himself  being  very  aged.” 

Captain  Smith  accompanied  them,  and  when  they  came  to  Roxbury  they 
were  met  by  a company  of  English  soldiers,  whose  martial  appearance  so 
frightened  them,  that,  had  it  not  been  for  the  presence  of  Mr.  Smithy  they 
would  have  escaped  as  from  an  enemy. 

They  remained  at  Boston  several  days,  until  “ by  degrees  they  came  to  this 
agreement : That  they  were  to  deliver  the  squaw-sachem  within  so  many 
days  at  Boston  ; and  the  league  of  peace  was  then  by  them  confirmed,  which 
was  much  to  the  general  satisfaction  ; but  many  had  hard  thoughts  of  them, 
fearing  they  will  at  last  prove  treacherous.”  \ 

JVinigret  was  opposed  to  Christianity  ; not  perhaps  so  much  from  a disbelief 
of  it,  as  from  a dislike  of  the  practices  of  those  who  professed  it.  When  Mr. 
Mayhew  desired  JVinigret  to  allow  him  to  preach  to  his  people,  the  sagacious 
chief  “ bid  him  go  and  make  the  English  good  first,  and  chid  Mr.  Mayhew  for 
hindering  him  from  his  business  and  labor.”  § 

There  were  other  Niantick  sachems  of  this  name,  who  succeeded  JVinigret. 
According  to  the  author  of  the  “ Memoir  of  the  Mohegans,”  ||  one  would 
suppose  he  was  alive  in  1716,  as  that  writer  himself  supposed ; but  if  the 
anecdote  there  given  be  true,  it  related  doubtless  to  Charles  JVinigrety  who,  I 
suppose,  was  his  son.  He  is  mentioned  by  Mason,  in  his  history  of  the  Pequot 
war,  as  having  received  a part  of  the  goods  taken  from  Captain  Stone,  at  the 
time  he  was  killed  by  the  Pequots,  in  1634.  The  time  of  his  death  has  not 
been  ascertained. 

The  burying-places  of  the  family  of  JVinigret  are  in  Charlestown,  R.  I.  It 
is  said  that  the  old  chief  was  buried  at  a place  called  Burying  Hill,  “ a mile 
from  the  street.”  A stone  in  one  of  the  places  of  interment  has  this  inscrip- 
tion : — 

“ Here  leth  the  Body  of  George,  the  son  of  Charles  JVinigret,  King  of  the 
JVatives,  and  of  Hannah  kis  Wife.  Died  Decemr.  yp  22,  1732 : aged  6 mo.” 

“ George,  the  last  king,  was  brother  of  Mary  Sachem,  who  is  now,  [1832,] 
sole  heir  to  the  crown.  Mary  does  not  know  her  age  ; but  from  data  given  by 
her  husband,  John  Harry,  she  must  be  about  66.  Her  mother’s  father  was 
George  JVinigret.  Thomas  his  son  was  the  next  king.  Esther , sister  of  Thomas. 
George,  the  brother  of  Mary  above  named,  and  the  last  king  crowned,  died 
aged  about  20  years.  George  was  son  of  Esther.  Mary  has  daughters,  but  no 
sons.”  IT 

On  a division  of  the  captive  Pequots,  in  1637,  JVinigret  was  to  have  twenty, 
“ when  he  should  satisfy  for  a mare  of  Eltweed  **  Pomroye's  killed  by  his  men.” 
This  remained  unsettled  in  1659,  a space  of  twenty-two  years.  This  debt 
certainly  was  outlawed ! Poquin,  or  Poquoiam , was  the  name  of  the  man  who 
killed  the  mare.ff  He  was  a Pequot,  and  brother-in-law  to  Miantunnomoh , 
and  was  among  those  captives  assigned  to  him  at  their  final  dispersion,  when 


* Old  Indian  Chronicle,  30.  t Probably  Catapazat. 

I Old  Indian  Chronicle,  32.  § Douglas’s  Summary,  ii.  118. 

||  In  1 Co/l.  Mass.  Hist , Soc.  ix.  83.  IT  MS.  communication  of  Rev.  Wm.  Ely. 

**  Familiarly  called  Elty,  probably  from  Eltwood.  ft  Hazard,  ii.  188,  189. 


€hap.  IV.]  PESSACUS.— COMPLAINTS  BROUGHT  AGAINST  HIM. 


83 


the  Pequot  war  was  ended  ; at  which  time  Pomeroy  states  “ all  sorts  of  horses 
were  at  an  high  price.”  Miantunnomoh  had  agreed  to  pay  the  demand,  hut 
his  death  prevented  him.  JVinigret  was  called  upon,  as  he  inherited  a 
considerable  part  of  Miantunnomoh1  s estate,  especially  his  part  of  the  Pequots, 
of  whom  Poquoiam  was  one.  He  was  afterwards  called  a Niantick  and 
brother  to  JVinigret .* 

Pessacus,  often  mentioned  in  the  preceding  pages,  though  under  a variety 
of  names,  was  born  about  1623,  and,  consequently,  was  about  20  years  of  age 
when  his  brother,  Miantunnomoh,  was  killed.  \ The  same  arbitrary  course,  as 
we  have  seen  already  in  the  present  chapter,  was  pursued  towards  him  by  the 
English,  as  had  been  before  towards  Miantunnomoh , and  still  continued 
towards  JVinigret , and  other  Narraganset  chiefs.  Mr.  Cobbet\  makes  this 
record  of  him : “ In  the  year  1645,  proud  Pessacus  with  his  Narragansets,  with 
whom  JVinigret  and  his  Niantigs  join ; so  as  to  provoke  the  English  to  a just 
War  against  them.  And,  accordingly,  forces  were  sent  from  all  the  towns  to 
meet  at  Boston,  and  did  so,  and  had  a party  of  fifty  horse  to  go  with  them 
under  Mr.  Leveret , as  the  captain  of  the  horse.”  Edward  Gibbons  was 
commander  in  chief,  and  Mr.  Thompson , pastor  of  the  church  in  Braintree, 
“ was  to  sound  the  silver  trumpet  along  with  his  army.”§  But  they  were 
met  by  deputies  from  Pessacus  and  the  other  chiefs,  and  an  accommodation 
took  place,  as  mentioned  in  the  account  of  JVinigret. 

The  commissioners,  having  met  at  New  Haven  in  September  1646,  expected, 
according  to  the  treaty  made  at  Boston  with  the  Narragansets,  as  particu- 
larized in  the  life  of  Uncas,  that  they  would  now  meet  them  here  to  settle  the 
remaining  difficulties  with  that  chief.  But  the  time  having  nearly  expired, 
and  none  appearing,  “ the  commissioners  did  seriously  consider  what  course 
should  be  taken  with  them.  They  called  to  minde  their  breach  of  couenant 
in  all  the  articles,  that  when  aboue  1300  fadome  of  wampan  was  due  they 
sent,  as  if  they  would  put  a scorne  vpon  the  [English,]  20  fathome,  and  a few 
old  kettles.”  The  Narragansets  said  it  was  owing  to  the  backwardness  of 
the  Nianticks  that  the  wampum  had  not  been  paid,  and  the  Nianticks  laid  it 
to  the  Narragansets.  One  hundred  fathom  had  been  sent  to  the  governor 
of  Massachusetts  as  a present  by  the  Nianticks,  they  promising  “to  send 
what  was  due  to  the  colonies  uery  speedily,”  but  he  would  not  accept  of  it. 
He  told  them  they  might  leave  it  with  Cuchamakin , and  when  they  had 
performed  the  rest  of  their  agreement,  “ he  would  consider  of  it.”  The 
commissioners  had  understood,  that,  in  the  mean  time,  the  Narraganset 
sachems  had  raised  wampum  among  their  men,  “and  by  good  euidence  it 
appeared,  that  by  presents  of  wampum,  they  are  practisinge  with  the  Mohawkes, 
and  with  the  Indyans  in  those  parts,  to  engage  them  in  some  designe  against 
the  English  and  Vncus”  Therefore,  “ the  commissioners  haue  a cleare  way 
open  to  right  themselues,  accordinge  to  Justice  by  war ; yet  to  shew  how  highly 
they  prize  peace  with  all  men,  and  particularly  to  manifest  their  forbearance  and 
long  sufFeringe  to  these  barbarians,  it  was  agreede,  that  first  the  forementioned 
present  should  be  returned,”  and  then  a declaration  of  war  to  follow. 

At  the  same  court,  complaint  was  brought  against  the  people  of  Pessacus  by 
“ Mr.  Pelham  on  behalf  of  Richard  Woody  and  Mr.  Pincham ,”  [ Pinchon ,]  that 
they  had  committed  sundry  thefts.  Mr.  Brown , on  behalf  of  Wm.  Smith  of 
Rehoboth,  preferred  a similar  charge ; but  the  Indians  having  no  knowledge  of 
the  procedure,  it  was  suspended. 

Thus  the  Narragansets  were  suffered  to  remain  unmolested  until  the  next 
year,  and  we  do  not  hear  that  the  story  about  their  hiring  the  Mohawks  and 
others  to  assist  them  against  TJncas  and  the  English,  turned  out  to  be  any 
thing  else  but  a sort  of  bugbear,  probably  invented  by  the  Mohegans.  “ One 
principall  cause  of  the  comissioners  meetinge  together  at  this  time,  [26  July, 
1647,]  being,”  say  the  records,  “ to  consider  what  course  should  be  held  with 
the  Narraganset  Indyans  ; ” the  charges  being  at  this  time  much  the  same  as 
at  the  previous  meeting.  It  was  therefore  ordered  that  Thomas  Stanton , 

* See  Hazard,  ii.  152. 

t MS.  letter,  subscribed  with  the  mark  of  the  sachem  Pumham,  on  the  file  at  our  capital, 

(Mass.) 

f MS.  Narrative.  § Mather’s  Relation,  and  Hazard. 


84 


PESSACUS  KILLED  BY  THE  MOHAWKS. 


[Book  II. 


Benedict  Arnold , and  Sergeant  Waite  should  be  sent  to  Pessacks , JYenegrate 
and  Webetamuk , to  know  why  they  had  not  paid  the  wampum  as  they  agreed, 
and  why  they  did  not  come  to  New  Haven ; and  that  now  they  might  meet 
Uncas  at  Boston ; and  therefore  were  advised  to  attend  there  without  delay ; 
but“yf  they  refuse  or  delay,  they  intend  to  send  no  more,”  and  they  must 
abide  the  consequences.  When  the  English  messengers  had  delivered  their 
message  to  Pessacvs,  he  spoke  to  them  as  follows : — 

“ The  reason  I did  not  meet  the  English  sachems  at  New  Haven  last  year, 
is,  they  did  not  notify  me.  It  is  true  I have  broken  my  covenant  these  two 
years,  and  that  now  is,  and  constantly  has  been,  the  grief  of  my  spirit.  And 
the  reason  I do  not  meet  them  now  at  Boston  is  because  I am  sick.  If  I were 
but  pretty  well  I would  go.  I have  sent  my  mind  in  full  to  JVinigret , and 
what  he  does  I will  abide  by.  I have  sent  Powpynamett  and  Pomumsks  to  go 
and  hear,  and  testify  that  I have  betrusted  my  full  mind  with  Nenegratt.  You 
know  well,  however,  that  when  I made  that  covenant  two  years  ago,  I did  it 
in  fear  of  the  army  that  I did  see ; and  though  the  English  kept  their  cove- 
nant with  me,  yet  they  were  ready  to  go  to  Narraganset  and  kill  me,  and 
the  commissioners  said  they  would  do  it,  if  I did  not  sign  what  they  had 
written.” 

Moyanno,  another  chief,  said  he  had  confided  the  business  with  Ninigret  last 
spring,  and  would  now  abide  by  whatever  he  should  do. 

When  the  English  messengers  returned  and  made  known  what  had  been 
done,  the  commissioners  said  that  Pessacus ’ speech  contained  “ seuerall  pas- 
sages of  vntruth  and  guile,  and  [they]  were  vnsatisfyed.” 

What  measures  the  English  took  “ to  right  themselues,”  or  w hether  any, 
immediately,  is  not  very  distinctly  stated  ; but,  the  next  year,  1648,  there  were 
some  military  movements  of  the  English,  and  a company  of  soldiers  was  sent 
into  Narraganset,  occasioned  by  the  non-payment  of  the  tribute,  and  some 
other  less  important  matters.  Pessacus,  having  knowledge  of  their  approach, 
fled  to  Rhode  Island.  “ Ninicraft  entertained  them  courteously,  (there  they 
staid  the  Lord’s  day,)  and  came  back  with  them  to  Mr.  Williams ’,  and  then 
Pessacus  and  Canonicus ’ son,  being  delivered  of  their  fear,  came  to  them ; and 
being  demanded  about  hiring  the  Mohawks  against  Uncas , they  solemnly 
denied  it ; only  they  confessed,  that  the  Mohawks,  being  a great  sachem,  and 
their  ancient  friend,  and  being  come  so  near  them,  they  sent  some  20  fathom 
of  wampum  for  him  to  tread  upon,  as  the  manner  of  Indians  is.”#  The 
matter  seems  to  have  rested  here  ; Pessacus,  as  usual,  having  promised  what 
was  desired. 

This  chief  was  killed  by  the  Mohawks,  as  we  have  stated  in  the  life  of  Ca- 
nonicus. His  life  was  a scene  of  almost  perpetual  troubles.  As  late  as  Sep- 
tember, 1668,  his  name  stands  first  among  others  of  his  nation,  in  a complaint 
sent  to  them  by  Massachusetts.  The  messengers  sent  with  it  were,  Rich(l . 
Wayt , Captain  W.  Wright,  and  Captain  Sam1.  Mosely ; and  it  was  in  terms 
thus : — 

“ Whereas  Capt.  Wm.  Hudson  and  John  Viall  of  Boston,  in  the  name  of 
themselves  and  others,  proprietors  of  lands  and  farms  in  the  Narraganset 
country,  have  complained  unto  us,  [the  court  of  Mass.,]  of  the  great  insolen- 
cies  and  injuries  offered  unto  them  and  their  people  by  several,  as  burning 
their  hay,  killing  sundry  horses,  and  in  special  manner,  about  one  month  since, 
forced  some  of  their  people  from  their  labors  in  mowing  grass  upon  their  own 
land,  and  assaulted  others  in  the  high  way,  as  they  rode  about  their  occasions ; 
by  throwing  many  stones  at  them  and  their  horses,  and  beating  their  horses  as 
they  rode  upon  them,”  &c.  The  remonstrance  then  goes  on  warning  them  to 
desist,  or  otherwise  they  might  expect  severity.  Had  Mosely  been  as  well 
known  then  among  the  Indians,  as  he  was  afterwards,  his  presence  would 
doubtless  have  been  enough  to  have  caused  quietness,  as  perhaps  it  did  even 
at  this  time. 


Winthrop’s  Journal. 


Chap.  V.]  UNCAS.— HIS  CHARACTER  AND  CONNECTIONS. 


85 


CHAPTER  V. 

Uncas — His  character — Connections — Geography  of  the  Mohegan  country — General 
account  of  that  nation — Uncas  joins  the  English  against  the  Pequots — Captures  a 
chief  at  Sachem's  Head — Visits  Boston — His  speech  to  Governor  Winthrop — Speci- 
men of  the  Mohegan  language — Sequa.sson — The  war  between  Uncas  and  Miantunno - 
moh — Examination  of  its  cause — The  JYarragansets  determine  to  avenge  their 
sachem's  death — Forces  raised  to  protect  Uncas — Pessacus — Great  distress  of  Uncas 
— Timely  relief  from  Connecticut — Treaty  of  1645 — Frequent  complaints  against 
Uncas — Wequash — Obechickwod — N o wequa — Woosamequin. 

Uncas,  called  also  Poquin , Poquoiam , Poquim , sachem  of  the  Mohegans,  of 
whom  we  have  already  had  occasion  to  say  considerable,  has  left  no  very 
favorable  character  upon  record.  His  life  is  a series  of  changes,  without  any 
of  those  brilliant  acts  of  magnanimity,  which  throw  a veil  over  numerous 
errors.  Mr.  Gookin  gives  us  this  character  of  him  in  the  year  1674 : (Mr. 
James  Fitch  having  been  sent  about  this  time  to  preach  among  the  Mohegans :) 
“ I am  apt  to  fear,”  says  he,  “ that  a great  obstruction  unto  his  labors  is  in  the 
sachem  of  those  Indians,  whose  name  is  Unkas ; an  old  and  wicked,  wilful 
man,  a drunkard,  and  otherwise  very  vicious;  who  hath  always  been  an 
opposer  and  underminer  of  praying  to  God.”* * * §  Nevertheless,  the  charitable 
Mr.  Hubbard , when  he  wrote  his  Narrative,  seems  to  have  had  some  hopes 
that  he  was  a Christian,  with  about  the  same  grounds,  nay  better,  perhaps, 
than  those  on  which  Bishop  Warburton  declared  Pope  to  be  such. 

Uncas  lived  to  a great  age.  He  was  a sachem  before  the  Pequot  wars,  and 
was  alive  in  1680.  At  this  time,  Mr.  Hubbard  makes  this  remark  upon  him : 
“ He  is  alive  and  well,  and  may  probably  live  to  see  all  his  enemies  buried 
before  him.”  f 

From  an  epitaph  on  one  of  his  sons,  copied  in  the  Historical  Collections, 
we  do  not  infer,  as  the  writer  there  seems  to  have  done,  “that  the  race  of 
Uncas  ” was  “ obnoxious  in  collonial  history  ; ” but  rather  attribute  it  to  some 
waggish  Englishman,  who  had  no  other  design  than  that  of  making  sport  for 
himself  and  others  of  like  humor.  It  is  upon  his  tomb-stone,  and  is  as 
follows : — * 

“ Here  lies  the  body  of  Sunseeto 
Own  son  to  Uncas  grandson  to  Oneko  1 
Who  were  the  famous  sachems  of  Mohegan 
But  now  they  are  all  dead  I think  it  is  werheegen.”  § 

The  connections  of  Uncas  were  somewhat  numerous,  and  the  names  of 
several  of  them  will  be  found  as  we  proceed  with  his  life,  and  elsewhere. 
Oneko , a son,  was  the  most  noted  of  them. 

In  the  beginning  of  August,  1675,  Uncas  was  ordered  to  appear  at  Boston, 
and  to  surrender  his  arms  to  the  English,  and  give  such  other  security  for  his 
neutrality  or  cooperation  in  the  war  now  begun  between  the  English  and 
Wampanoags,  as  might  be  required  of  him.  The  messenger  who  was  sent  to 
make  this  requisition,  soon  returned  to  Boston,  accompanied  by  three  sons  of 
Uncas  and  about  60  of  his  men,  and  a quantity  of  arms.  The  two  younger 
sons  were  taken  into  custody  as  hostages,  and  sent  to  Cambridge,  where  they 
were  remaining  as  late  as  the  10  November  following.  They  are  said  to  have 
been  at  this  time  not  far  from  30  years  of  age,  but  then*  names  are  not  men- 


* 1 Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  i.  208.  Moheek,  since  Montville,  Connecticut,  about  10  miles 
north  of  New  London,  is  the  place  “ where  Unkas,  and  his  sons,  and  Wanuho,  are  sachems." 
Ibid. 

f Hist.  New  Eng.  464. — “ Although  he  be  a friend  to  the  English,  yet  he  and  all  his  men 
continue  pagans  still,"  1676.  Dr.  I.  Mather , Brief  Hist.  45. 

t The  writer  or  sculptor  no  doubt  meant  the  contrary  of  this,  if,  indeed,  he  may  be  said  to 
have  meant  any  thing. 

§ A genuine  Indian  word,  and,  as  it  is  used  here,  means,  simply,  well.  u Then  they  bid 
me  stir  my  instep,  to  see  if  that  were  frozen  : I did  so.  When  they  saw  that,  they  said  that 
was  wurregen.”  StockwelCs  Nar.  of  his  Captivity  among  the  Indians  in  1677. 


86 


UNCAS  ASSISTS  IN  DESTROYING  THE  PEQUOTS.  [Book  II 


tioned.*  Oneko  was  employed  with  his  60  men,  and  proceeded  on  an  expe- 
dition, as  will  be  found  stated  elsewhere. 

Uncas  was  originally  a Pequot,  and  one  of  the  26  war  captains  of  that 
famous,  but  ill-fated  nation.  Upon  some  intestine  commotions,  he  revolted 
against  his  sachem,  and  set  up  for  himself.  This  took  place  about  the  time1 
that  nation  became  known  to  the  English,  perhaps  in  1634  or  5;  or,  as  it 
would  seem  from  some  circumstances,  in  the  beginning  of  the  Pequot  war, 
Peters,  f an  author  of  not  much  authority,  says,  that  the  “ colonists  declared 
him  King  of  Mohegan,  to  reward  him  for  deserting  Sassacus .”  We  are  told, 
by  the  same  author,  that,  after  the  death  of  Uncas , Oneko  would  not  deed  any 
lands  to  the  colony ; upon  which  he  was  deposed,  and  his  natural  brother, 
Abimileck,  was,  by  the  English,  advanced  to  the  office  of  chief  sachem, 
Oneko , not  acknowledging  the  validity  of  this  procedure,  sold,  in  process  of 
time,  all  his  lands  to  two  individuals,  named  Mason  and  Harrison.  But, 
meantime,  Abimileck  sold  the  same  lands  to  the  colony.  A lawsuit  followed, 
and  was,  at  first,  decided  in  favor  of  the  colony  ; but,  on  a second  trial,  Mason 
and  Harrison  got  the  case — but  not  the  property;  for,  as  Peters  tells  us,  “the 
colony  kept  possession  under  Abimileck,  their  created  King  of  Mohegan,”  and 
“ found  means  to  confound  the  claim  of  those  competitors  without  establishing 
their  own.” 

By  the  revolt  of  Uncas , the  Pequot  territories  became  divided,  and  that  part 
called  Moheag , or  Mohegan,  fell  generally  under  his  dominion,  and  extended 
from  near  the  Connecticut  River  on  the  south,  to  a space  of  disputed  country 
on  the  north,  next  the  Narragansets.  By  a recurrence  to  our  account  of  the 
dominions  of  the  Pequots  and  Narragansets,  a pretty  clear  idea  may  be  had 
of  all  three. 

This  sachem  seems  early  to  have  courted  the  favor  of  the  English,  which, 
it  is  reasonable  to  suppose,  was  occasioned  by  the  fear  he  was  in  from  his 
potent  and  warlike  neighbors,  both  on  the  north  and  on  the  south.  In  May, 
1637,  he  was  prevailed  upon  to  join  the  English  in  their  war  upon  the 
Pequots.  Knowing  the  relation  in  which  he  stood  to  them,  the  English  at 
first  were  nearly  as  afraid  of  Uncas  and  his  men,  as  they  were  of  the  Pequots. 
But  when,  on  the  15  of  the  same  month,  they  had  arrived  at  Saybrook  fort,  a 
circumstance  happened  that  tended  much  to  remove  their  suspicions,  and  is 
related  by  Dr.  Mather  as  follows:  “Some  of  Uncas  his  men  being  then  at 
Saybrook,  in  order  to  assisting  the  English  against  the  Pequots,  espied  seven 
Indians,  and  slily  encompassing  them,  slew  five  of  them,  and  took  one  prison- 
er, and  brought  him  to  the  English  fort,  which  was  great  satisfaction  and  en- 
couragement to  the  English ; who,  before  that  exploit,  had  many  fears  touch- 
ing the  fidelity  of  the  Moheag  Indians.  He  whom  they  took  prisoner  was  a 
perfidious  villain,  one  that  could  speak  English  well,  having  in  times  past 
lived  in  the  fort,  and  knowing  all  the  English  there,  had  been  at  the  slaughter- 
ing of  all  the  English  that  were  slaughtered  thereabouts.  He  was  a contin- 
ual spy  about  the  fort,  informing  Sassacus  of  what  he  could  learn.  When 
this  bloody  traitor  was  executed,  his  limbs  were  by  violence  pulled  from  one 
another,  and  burned  to  ashes.  Some  of  the  Indian  executioners  barbarously 
taking  his  flesh,  they  gave  it  to  one  another,  and  did  eat  it,  withal  singing 
about  the  fire.”  X 

Notwithstanding,  both  Uncas  and  Miantunnomoh  were  accused  of  harboring 
fugitive  Pequots,  after  the  Mystic  fight,  as  our  accounts  will  abundantly  prove. 
It  is  true  they  had  agreed  not  to  harbor  them,  but  perhaps  the  philanthropist 
will  not  judge  them  harder  for  erring  on  the  score  of  mercy,  than  their  Eng- 
lish friends  for  their  strictly  religious  perseverance  in  revenge. 

A traditionary  story  of  Uncas  pursuing,  overtaking,  and  executing  a Pequot 
sachem,  as  given  in  the  Historical  Collections,  may  not  be  unqualifiedly  true. 
It  was  after  Mystic  fight,  and  is  as  follows : Most  of  the  English  forces  pur- 
sued the  fugitives  by  water,  westward,  while  some  followed  by  land  with 
Uncas  and  his  Indians.  At  a point  of  land  in  Guilford,  they  came  upon  a 
great  Pequot  sachem,  and  a few  of  his  men.  Knowing  they  were  pursued* 


* Old  Indian  Chronicle,  15. 
t Relation  of  the  Troubles,  &c.  46. 


t In  his  Hist,  of  Connecticut. 


Chap.  V.] 


UNCAS.— MOHEGAN  LANGUAGE. 


87 


ihey  had  gone  into  an  adjacent  peninsula,  “hoping  their  pursuers  would 
have  passed  by  them.  But  Uncos  knew  Indian’s  craft,  and  ordered  some  of 
his  men  to  search  that  point.  The  Pequots  perceiving  that  they  were  pur- 
sued, swam  over  the  mouth  of  the  harbor,  which  is  narrow.  But  they  were 
waylaid,  and  taken  as  they  landed.  The  sachem  was  sentenced  to  be  shot  to 
death.  Uncas  shot  him  with  an  arrow,  cut  off  his  head,  and  stuck  it  up  in 
the  crotch  of  a large  oak-tree  near  the  harbor,  where  the  skull  remained  for 
a great  many  years.”  * This  was  the  origin  of  Sachem’s  Head,  by  which 
name  the  harbor  of  Guilford  is  well-known  to  coasters. 

Dr.  Mather  records  the  expedition  of  the  English,  but  makes  no  mention  of 
Uncas . He  says,  they  set  out  from  Saybrook  fort,  and  “ sailed  westward  in 
pursuit  of  the  Pequots,  who  were  fled  that  way.  Sailing  along  to  the  westward 
of  Mononowuttuck,  the  wind  not  answering  their  desires,  they  cast  anchor.” 
“ Some  scattering  Pequots  were  then  taken  and  slain,  as  also  the  Pequot 
sachem,  before  expressed,!  had  his  head  cut  oftj  whence  that  place  did  bear 
the  name  of  Sachem’s  Head.”  j; 

Uncas's  fear  of  the  Pequots  was  doubtless  the  cause  of  his  hostility  to 
them ; and  when  he  saw  them  vanquished,  he  probably  began  to  relent  his 
unprovoked  severity  towards  his  countrymen,  many  of  whom  were  his  near 
relations ; and  this  may  account  for  his  endeavors  to  screen  some  of  them 
from  their  more  vindictive  enemies.  The  next  spring  after  the  war,  5 March, 
1638,  “ Unkus,  alias  Okoco,  the  Monahegan  sachem  in  the  twist  of  Pequod 
River,  came  to  Boston  with  37  men.  He  came  from  Connecticut  with  Mr. 
Haynes , and  tendered  the  governor  a present  of  20  fathom  of  wampum. 
This  was  at  court,  and  it  was  thought  tit  by  the  council  to  refuse  it,  till  he 
had  given  satisfaction  about  the  Pequots  he  kept,  &c.  Upon  this  he  was 
much  dejected,  and  made  account  we  would  have  killed  him  ; but,  two  days 
after,  having  received  good  satisfaction  of  his  innocency,  &c.  and  he  promis- 
ing to  submit  to  the  order  of  the  English,  touching  the  Pequots  he  had,  and 
the  differences  between  the  Narragansetts  and  him,  we  accepted  his  present 
And  about  half  an  hour  after,  he  came  to  the  governor,”  and  made  the  follow- 
ing speech.  Laying  his  hand  upon  his  breast,  he  said, 

“ This  heart  is  not  mine , but  yours.  I have  no  men : they  are  all  yours . Com- 
mand me  any  difficult  thing , I will  do  it.  I will  not  believe  any  Indians'  ivords 
against  the  English.  If  any  man  shall  kill  an  Englishman , 1 ivill  put  him  to 
death , were  he  never  so  dear  to  me ." 

“ So  the  governor  gave  him  a fair  red  coat,  and  defrayed  his  and  his  men’s 
diet,  and  gave  them  corn  to  relieve  them  homeward,  and  a letter  of  protection 
to  all  men,  &c.  and  he  departed  very  joyful.”  § 

For  the  gratification  of  the  curious,  we  give,  from  Dr.  Edwards's  “ Observa- 
tions on  the  Muhkekaneew  [Mohegan]  Language,”  the  Lord’s  prayer  in  that 
dialect.  “ Nogh-nuh,  ne  spummuck  oi-e-on , taugh  mau-weh  wneh  wtu-ko-se-auk 
ne-an-ne  an-nu-woi-e-on.  Taugh  ne  aun-chu-wut-am-mun  iva-weh-tu-seek  ma- 
weh  noh  pum-meh.  Ne  ae-noi-hit-teeh  mau-weh  aw-au-neek  noh  hkey  oie-cheek, 
ne  aun-chu-wut-am-mun,  ne  au-noi-hit-teet  neek  spum-muk  oie-cheek.  Men-e- 
nau-nuh  noo-nooh  wuh-ham-auk  tquogh  nuh  uh-huy-u-tam-auk  ngum-mau-weh. 
Ohq-u-ut-a-mou-we-nau-nuh  au-neh  mu-ma-choi-e-au-keh  he  anneh  ohq-u-ut-a- 
mou-woi-e-auk  num-peh  neek  mu-ma-cheh  an-neh-o-quau-keet.  Cheen  hqu-uk- 
quau-cheh-si-u-keh  an-neh-e-henau-nuh.  Pan-nee-weh  htou-we-nau-nuh  neen 
maum-teh-keh.  Ke-ah  ng-weh-cheh  kwi-ou-wau-weh  mau-weh  noh  pum-meh’,  kt- 
an-woi ; es-tah  aw-aun  w-tin-noi-yu-wun  ne  au-noi-e-yon ; han-wee-weh  ne  kt- 
in-noi-een." 

Such  was  the  language  of  the  Mohegans,  the  Pequots,  the  Narragansets  and 
Nipmucks ; or  so  near  did  they  approach  one  another,  that  each  could  under- 
stand the  other  through  the  united  extent  of  their  territories. 

Uncas  was  said  to  have  been  engaged  in  all  the  wars  against  his  country- 
men, on  the  part  of  the  English,  during  his  life-time.||  He  shielded  some  of 
the  infant  settlements  of  Connecticut  in  times  of  troubles,  especially  Norwich. 


* Hist.  Guilford,  in  1 Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  100. 
f His  name  is  not  mentioned.  j Relation  49. 

$ Winthrop,  Jour.  i.  265-6.  |]  MS.  communication  of  Rev.  Mr.  Ely. 


8S 


UNCAS.— TREATMENT  OF  MIANTUNNOMOH. 


[Book  II. 


To  the  inhabitants  of  this  town  the  Mohegans  seemed  more  particularly 
attached,  probably  from  the  circumstance  of  some  of  its  settlers  having 
relieved  them  when  besieged  by  Ninigret,  as  will  be  found  related  in  the 
ensuing  history.  The  remnant  of  the  Mohegans,  in  1768,  was  settled  in  the 
north-east  corner  of  New  London,  about  five  miles  south  of  Norwich ; at 
which  place  they  had  a reservation. 

The  Mohegans  had  a burying-place  called  the  Royal  burying-ground , and 
this  was  set  apart  for  the  family  of  Uncas.  It  is  close  by  the  falls  of  the  stream 
called  Yantic  River,  in  Norwich  city  ; “ a beautiful  and  romantic  spot.”  The 
ground  containing  the  grave  of  Uncas  is  at  present  owned  by  C.  Goddard , Esq. 
of  Norwich.  This  gentleman  has,  very  laudably,  caused  an  inclosure  to  be 
set  about  it.* 

When  the  commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies  had  met  in  1643,  com- 
plaint was  made  to  them  by  Uncas , that  Miantunnomoh  had  employed  a Pequot 
to  kill  him,  and  that  this  Pequot  was  one  of  his  own  subjects.  He  shot  Uncas 
with  an  arrow,  and,  not  doubting  but  that  he  had  accomplished  his  purpose, 
“ fled  to  the  Nanohiggansets,  or  their  confederates,”  and  proclaimed  that  he 
had  killed  him,  “But  when  it  was  known  Vncas  was  not  dead,  though 
wounded,  the  traitor  was  taught  to  say  that  Uncus  had  cut  through  his  own 
arm  with  a flint,  and  hired  the  Pequot  to  say  he  had  shot  and  killed  him. 
Myantinomo  being  sent  for  by  the  governor  of  the  Massachusetts  upon  another 
occasion,  brought  the  Pequot  with  him : but  when  this  disguise  would  not 
serve,  and  that  the  English  out  of  his  [the  Pequot’s]  own  mouth  found  him 
guilty,  and  would  have  sent  him  to  Uncus  his  sagamore  to  be  proceeded 
against,  Myantinomo  desired  he  might  not  be  taken  out  of  his  hands,  promising 
[that]  he  would  send  [him]  himself  to  Vncus  to  be  examined  and  punished;, 
but,  contrary  to  his  promise,  and  fearing,  as  it  appears,  his  own  treachery 
might  be  discouered,  he  within  a day  or  two  cut  off  the  Peacott’s  head,  that 
he  might  tell  no  tales.  After  this  some  attempts  were  made  to  poison  Vncus , 
and,  as  is  reported,  to  take  away  his  life  by  sorcery.  That  being  discovered, 
some  of  Sequasson’s  company,  an  Indian  sagamore  allied  to,  and  an  intimate 
confederate  with  Myantinomo , shot  at  Uncus  as  he  was  going  down  Conectacatt 
River  with  a arrow  or  two.  Vncus , according  to  the  foresaid  agreement,” 
which  was,  in  case  of  difficulty  between  them,  that  the  English  should  be 
applied  to  as  umpires,  complained  to  them.  They  endeavored  to  bring  about 
a peace  between  Uncas  and  Sequasson ; but  Sequasson  would  hear  to  no  over- 
tures of  the  kind,  and  intimated  that  he  should  be  borne  out  in  his  resolution 
by  Miantunnomoh.  The  result  was  the  war  of  which  we  have  given  an 
account  in  the  life  of  Miantunnomoh.  We  have  also  spoken  there  of  the 
agency  of  the  English  in  the  affair  of  Miantunnomoh? s death ; but  that  no  light 
may  be  withheld  which  can  in  any  way  reflect  upon  that  important  as  well  as 
melancholy  event,  we  will  give  all  that  the  commissioners  have  recorded  in 
their  records  concerning  it.  But  firstly,  we  should  notice,  that,  after  Miantun- 
nomoh  was  taken  prisoner,  the  Indians  affirmed,  (the  adherents  of  Uncas 
doubtless,)  that  Miantunnomoh  had  engaged  the  Mohawks  to  join  him  in  his 
wars,  and  that  they  were  then  encamped  only  a day’s  journey  from  the  fron- 
tiers, waiting  for  him  to  attain  his  liberty.  The  record  then  proceeds : — 

“ These  things  being  duly  weighed  and  considered,  the  commissioners 
apparently  see  that  Vncus  cannot  be  safe  while  Myantenomo  lives ; but  that, 
either  by  secret  treachery  or  open  force,  his  life  will  be  still  in  danger. 
Wherefore  they  think  he  may  justly  put  such  a false  and  blood-thirsty  enemy 
to  death;  but  in  his  own  jurisdiction,  not  in  the  English  plantations.  And 
advising  that,  in  the  manner  of  his  death,  all  mercy  and  moderation  be  showed, 
contrary  to  the  practice  of  the  Indians  who  exercise  tortures  and  cruelty. 
And  Vncus  having  hitherto  shown  himself  a friend  to  the  English,  and  in  this 
craving  their  advice ; [therefore,]  if  the  Nanohiggansitts  Indians  or  others 
shall  unjustly  assault  Vncus  for  this  execution,  upon  notice  and  request  the 
English  promise  to  assist  and  protect  him,  as  far  as  they  may,  against  such 
violence.” 

We  presume  not  to  commentate  upon  this  affair,  but  we  would  ask  whether 


3 Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  135. 


UNCAS. 


89 


Chap.  V.] 

it  does  not  appear  as  probable,  that  Uncas  had  concerted  the  plan  with  his 
Pequot  subject  for  the  destruction  of  Miantunnomoh,  as  that  the  latter  had 
plotted  for  the  destruction  of  the  former.  Else,  why  did  Miantunnomoh  put 
the  Pequot  to  death  ? The  commissioners  do  not  say  that  the  Pequot  had  by 
his  confession  any  how  implicated  Miantunnomoh.  Now,  if  this  Pequot  had 
been  employed  by  him,  it  does  not  seem  at  all  likely  that  he  would  have  put 
him  to  death,  especially  as  he  had  not  accused  him.  And,  on  the  other  hand, 
if  he  had  acknowledged  himself  guilty  of  attempting  the  life  of  his  own 
sachem,  that  it  might  be  charged  upon  others,  it  is  to  us  a plain  reason  why 
Miantunnomoh  should  put  him  to  death,  being  fully  satisfied  of  his  guilt  upon 
his  own  confession.  It  may  be  concluded,  therefore,  that  the  plot  against 
Uncas  was  of  his  own  or  his  Pequot  subject’s  planning.  The  Pequot’s  going 
over  to  Miantunnomoh  for  protection  is  no  evidence  of  that  chief’s  participation 
in  his  plot.  And  it  is  highly  probable  that,  after  they  had  left  the  English 
court,  his  crime  was  aggravated,  in  Miantunnomoh' s view,  by  some  new  con- 
fession or  discovery,  which  caused  him  to  be  forthwith  executed. 

As  though  well  assured  that  the  justness  of  their  interference  would  be 
called  in  question,  the  commissioners  shortly  after  added  another  clause  to 
their  records,  as  much  in  exoneration  of  their  conduct  as  they  could  find 
words  in  which  to  express  themselves.  They  argue  that,  “ whereas  Uncas 
was  advised  [by  them]  to  take  away  the  life  of  Miantunnomoh  whose  lawful 
captive  he  was,  they  [the  Narragansets]  may  well  understand  that  this  is  with- 
out violation  of  any  covenant  between  them  and  us ; for  Uncas  being  in  con- 
federation with  us,  and  one  that  hath  diligently  observed  his  covenants  before 
mentioned,  for  aught  we  know,  and  requiring  advice  from  us,  upon  serious 
consideration  of  the  premises,  viz.  his  treacherous  and  murderous  disposition 
against  Uncas , &c.  and  how  great  a disturber  he  hath  been  of  the  common 
peace  of  the  whole  country,  we  could  not  in  respect  of  the  justice  of  the  case, 
safety  of  the  country,  and  faithfulness  of  our  friend,  do  otherwise  than  approve 
of  the  lawfulness  of  his  death  ; which  agreeing  so  well  with  the  Indians’  own 
manners,  and  concurring'  with  the  practice  of  other  nations  with  whom  we 
are  acquainted  ; we  persuaded  ourselves,  however  his  death  may  be  grievous 
at  present,  yet  the  peaceable  fruits  of  it  will  yield  not  only  matter  of  safety  to 
the  Indians,  but  profit  to  all  that  inhabit  this  continent.” 

It  is  believed  that  the  reader  is  now  put  in  possession  of  every  thing  that 
the  English  could  say  for  themselves,  upon  the  execution  of  Miantunnomoh. 
He  will  therefore  be  able  to  decide,  whether,  as  we  have  stated,  their  judg- 
ment was  made  up  of  one  kind  of  evidence  ; and  whether  the  Narragansets 
had  any  lawyers  to  advocate  their  cause  before  the  commissioners. 

After  Miantunnomoh  was  executed,  the  Narragansets  demanded  satisfaction 
of  Uncas  for  the  money  they  had  raised  and  paid  for  the  redemption  of  their 
chief  This  demand  was  through  the  English  commissioners ; who,  when 
they  were  met,  in  Sept.  1644,  deputed  Thomas  Stanton  to  notify  both  parties 
to  appear  before  them,  that  they  might  decide  upon  the  case  according  to 
the  evidence  which  should  be  produced. 

It  appears  that  Kienemo ,*  the  Niantick  sachem,  immediately  deputed 
Weetowisse , a sachem,  Pawpiamet  and  Pummumshe,  captains,  from  the  Narra- 
gansets, with  two  of  their  men,  to  maintain  their  action  before  the  commis- 
sioners, and  to  complain  of  some  insolences  of  Uncas  besides.]-  On  a full 
hearing,  the  commissioners  say,  that  nothing  was  substantiated  by  them. 
“Though,”  they  say,  “several  discourses  had  passed  from  Uncas  and  his 
men,  that  for  such  quantities  of  wampum  and  such  parcels  of  other  goods  to 
a great  value,  there  might  have  been  some  probability  of  sparing  his  life.” 
Hence  it  appears  that  Uncas  had  actually  entered  upon  a negotiation  with 
the  Narragansets,  as  in  the  life  of  Miantunnomoh  has  been  stated ; and  it  does 
not,  it  is  thought,  require  but  a slight  acquaintance  with  the  general  drift  of 
these  affairs,  to  discern,  that  Uncas  had  encouraged  the  Narragansets  to  send 

* The  same  afterwards  called  Ninigret.  Janemo  was  doubtless  the  pronunciation,  J being 
at  that  time  pronounced  ji ; therefore  Jianemo  might  have  been  sometimes  understood  Kiane- 
mo.  Winthrop  writes  tne  name  Ayanemo  in  one  instance. 

t The  author  of  Tales  of  the  Indians  seems  dismally  confused  in  attempting  to  narrate 
these  affairs,  but  see  Hazard,  ii.  25  and  26. 

8* 


90 


UNCAS.— PESSACtTS. 


[Eoox  IX, 


wampum,  that  is,  their  money,  giving  them  to  understand  that  he  would  not 
be  hard  with  them ; in  so  far,  that  they  had  trusted  to  his  generosity,  and  sent 
him  a considerable  amount.  The  very  face  of  it  shows  clearly,  that  it  was  a. 
trick  of  Uncas  to  leave  the  amount  indefinitely  stated,  which  gave  him  flie 
chance,  (that  a knave  will  always  seize  upon,)  to  act  according  to  the  caprice 
of  his  own  mind  on  any  pretence  afterwards. 

The  commissioners  say,  that  “no  such  parcels  were  brought,”  though,  in 
a few  lines  after,  in  their  records,  we  read : “ And  for  that  wampums  and. 

goods  sent,  [to  Uncas,]  as  they  were  but  small  parcels , and  scarce  considerable 
for  such  a purpose,”  namely,  the  redemption  of  their  chief : and  still,  they 
add;  “But  Uncas  denieth,  and  the  Narraganset  deputies  did  not  alledge, 
much  less  prove  that  any  ransom  was  agreed,  nor  so  much  as  any  treaty 
begun  to  redeem  their  imprisoned  sachem.”  Therefore  it  appears  quite 
clear  that  Uncas  had  all  the  English  in  his  favor,  who,  to  preserve  his  friend- 
ship, caressed  and  called  him  their  friend ; while,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
agents  from  the  Narragansets  were  frowned  upon,  and  no  doubt  labored  under 
the  disadvantage  of  not  being  personally  known  to  the  English. 

As  to  the  goods  which  Uncas  had  received,  the  commissioners  say,  “A 
part  of  them  [were]  disposed  [of]  by  Miantunnomoh  himself,  to  Uncas ’ coun- 
sellors and  captains,  for  some  favor,  either  past  or  hoped  for,  and  part  were 
given  and  sent  to  Uncas , and  to  his  squaw  for  preserving  his  life  so  long,  and 
using  him  courteously  during  his  imprisonment.” 

Here  ended  this  matter ; but  before  the  Narraganset  deputies  left  the  court, 
the  English  made  them  sign  an  agreement,  that  they  would  not  make  war 
upon  Uncas,  “ vntill  after  the  next  planting  of  corn.”  And  even  then,  that 
they  should  give  30  days’  notice  to  the  English  before  commencing  hostili- 
ties. Also  that  if  “ any  of  the  Nayantick  Pecotts  should  make  any  assault 
upon  Uncas  or  any  of  his,  they  would  deliver  them  up  to  the  English  to  be 
punished  according  to  their  demerits.  And  that  they  would  not  use  any 
means  to  procure  the  Mawhakes  to  come  against  Uncas  during  this  truce.” 
At  the  same  time  the  English  took  due  care  to  notify  the  Narraganset  com- 
missioners, by  way  of  awing  them  into  terms,  that  if  they  did  molest  the 
Mohegans,  all  the  English  would  be  upon  them. 

The  date  of  this  agreement,  if  so  we  may  call  it,  is,  “ Hartford,  the  xviijth 
of  September,  1644,”  and  was  signed  by  four  Indians ; one  besides  those 
named  above,  called  Chimough. 

That  no  passage  might  be  left  open  for  excuse,  in  case  of  war,  it  was  also 
mentioned,  that  “ proof  of  the  ransom  charged  ” must  be  made  satisfactory 
to  the  English  before  war  was  begun. 

The  power  of  Pessacus  and  JVinigret  at  this  time  was  much  feared  by  the 
English,  and  they  were  ready  to  believe  any  reports  of  the  hostile  doings  of 
the  Narragansets,  who,  since  the  subjection  of  the  Pequots,  had  made  them- 
selves masters  of  all  their  neighbors,  except  the  English,  as  the  Pequots  had 
done  before  them.  The  Mohegans  were  also  in  great  fear  of  them,  as  well 
after  as  before  the  death  of  Miantunnomoh ; but  for  whose  misfortune  in 
being  made  a prisoner  by  a stratagem  of  Uncas,  or  his  captains,  the  English 
might  have  seen  far  greater  troubles  from  them  than  they  did,  judging  from 
the  known  abilities  of  that  great  chief. 

There  was  “ a meeting  extraordinary”  of  the  commissioners  of  the  United 
Colonies,  in  July,  1645,  at  Boston,  “concerning  the  French  business,  and  the 
wars  between  Pissicus  and  Vncus  being  begun.”  Their  first  business  was  to 
despatch  away  messengers  to  request  the  appearance  of  the  head  men  of  the 
belligerents  to  appear  themselves  at  Boston,  or  to  send  some  of  their  chief 
men,  that  the  difficulties  between  them  might  be  settled. 

These  messengers,  Sergeant  John  Dames,  [Davis  ?]  Benedict  Arnold,  and 
Francis  Smyth,  on  their  first  arrival  at  Narraganset,  were  welcomed  by  the 
sachems,  who  offered  them  guides  to  conduct  them  to  Uncas ; but,  either 
having  understood  their  intentions,  or  judging  from  their  appearance  that 
the  English  messengers  meant  them  no  good,  changed  their  deportment 
altogether,  and  in  the  mean  time  secretly  despatched  messengers  to  the 
Nianticks  before  them,  giving  them  to  understand  what  was  going  forward. 
After  this,  say  the  messengers,  “ there  was  nothing  but  proud  and  insolent 


Ca.vr.  V.] 


UNCAS.— DEFENDED  BY  THE  ENGLISH. 


m 


passages  [from  NinigreL]  The  Indian  guides  which  they  had  brought  with 
them  from  Pumham  and  Sokakanoco  were,  by  frowns  and  threatening  speeches, 
discouraged,  and  returned ; no  other  guides  could  be  obtained.”  The 
•sachems  said  they  knew,  by  what  was  done  at  Hartford  last  year,  that  the 
English  would  urge  peace,  “ but  they  were  resolved , they  said,  to  have  no  peace 
without  Uncas  his  head .”  As  to  who  began  the  War,  they  cared  not,  but  they 
were  resolved  to  continue  it ; that  if  the  English  did  not  withdraw  their 
soldiers  from  Uncas , they  should  consider  it  a breach  of  former  covenants, 
and  would  procure  as  many  Mohawks  as  the  English  had  soldiers  to  bring 
against  them.  They  reviled  Uncas  for  having  wounded  himself,  and  then 
charging  it  upon  them,  and  said  he  was  no  friend  of  the  English,  but  would 
now,  if  he  durst,  kill  the  English  messengers,  and  lay  that  to  them.  There- 
fore, not  being  able  to  proceed,  the  English  messengers  returned  to  the  Nar- 
ragansets,  ana  acquainted  Pessacus  of  what  had  passed,  desiring  he  would 
furnish  them  with  guides ; “ he,  (in  scorn,  as  they  apprehended  it,)  offered 
them  an  old  Peacott  squaw.” 

The  messengers  now  thought  themselves  ill  danger  of  being  mas- 
sacred ; “ three  Indians  with  hatchets  standing  behind  the  interpreter  in  a 
suspicious  manner,  while  he  was  speaking  with  Pessacus , and  the  rest,  frowning 
and  expressing  much  distemper  in  their  countenance  and  carriage.”  So, 
without  much  loss  of  time,  they  began  to  retrace  their  steps.  On  leaving 
Pessacus , they  told  him  they  should  lodge  at  an  English  trading  house  not  far 
off  that  night,  and  if  he  wanted  to  send  any  word  to  the  English,  he  might  send 
to  them.  In  the  morning,  he  invited  them  to  return,  and  said  he  would  furnish 
them  with  guides  to  visit  Uncas,  but  he  would  not  suspend  hostilities.  Not  daring 
to  risk  the  journey,  the  messengers  returned  home.  Arnold,  the  interpreter, 
testified  that  this  was  a true  relation  of  what  had  passed,  which  is  necessary  to 
be  borne  in  mind,  as  something  may  appear,  as  we  proceed,  impeaching  the 
veracity  of  Arnold. 

Meanwhile  the  commissioners  set  forth  an  armament  to  defend  Uncas,  at  all 
hazards.  To  justify  this  movement,  they  declare,  that,  “ considering  the  great 
provocations  offered,  and  the  necessity  we  should  be  put  unto  of  making  war 
upon  the  Narrohiggin,  &c.  and  being  also  careful  in  a matter  of  so  great 
weight  and  general  concernment  to  see  the  way  cleared  and  to  give  satisfaction 
to  all  the  colonists,  did  think  fit  to  advise  with  such  of  the  magistrates  and 
elders  of  the  Massachusetts  as  were  then  at  hand,  and  also  with  some  of  the 
chief  military  commanders  there,  who  being  assembled,  it  was  then  agreed  : 
First,  that  our  engagement  bound  us  to  aid  and  defend  the  Mohegan  sachem. 
Secondly,  that  this  aid  could  not  be  . intended  only  to  defend  him  and  his,  in 
his  fort  or  habitation,  but,  (according  to  the  common  acceptation  of  such 
covenants  or  engagements  considered  with  the  ground  or  occasion  thereof,)  so 
to  aid  him  as  hee  might  be  preserved  in  his  liberty  and  estate.  Thirdly,  that 
this  aid  must  be  speedy,  least  he  might  be  swallowed  up  in  the  mean  time, 
and  so  come  too  late.” 

“ According  to  the  counsel  and  determination  aforesaid,  the  commissioners, 
considering  the  present  danger  of  Uncas  the  Mohegan  sachem,  (his  fort  having 
been  divers  times  assaulted  by  a great  army  of  the  Narrohiggansets,  &c.) 
agreed  to  have  40  soldiers  sent  with  all  expedition  for  his  defense.”  Lieu- 
tenant Atherton  and  Sergeant  John  Davis  led  this  company,  conducted  by  two  of 
“ Culchamakin's ” Indians  as  guides.  Atherton  was  ordered  not  to  make  an 
“ attempt  upon  the  town  otherwise  than  in  Uncas ’ defence.”  Captain  Mason 
of  Connecticut  was  to  join  him,  and  take  the  chief  command.  Forty  men 
were  ordered  also  from  Connecticut,  and  30  from  New  Haven  under  Lieu- 
tenant Sealy . In  their  instructions  to  Mason,  the  commissioners  say,  “We  so 
now  aim  at  the  protection  of  the  Mohegans,  that  we  would  have  no  opportunity 
neglected  to  weaken  the  Narragansets  and  their  confederates,  in  then*  number 
of  men,  their  cane  canoes,  wigwams,  wampum  and  goods.  We  look  upon 
the  Nianticks  as  the  chief  incendiaries  and  causes  of  the  war,  and  should  be 
glad  they  might  first  feel  the  smart  of  it.”  The  Nianticks,  therefore,  were 
particularly  to  be  had  in  view  by  Mason,  and  he  was  informed  at  the  same 
time  that  Massachusetts  and  Plimouth  were  forthwith  to  send  “ another  army 
to  invade  the  Narragansets.” 


92  UNCAS.— BESE1GED  IN  HIS  FORT.  [Book  TI, 

The  commissioners  now  proceeded  to  make  choice  of  a commander  in 
chief  of  the  two  armies.  Major  Edward  Gibbons  was  unanimously  elected. 
In  his  instructions  is  this  passage : “ Whereas  the  scope  and  cause  of  this 
expedition  is  not  only  to  aid  the  Mohegans,  but  to  offend  the  Narragansets, 
Nianticks,  and  other  their  confederates.  He  was  directed  also  to  conclude  a 
peace  with  them,  if  they  desired  it,  provided  it  were  made  with  special 
reference  to  damages,  &c.  And  they  say,  “ But  withal,  according  to  our 
engagements,  you  are  to  provide  for  Uncos'  future  safety,  that  his  plantations 
be  not  invaded,  that  his  men  and  squaws  may  attend  their  planting  and  fishing 
and  other  occasions  without  fear  or  injury,  and  Vssamequine , Pomham, 
Sokakonoco , Cutchamakin , and  other  Indians,  friends  or  subjects  to  the  English, 
be  not  molested,”  & c. 

Soon  after  the  death  of  Miantunnomoh , which  was  in  September,  1643,  his 
brother  Pessacus , “the  new  sachem  of  Narraganset,”  then  “a  young  man 
about  20,”  sent  to  Governor  JVinthrop  of  Massachusetts,  as  a present,  an  otter 
coat , a girdle  of  wampum,  and  some  of  that  article  besides,  in  value  about 
£15.  The  messenger,  named  JVashose ,*  also  a sachem,  told  the  governor  that 
his  chief  desired  to  continue  in  peace  with  the  English;  but  that  he  was 
about  to  make  war  upon  Uncas , to  avenge  the  death  of  his  brother,  and  hoped 
they  would  not  interfere,  nor  aid  Uncas . The  governor  said  they  wished  to 
be  at  peace  with  all  Indians,  and  that  all  Indians  would  be  at  peace  among 
themselves,  and  that  they  must  agree  to  this,  or  they  could  not  accept  their 
present.  JVashose  said  he  was  instructed  no  further  than  to  make  known  his 
mission  and  leave  the  present,  which  he  did,  and  returned  to  his  own  country. 
This  was  in  F ebruary,  1644,  N.  S.  Within  the  same  month,  the  same  messeuger 
appeared  again  at  Boston ; and  “ his  errand  was,  (says  Governor  JVinthrop,)  that, 
seeing  they,  at  our  request,  had  set  still  this  year,  that  now  this  next  year  we 
would  grant  their  request,  and  suffer  them  to  fight  with  Onkus,  with  many 
arguments.”  But  he  was  answered,  that  the  English  would  not  allow  such  a 
proceeding,  and  if  they  persisted  all  the  English  would  fall  upon  them. 

Planting  time,  and  30  days  besides,  had  passed  before  the  English  sent  an 
army  to  invade  the  Narragansets.  Pessacus  and  the  other  chiefs  had  done  all 
they  could  do  to  cause  the  English  to  remain  neutral,  but  now  determined  to 
wait  no  longer,  and  hostile  acts  were  committed  on  both  sides. 

The  traditionary  account  of  Uncas's  being  besieged  in  his  fort  by  the 
Narragansets  will  very  properly  be  looked  for  in  this  connection,  as  it  has 
not  only  adorned  some  tales  of  the  Indians , but  has  been  seriously  urged  as 
truth  in  more  imposing  forms.  What  we  are  about  to  give  is  contained  in 
a letter,  dated  at  New  Haven,  19  September,  1796,  by  JVm.  Lejjingwell , and  di- 
rected Dr.  Trumbull. 

“ At  the  time  the  Mohegan  tribe  of  Indians  were  besieged  by  the  Narragan- 
set  tribe,  in  a fort  near  the  River  Thames,  between  Norwich  and  New 
London,  the  provisions  of  the  besieged  being  nearly  exhausted,  Uncas,  their 
sachem,  found  means  to  inform  the  settlers  at  Saybrook  of  their  distress,  and  the 
danger  they  would  be  in  from  the  Narragansets,  if  the  Mohegan  tribe  were  cut 
off.  Ensign  Thomas  Lejjingwell,  one  of  the  first  settlers  there,  loaded  a canoe 
with  beef,  corn  and  peas,  and  in  the  night  time  paddled  from  Saybrook  into  the 
Thames,  and  had  the  address  to  get  the  whole  into  the  fort  of  the  besieged ; — - 
received  a deed  from  Uncas  of  the  town  of  Norwich,  and  made  his  escape 
that  very  night.  In  consequence  of  which,  the  besiegers,  finding  Uncas  had 
procured  relief,  raised  the  siege,  and  the  Mohegan  tribe  were  saved,  and  have 
ever  proved  strict  friends  to  the  N.  England  settlers.”  f 

The  above  agrees  very  well  with  Mr.  Hyde's  account.  “ When  Uncas  and 
tribe  were  attacked  by  a potent  enemy,  and  blocked  up  in  their  fort  on  a hill, 
by  the  side  of  the  great  river,  and  almost  starved  to  death,  Lieut.  Thos . 
Lejjingwell , Capt.  Benj.  Brewster,  of  said  Norwich,  and  others,  secretly  carried 


* Perhaps  the  same  as  A washers. 

t Copied  from  the  original,  for  the  author,  by  Rev.  Wm.  Ely,  who  thus  remarks  upon  it  : 
“ This  tradition,  from  a highly  respectable  source,  Trumbull  states  as  history;  yet,  in  some* 
minor  points,  at  least,  it  would  seem  obvious  that  the  tradition  could  not  have  been  9trictly 
preserved  for  150  years.”  MS.  letter. 


INTERFERENCE  OF  THE  ENGLISH. 


93 


Chap.  V.] 

their  provision,  in  the  night  seasons,  upon  which  the  enemy  raised  the  siege.”  # 
In  consideration  of  which,  “ Uncas  gave  sundry  donations  of  land,”  &c.f 

At  the  congress  of  the  commissioners  at  Boston,  in  1645,  above  mentioned, 
it  was  ascertained  that  the  present  from  Pessacus  still  remained  among  them, 
and  therefore  he  might  think  it  was  probable  that  the  English  had  complied 
with  their  desires,  as  they  had  not  returned  it.  Lest  this  should  be  so  under- 
stood, Captain  Harding , Mr.  Welbome , and  Benedict  Arnold , were  ordered  and 
commissioned  to  repair  to  the  Narraganset  country,  and  to  see,  if  possible, 
“ Piscus , Canownacus , Janemo ,”  and  other  sachems,  and  to  return  the  present 
before  mentioned,  and  to  inform  them  that  the  English  were  well  aware  of 
their  beginning  and  prosecuting  a war  upon  Uncas , and  their  “having 
wounded  and  slain  divers  of  his  men,  seized  many  of  his  canoes,  taken  some 
prisoners,  spoiled  much  of  his  corn,”  refused  to  treat  with  him,  and  threaten- 
ed the  English.  Nevertheless,  if  they  would  come  themselves  forthwith  to 
Boston,  they  should  be  heard  and  protected  in  their  journey,  but  that  none 
except  themselves  would  be  treated  with,  and  if  they  refused  to  come,  the 
English  were  prepared  for  war,  and  would  proceed  immediately  against 
them. 

Harding  and  Welbome  proceeded  to  Providence,  where  Arnold  was  to  join 
them.  But  he  was  not  there,  and  they  were  informed  that  he  dared  not 
venture  among  the  Narragansets.  Whether  he  had  been  acting  the  traitor 
with  them,  or  something  quite  as  much  to  merit  condemnation,  we  will  leave 
the  reader  to  judge  from  the  relation.  The  two  former,  therefore,  made  use  of 
Reverend  Mr.  Williams  as  interpreter  in  their  business,  but  were  reprimanded 
by  the  commissioners  for  it  on  their  return.  On  going  to  the  Narraganset 
sachems,  and  opening  their  business,  it  appeared  that  all  they  were  ordered 
to  charge  them  with  was  not  true;  or,  at  least,  denied  by  them.  These 
charges,  it  appears,  had  been  preferred  by  Arnold , and  sworn  to  upon  oath. 
The  chiefs  said  “ that  Ianemo , the  Nyantick  sachem,  had  been  ill  divers  days, 
but  had  now  sent  six  men  to  present  his  respects  to  the  English,  and  to  declare 
his  assent  and  submission  to  what  the  Narrohiggenset  sachems  and  the  Eng- 
lish should  agree  upon.” 

It  was  in  the  end  agreed,  that  the  chiefs,  Pessacus , Mexam , and  divers 
others,  should  proceed  to  Boston,  agreeably  to  the  desire  of  the  English, 
which  they  did,  in  company  with  Harding  and  Welbome , who  brought  back 
the  old  present,  and  for  which  they  also  received  the  censure  of  the  congress. 
They  arrived  at  Boston  just  as  the  second  levy  of  troops  were  marching  out 
for  their  country,  and  thus  the  expedition  was  stayed  until  the  result  of  a 
treaty  should  be  made  known. 

It  appeared,  on  a conference  with  the  commissioners,  that  the  sachems  did 
not  fully  understand  the  nature  of  all  the  charges  against  them  before  leaving 
their  country,  and  in  justice  to  them  it  should  be  observed,  that,  so  far  as  the 
record  goes,  their  case  appears  to  us  the  easiest  to  be  defended  of  the  three 
parties  concerned.  They  told  the  commissioners  of  sundry  charges  they  had 
against  Uncas , but  they  said  they  could  not  hear  them,  for  Uncas  was  not 

* Some  very  beautiful  verses  appeared  several  years  since  in  the  Connecticut  Mirror,  to 
which  it  seems  the  above  had  given  rise.  They  were  prefaced  with  the  following  among 
other  observations  : “ In  the  neighborhood  of  Mohegan  is  a rude  recess,  environed  by  rocks, 

which  still  retains  the  name  of  the  ‘ chair  of  Uncas ; ’ and  that  the  people  of  Uncas  were 
perishing  with  hunger  when  Lejfingwell  brought  him  relief.  We  give  the  following  stanzas 
from  it: — 

“ The  monarch  sat  on  his  rocky  throne, 

Before  him  the  waters  lay ; 

His  guards  were  shapeless  columns  of  stone, 

Their  lofty  helmets  with  moss  overgrown, 

And  their  spears  of  the  bracken  gray. 

“ His  lamps  were  the  fickle  stars,  that  beamed 

Through  the  veil  of  their  midnight  shroud, 

And  the  reddening  flashes  that  fitfully  gleamed 
When  the  distant  fires  of  the  war-dance  streamed 
Where  his  foes  in  frantic  revel  screamed 
’Neath  their  canopy  of  cloud,”  &c. 

f MS.  letter  to  Dr.  Trumbull,  before  cited,  and  life  of  Miantunnomoh. 


94 


UNCAS.— TREATY  MADE  AT  BOSTON. 


[Book  II. 


there  to  speak  for  himself;  and  that  they  had  hindered  his  being  notified  of 
their  coming.  As  to  a breach  of  covenant,  they  maintained,  for  some  time, 
they  had  committed  none,  and  that  their  treatment  of  the  English  had  been 
misrepresented.  “But,  (says  our  record,)  after  a long  debate  and  some 
priuate  conference,  they  had  with  Serjeant  CuUicutt , they  acknowledged 
they  had  brooken  promise  or  couenant  in  the  afore  menconed  warrs, 
and  offered  to  make  another  truce  with  Vncas,  either  till  next  planting 
tyme,  as,  they  had  done  last  yeare  at  Hartford,  or  for  a yeare,  or  a yeare  and 
a quarter.” 

They  had  been  induced  to  make  this  admission,  no  doubt,  by  the  persua- 
sion of  Cullicut , who,  probably,  was  instructed  to  inform  them  that  the  safety 
of  their  country  depended  upon  their  compliance  with  the  wishes  of  the  Eng- 
lish at  this  time.  An  army  of  soldiers  was  at  that  moment  parading  the 
streets,  in  all  the  pomposity  of  a modern  training,  which  must  have  reminded 
them  of  the  horrible  destruction  of  their  kindred  at  Mystic  eight  years 
before. 

The  proposition  of  a truce  being  objected  to  by  the  English,  “one  of  the 
sachems  offered  a stick  or  a wand  to  the  commissioners,  expressing  himself, 
that  therewith  they  put  the  power  and  disposition  of  the  war  into  their  hands, 
and  desired  to  know  what  ike  English  would  require  of  them,”  They  were 
answered  that  the  expenses  and  trouble  they  had  caused  the  English  were 
very  great,  “ besides  the  damage  Vncas  had  sustained ; yet  to  show  their 
moderacon , they  would  require  of  them  but  twoo  thousand  fathome  of  white 
wampon  for  their  owne  satisfaccon,”  but  that  they  should  restore  to  Uncas  all 
the  captives  and  canoes  taken  from  him,  and  make  restitution  for  all  the  corn 
they  had  spoiled.  As  for  the  last-mentioned  offence,  the  sachems  asserted 
there  had  been  none  such;  for  it  was  not  the  manner  of  the  Indians  to  de- 
stroy corn. 

This  most  excellent  and  indirect  reproof  must  have  had  no  small  effect  on 
those  who  heard  it,  as  no  doubt  some  of  the  actors  as  well  as  the  advisers  of 
the  destruction  of  the  Indians’  corn,  previous  to  and  during  the  Pequot  war, 
were  now  present:  Block  Island,  and  the  fertile  fields  upon  the  shores  of  the 
Connecticut,  must  have  magnified  before  their  imaginations. 

Considering,  therefore,  that  this  charge  was  merely  imaginary,  and  that 
Uncas  had  taken  and  killed  some  of  their  people,  the  English  consented  that 
Uncas  “might”  restore  such  captives  and  canoes  as  he  had  taken  from  them. 
Finally,  they  agreed  to  pay  the  wampum,  “ crauing  onely  some  ease  in  the 
manner  and  tymes  of  payment,”  and  on  the  evening  of  “ the  xxvij th  of  the  6 
month , (August,)  1645,”  articles  to  the  following  effect  were  signed  by  the 
principal  Indians  present : — 

1.  That  the  Narragansets  and  Nianticks  had  made  war  upon  the  Mohegans 
contrary  to  former  treaties ; that  the  English  had  sent  messengers  to  them 
without  success,  which  had  made  them  prepare  for  war. 

2.  That  chiefs  duly  authorized  were  now  at  Boston,  and  having  acknowl- 
edged their  breach  of  treaties,  having  “ thereby  not  only  endamaged  Vncas , 
but  had  brought  much  charge  and  trouble  vpon  all  the  English  colonies, 
which  they  confest  were  just  they  should  satisfy.” 

3.  That  the  sachems  agree  for  their  nations  to  pay  to  the  English  2000 
fathom  “ of  good  white  wampum,  or  a third  part  of  good  black  wampem- 
peage,  in  four  payments,  namely,”  500  fathom  in  20  days,  500  in  four  months, 
500  at  or  before  next  planting  time,  and  500  in  two  years,  which  the  English 
agree  to  accept  as  full  “ satisfaccon.” 

4.  That  each  party  of  the  Indians  was  to  restore  to  the  other  all  things 
taken,  and  where  canoes  were  destroyed,  others  “ in  the  roome  of  them,  full 
as  good,”  were  to  be  given  in  return.  The  English  obligated  themselves  for 
Uncas. 

5.  That  as  many  matters  cannot  be  treated  of  on  account  of  the  absence  of 
Uncas , they  are  to  be  deferred  until  the  next  meeting  of  the  commissioners 
at  Hartford,  in  Sept.  1646,  where  both  parties  should  be  heard. 

6.  The  Narraganset  and  Niantic  sachems  bind  themselves  to  keep  peace 
with  the  English  and  their  successors,  “ and  with  Vncas  the  Mohegan  sachem 


UNCAS.— MEXAM. 


95 


Chap.  V.] 

and  his  men,  with  Vssamequin,*  Pomham , Sokaknooco , Cutchamakin , Shoanan,\ 
Passaconaway,  and  all  others.  And  that,  in  case  difficulties  occur,  they  are 
to  apply  to  the  English. 

7.  They  promise  to  deliver  up  to  the  English  all  fugitives  who  shall  at  any 
time  be  found  among  them  ; to  pay  a yearly  tribute,  “ a month  before  Indian 
harvest,  every  year  after  this,  at  Boston,”  “ for  all  such  Pecotts  as  live  amongst 
them,”  according  to  the  treaty  of  1638;$  “namely,  one  fathom  of  white 
wampum  for  each  Pequot  man,  and  half  a fathom  for  each  Peacott  youth, 
and  one  hand  length  of  wampum  for  each  Peacott  man-child;  and  if  Week- 
wash  Cake  § refuse  to  pay  this  tribute  for  any  Peacotts  with  him,  the  Narro- 
higganset  sagamores  promise  to  assist  the  English  against  him ; ” and  to  yield 
up  to  the  English  the  whole  Pequot  country. 

8.  The  sachems  promise  to  deliver  four  of  their  children  into  the  hands  of 
the  English,  “vizf.  Pissacus  his  eldest  sonn,  the  sonn  of  Tassaquanauritt , 
brother  to  Pissacus , Awashanoe  his  sonn,  and  Ewangeso's  sonn,  a Nyantick,  to 
be  kept  as  pledges  or  hostages,”  until  the  wampum  should  be  all  paid,  and  they 
had  met  Uncas  at  Hartford,  and  Janemo  and  Wypetock  II  had  signed  these  arti- 
cles. As  the  children  were  to  be  sent  for,  Witoivash,  Pomamse , Jawassoe , and 
Waughwamino  offered  their  persons  as  security  for  their  delivery,  who  were 
accepted. 

9.  Both  the  securities  and  hostages  were  to  be  supported  at  the  charge  of 
the  English. 

10.  That  if  any  hostilities  were  committed  while  this  treaty  was  making, 
and  before  its  provisions  were  known,  such  acts  not  to  be  considered  a viola- 
tion thereof, 

31.  They  agree  not  to  sell  any  of  their  lands  without  the  consent  of  the 
commissioners. 

12.  If  any  Pequots  should  be  found  among  them  who  had  murdered  Eng- 
lish, they  were  to  be  delivered  to  the  English.  Here  follow  the  names,  with 
a mark  to  each. 

Pessecus, 

Aumsaaquen,  IT  deputy 

for  the  JYianticks , 

Abdas, 

Pommush, 

CUTCHAMAKINS, 

Weekesanno, 

W 1TT0  WASH. 

We  do  not  see  Mexam's  or  Mixanno's  name  among  the  signers,  although 
he  is  mentioned  as  being  present,  unless  another  name  was  then  applied  to 
him.  There  were  four  interpreters  employed  upon  the  occasion,  namely, 
Sergeant  Cullicut  and  his  Indian  man,  Cutchamakin  and  Josias .** 

From  this  time  to  the  next  meeting  of  the  commissioners,  the  country 
seems  not  to  have  been  much  disturbed.  In  the  mean  time,  however,  Uncas , 
without  any  regard  to  the  promise  and  obligations  the  English  had  laid  them- 
selves under  for  him,  undertook  to  chastise  a Narraganset  sachem  for  some 
alleged  offence.  On  opening  their  congress,  at  New  Haven,  letters  from  Mr. 
Morton  and  Mr.  Peters , at  Pequot,  were  read  by  the  commissioners,  giving 
accounts  of  Uncas's  perfidy.  The  complainants  were  sent  to,  and  informed 
that  Uncas  was  shortly  to  be  there,  and  that  they  should  bring  their  proof  in 
order  to  a trial. 

Meanwhile  Uncas  came,  who,  after  waiting  a few  days,  and  his  accusers 
not  appearing,  was  examined  and  dismissed.  It  appears  that  the  English  at 
Nameoke,  since  Saybrook,  were  the  suffering  party,  as  their  neighborhood 
was  the  scene  of  Uncas's  depredations.  Of  some  of  the  charges  he  acknowl- 
edged himself  guilty,  especially  of  fighting  JVeckwash  [Wequash]  Cooke  so 
near  to  the  plantation  at  Pequot ; although  he  alleged  that  some  of  the  Eng- 
lish there  had  encouraged  Wequash  to  hunt  upon  his  lands.  He  was  informed 

* Ousamequin.  t Perhaps  Shoshanim,  or  Sholan. 

t See  page  61,  ante,  § Wequash  Cook . ||  Wepiteamock. 

IT  Awasequin.  **  Son  of  Chikataubut,  probably. 


96 


UNCAS.— NUMEROUS  CHARGES  AGAINST  HIM, 


[Book  II, 


that  his  brother  had  also  been  guilty  of  some  offence,  but  neither  the  accuser 
nor  the  accused  were  present,  and,  therefore,  it  could  not  be  acted  upon.  So, 
after  a kind  of  reprimand , Uncas  was  dismissed,  as  we  have  just  mentioned. 
But  before  he  had  left  the  town,  Mr.  Wm.  Morton  arrived  at  court,  with  three 
Indians,  to  maintain  the  action  against  him ; he  was,  therefore,  called  in,  and  a 
hearing  was  had,  “ but  the  commissioners  founde  noe  cause  to  alter  the  former 
writinge  giueri  him.”  This  was  as  regarded  the  affair  with  Wequash.  Mr. 
Morton  then  produced  a Pequot  powwow,  named  Wampushet , who,  he  said, 
had  charged  Uncas  with  having  hired  him  to  do  violence  to  another  Indian,  or 
to  procure  it  to  be  done,  which  accordingly  was  effected,  the  Indian  being 
wounded  with  a hatchet.  This  crime  was  at  first  laid  to  the  charge  of  We- 
quash, as  Uncas  had  intended.  “But  after  [wards,]  the  Pequat’s  powwow, 
troubled  in  conscience,  could  have  no  rest  till  he  had  discoured  Vncus  to  be 
the  author.”  He  first  related  his  guilt  to  Robin*  an  Indian  servant  of  Mr. 
Winthrop ; but,  to  the  surprise  of  the  whole  court,  Wampushet , the  only  wit- 
ness, on  being  questioned  through  Mr.  Stanton,  the  interpreter,  told  a story 
diametrically  the  reverse  of  what  he  had  before  stated.  “ He  cleared  Vncus, 
and  cast  the  plot  and  guilt  vpon  JVeckivash  Cooke  and  Robin;”  “and  though 
the  other  two  Pequats,  whereof  the  one  was  Robin's  brother,  seemed  much 
offended,”  and  said  Uncas  had  hired  him  to  alter  his  charge,  “yet  he  persisted, 
and  said  J\reckwash  Cooke  and  Robin  had  giuen  him  a payre  of  breeches,  and 
promised  him  25  fadome  of  wampum,  to  cast  the  plot  upon  Vncus,  and  that  the 
English  plantacon  and  Pequats  knew  it.  The  commissioners  abhorring  this 
diuilish  falshoode,  and  advisinge  Vncus,  if  he  expected  any  favoure  and  respect 
from  the  English,  to  haue  no  hand  in  any  such  designes  or  vniust  wayes.” 

Hence  it  appears  that  the  court  did  not  doubt  much  of  the  villany  of  Uncas , 
but,  for  reasons  not  required  here  to  be  named,  he  was  treated  as  a fond 
parent  often  treats  a disobedient  child  ; reminded  of  the  end  to  which  such 
crimes  lead ; and  seem  to  threaten  chastisement  in  their  words,  while  their 
deportment  holds  out  quite  different  language. 

At  the  congress  of  the  United  Colonies,  at  Boston,  in  July,  1647,  Mr.  John 
Winthrop  of  Connecticut  presented  a petition,  “ in  the  name  of  many  Pequatts,” 
in  the  preamble  of  which  Casmamon  and  Obechiquod  are  named,  requesting 
that  they  might  have  liberty  to  dwell  somewhere  under  the  protection  of  the 
English,  which  they  might  appoint.  They  acknowledged  that  their  sachems 
and  people  had  done  very  ill  against  the  English  formerly,  for  which  they  had 
justly  suffered  and  been  rightfully  conquered  by  the  English ; but  that  they  had 
had  no  hand,  by  consent  or  otherwise,  in  shedding  the  blood  of  the  English, 
and  that  it  was  by  the  advice  of  JVecquash  f that  they  fled  from  their  country, 
being  promised  by  him  that  the  English  would  not  hurt  them,  if  they  did  not 
join  against  them.  The  names  of  62  craving  pardon  and  protection  were  at 
the  same  time  communicated. 

In  answer  the  commissioners  say,  that  while  Wequash  lived  he  had  made  no 
mention  of  “ such  innocent  Pequats,  or  from  any  other  person  since and  on 
“ enquiry  from  Thomas  Stanton,  from  Foxon,  one  of  Uncus  his  men,  and  at  last 
by  confession  of  the  Pequats  present,  found  that  some  of  the  petitioners  were 
in  Mistick  fort  in  fight  against  the  English,  and  fled  away  in  the  smoke,”  and 
that  others  were  at  other  times  in  arms  against  the  English  and  Mohegans, 
and,  therefore,  the  ground  of  their  petition  was  false  and  deceitful. 

It  appears  that  they  had  taken  refuge  under  Uncas,  who  had  promised  them 
good  usage,  which  was  probably  on  condition  that  they  should  pay  him  a 
tribute.  They  resided  at  this  time  at  Namyok. 

At  the  same  court,  Obechiquod  complained  that  Uncas  had  forcibly  taken 
away  his  wife,  and  criminally  obliged  her  to  live  with  him.  “ Foxon  being 
present,  as  Uncas's  deputy,  was  questioned  about  this  base  and  unsufferable 
outrage  ; he  denied  that  Uncas  either  took  or  kept  away  Obechiquod's  wife  by 
force,  and  affirmed  that  [on]  Obcchiquod’s  withdrawing,  with  other  Pequots, 

* His  Indian  name  was  Casmamon , perhaps  the  same  as  Cassassinnamon,  or  Casasinemon , 
&c. 

t Wequash , the  traitor.  He  became  a noted  praying  Indian,  after  the  Pequot  war,  and 
was  supposed  to  have  died  by  poison.  Frequent  mention  will  be  found  of  him  elsewhere  in 
our  work. 


Chap.  V.] 


UNCAS  ACCUSED  OF  PERFIDY. 


97 


from  Uncas,  his  wife  refused  to  go  with  him  ; and -that,  among  the  Indians,  it  is 
usual  when  a wife  so  deserts  her  husband,  another  may  take  her.  Obechiquod 
affirmed  that  Uncas  had  dealt  criminally  before,  and  still  kept  her  against 
her  will.” 

Though  not  satisfied  in  point  of  proof,  the  commissioners  said,  “Yet  ab- 
horing  that  lustful  adulterous  carriage  of  Uncas , as  it  is  acknowledged  and 
mittigated  by  Foxon ,”  and  ordered  that  he  should  restore  the  wife,  and  that 
Obechiquod  have  liberty  to  settle  under  the  protection  of  the  English,  where 
they  should  direct.* 

Complaints  at  this  time  were  as  thick  upon  the  head  of  Uncas  as  can  well 
be  conceived  of,  and  still  we  do  not  imagine  that  half  the  crimes  he  was  guilty 
of,  are  on  record.  Another  Indian  named  Sanaps , at  the  same  time,  complain- 
ed that  he  had  dealt  in  like  manner  with  the  wife  of  another  chief,  since  dead  ; 
that  he  had  taken  away  his  corn  and  beans,  and  attempted  his  life  also.  The 
court  say  they  found  no  proof,  “ first  or  last,  of  these  charges,”  still,  as  to  the 
corn  and  beans,  “ Foxon  conceives  Uncas  seized  it  because  Sannop , with  a 
Pequot,  in  a disorderly  manner  withdrew  himself  from  Uncas.”  Hence  it 
seems  not  much  evidence  was  required,  as  Uncas’s  deputy  uniformly  pleaded 
guilty ; and  the  court  could  do  no  less  than  order  that,  on  investigation,  he 
should  make  restitution.  As  to  Sannop , who  was  “ no  Pequot,”  but  a “ Con- 
necticut Indian,”  he  had  liberty  to  live  under  the  protection  of  the  English 
also. 

To  the  charges  of  the  Pequots  against  Uncas , of  “his  vnjustice  and  tyranny, 
drawinge  wampam  from  them  vpon  new  pretences,”  “they  say  they  haue 
giuen  him  wampam  40  times  since  they  came  vnder  him,  and  that  they  haue 
sent  wampam  by  him  to  the  English  25  times,”  and  had  no  account  that  he 
ever  delivered  it ; it  was  answered  by  Foxon,  that  Uncas  had  received  wam- 
pum divers  times  as  tribute,  but  denied  that,  in  particular,  any  had  been  given 
him  for  the  English,  and  that  “he  thinks  the  nomber  of  25  times  to  be 
altogether  false.” 

There  were  a long  train  of  charges  against  Uncas  for  his  oppression  of  the 
Pequots,  which  when  the  commissioners  had  heard  through,  they  “ ordered 
that  Vncus  be  duly  reproved,  and  seriously  enformed  that  the  English  cannot 
owne  or  protect  him  in  any  vnlawful,  much  lesse  trecherous  and  outrageous 
courses.”  And  notwithstanding  the  commissioners  seem  not  to  doubt  of  the 
rascality  of  their  ally,  yet  nothing  seems  to  have  been  done  to  relieve  the 
distressed  Pequots,  because  that  “ after  the  [Pequot]  warre  they  spared  the 
lines  of  such  as  had  noe  hand  in  the  bloude  of  the  English.”  To  say  the  least 
of  which,  it  is  a most  extraordinary  consideration,  that  because  some  innocent 
people  had  not  been  destroyed  in  war,  they  might  be  harassed  according  as 
the  caprice  of  abandoned  minds  might  dictate. 

Mr.  John  Winthrop  next  prefers  a complaint  against  Uncas  from  another 
quarter : the  Nipmuks  had  been  attacked,  in  1646,  by  130  Mohegans,  under 
JVoivequa,  a brother  of  Uncas.  It  does  not  appear  that  he  killed  any  of  them, 
but  robbed  them  of  effects  to  a great  amount ; among  which  are  enumerated 
35  fathom  of  wampum,  10  copper  kettles,  10  “ great  hempen  baskets,”  many 
bear  skins,  deer  skins,  &c.  Of  this  charge  Foxon  said  Uncas  was  not  guilty, 
for  that  he  knew  nothing  of  Nowequa’s  proceedings  in  it ; that  at  the  time  of 
it  [September]  Uncas,  with  his  chief  counsellors,  was  at  New  Haven  with  the 
commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies ; and  that  JVoivequa  had  at  the  same 
time  robbed  some  of  Uncas’s  own  people. 

It  was  also  urged  by  Winthrop,  that  not  long  before  the  meeting  of  the  com- 
missioners in  September,  1647,  this  same  JVoivequa  had  been  with  40  or  50  men 
to  Fisher’s  Island,  where  he  had  broken  up  a canoe  belonging  to  him,  and  greatly 
alarmed  his  man  and  an  Indian  who  were  there  at  that  time.  That  JVoivequa 
next  “hovered  against  the  English  plantation,  in  a suspicious  manner,  with  40 
or  50  of  his  men,  many  of  them  armed  with  gunns,  to  the  affrightment  not 
onely  of  the  Indians  on  the  shore  (soe  that  some  of  them  began  to  bring  then- 
goods  to  the  English  houses)  but  divers  of  the  English  themselues.” 

* This  chief  is  the  same,  we  believe,  called  in  a later  part  of  the  records  (Hazard,  ii.  413) 
Abbachickwood.  He  was  fined,  with  seven  others,  ten  fathom  of  wampum  for  going  to  fight 
the  Pocomptuck  Indians  with  Uncas,  in  the  summer  of  1659. 

9 


98 


UNCAS— WAR  WITH  THE  NIPMUKS. 


[Book  If. 


These  charges  being  admitted  by  Foxon , the  commissioners  K ordered  that 
Vncus  from  them  be  fully  informed,  that  he  must  either  regulate  and  continue 
his  brother  in  a righteous  and  peaceable  frame  for  the  future  vnderstandinge, 
and  providing  that  vpon  due  proof  due  restitution  to  be  made  to  such  as  haue 
been  wronged  by  him,  or  else  wholy  disert  and  leaue  him,  that  the  Narragen- 
sett  and  others  may  requere  and  recouer  satisfaction  as  they  can.” 

We  pass  now  to  the  year  1651,  omitting  to  notice  some  few  events  more  or 
less  connected  with  our  subject,  which,  in  another  chapter,  may  properly  pass 
under  review. 

Last  year,  Thomas  Stanton  had  been  ordered  "to  get  an  account  of  the  num- 
ber and  names  of  the  several  Pequots  living  among  the  Narragansets,  Nianticks, 
or  Mohegan  Indians,  &c. ; who,  by  an  agreement  made  after  the  Pequot  war,  are 
justly  tributaries  to  the  English  colonies,  and  to  receive  the  tribute  due  for  this 
last  year.”  Stanton  now  appeared  as  interpreter,  and  with  him  came  also 
Uncas  and  several  of  his  men,  JVequash  Cook  and  some  of  “ NinnacraJVs  ” men, 
“ Robert , a Pequot,  sometimes  a servant  to  Mr.  Winthrop , and  some  with  him. 
and  some  Pequots  living  on  Long  Island.”  They  at  this  time  delivered  3121 
fathom  of  wampum.  Of  this  Uncas  brought  79,  Ninigret's  men  91,  &c. 

“This  wampum  being  laid  down,  Uncas  and  others  of  the  Pequots 
demanded  why  this  tribute  was  required,  how  long  it  was  to  continue,  and 
whether  the  children  to  be  bom  hereafter  were  to  pay  it.”  They  were 
answered  that  the  tribute  had  been  due  yearly  from  the  Pequots  since  1638, 
on  account  of  their  murders,  wars,  &c.  upon  the  English.  “Wherefore  the 
commissioners  might  have  required  both  account  and.  payment,  as  of  a just 
debt,  for  time  past,  but  are  contented,  if  it  be  thankfully  accepted,  to  remit 
what  is  past,  accounting  only  from  1650,  when  Thomas  Stanton's  employment 
and  salary  began.”  Also  that  the  tribute  should  end  in  ten  years  more,  and 
that  children  hereafter  born  should  be  exempt.  Hitherto  all  male  children 
were  taxed. 

The  next  matter  with  which  we  shall  proceed,  has,  in  the  life  of  Ousame  - 
quin,  been  merely  glanced  at,  and  reserved  for  this  place,  to  which  it  more 
properly  belongs. 

We  have  now  arrived  to  the  year  1661,  and  it  was  in  the  spring  of  this  year 
that  a war  broke  out  between  Uncas  and  the  old  sachem  before  named.  It 
seems  very  clear  that  the  Wampanoags  had  been  friendly  to  the  Narragansets, 
for  a long  time  previous;  being  separated  from  them,  were  not  often 
involved  in  their  troubles.  They  saw  how  Uncas  was  favored  by  the  English, 
and  were,  therefore,  careful  to  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  Mohegans,  from 
whom  they  were  still  farther  removed.  Of  the  rise,  progress  and  termination 
of  their  war  upon  the  Quabaogs,  a tribe  of  Nipmuks  belonging  to  Wasamaginr 
the  reader  may  gather  the  most  important  facts  from  some  documents,*  which 
we  shall  in  the  next  place  lay  before  him. 

“Mercurius  de  Q,uabaconk,  or  a declaration  of  the  dealings  of  Uncas 
and  the  Mohegin  Indians,  to  certain  Indians  the  inhabitants  of  Quabaconk, 
21,  3d  mo.  1661. 

“ About  ten  weeks  since  Uncas ’ son,  accompanied  with  70  Indians,  set  upon 
the  Indians  at  Quabaconk,  and  slew  three  persons,  and  carried  away  six  pris- 
oners ; among  which  were  one  squaw  and  her  two  children,  whom  when  he 
had  brought  to  the  fort,  Uncas  dismissed  the  squaw,  on  conditions  that  she 
would  go"  home  and  bring  him  £25  in  peag,  two  guns  and  two  blankets,  for 
the  release  of  herself  and  her  children,  which  as  yet  she  hath  not  done,  being 
retained  by  the  sagamore  of  Weshakeim,  in  hopes  that  their  league  with  the 
English  will  free  them. 

“ At  the  same  time  he  carried  away  also,  in  stuff  and  money,  to  the  value 
of  £37,  and  at  such  time  as  Uncas  received  notice  of  the  displeasure  of  the 
English  in  the  Massachusetts  by  the  worshipful  Mr.  Winthrop,  he  insolently 
laughed  them  to  scorn,  and  professed  that  he  would  still  go  on  as  he  had 
begun,  and  assay  who  dares  to  controll  him.  Moreover,  four  days  since 
there  came  home  a prisoner  that  escaped ; two  yet  remaining,  whom  Uncas 


In  manuscript,  and  never  before  published. 


Chap,  V.] 


REFLECTIONS.— MESSAGE  TO  TJNCAS. 


99 


threatens,  the  one  of  them  to  kill,  and  the  other  to  sell  away  as  a slave,  and 
still  threatens  to  continue  his  war  against  them,  notwithstanding  any  prohibi- 
tion whatsoever ; whose  very  threats  are  so  terrible,  that  our  Indians  dare  not 
wander  far  from  the  towns  about  the  Indians  for  fear  of  surprise. 

From  the  relation  of 

Pambassua, 
and  testimony  of 

Wasamagin, 

QUAQUEQUUNSET, 

and  others.” 

From  this  narrative  it  is  very  plain  that  Uncas  cared  very  little  for  the  dis- 
pleasure of  the  English : it  is  plain,  also,  that  he  knew  as  well  as  they  what 
kept  them  from  dealing  as  severely  with  him  as  with  the  Narragansets,  his 
neighbors.  They  must  succumb  to  him,  to  keep  him  in  a temper  to  aid  in 
fighting  their  battles  when  called  upon.  Hence,  when  he  had  committed  the 
grossest  insults  on  other  Indians,  the  wheels  of  justice  often  moved  so  slow, 
that  they  arrived  not  at  their  object  until  it  had  become  quite  another  matter. 
It  must,  however,  be  considered,  that  the  English  were  very  peculiarly  sit- 
uated— upon  the  very  margin  of  an  unknown  wilderness,  inclosed  but  on  one 
side  by  Indians,  whose  chief  business  was  war.  They  had  destroyed  the 
Pequots,  but  this  only  added  to  their  fears,  for  they  knew  that  revenge  lurked 
still  in  the  breasts  of  many,  who  only  were  waiting  for  an  opportunity  to 
gratify  it ; therefore,  so  long  as  one  of  the  most  numerous  tribes  could  possi- 
bly be  kept  on  their  side,  the  English  considered  themselves  in  safety.  They 
had  made  many  missteps  in  their  proceedings  with  the  Indians,  owing  some- 
times to  one  cause  and  sometimes  to  another,  for  which  now  there  was  no 
remedy ; and  it  is  doubtful  whether,  even  at  this  day,  if  any  set  of  men  were 
to  go  into  an  unknown  region  and  settle  among  wild  men,  that  they  would 
get  along  with  them  so  much  better  than  our  fathers  did  with  the  Indians 
here,  as  some  may  have  imagined.  These  are  considerations  which  must  be 
taken  into  account  in  estimating  the  “ wrongs  of  the  Indians.”  They  seem 
the  more  necessary  in  this  place ; for,  in  the  biography  of  Uncas , there  is  as 
much,  perhaps,  to  censure  regarding  the  acts  of  the  English,  as  in  any  other 
article  of  Indian  history. 

The  narrative  just  recited,  being  sent  in  to  the  court  of  Massachusetts,  was 
referred  to  a select  committee,  who,  on  the  1 June,  reported, 

That  letters  should  be  sent  to  Uncas,  signifying  how  sensible  the  court  was 
of  the  injuries  he  had  done  them,  by  his  outrage  upon  the  Indians  of  Q,uaba- 
conk,  who  lived  under  their  sagamore,  JVassamagin , as  set  forth  in  the 
narrative.  That,  therefore,  they  now  desired  him  to  give  up  the  captives  and 
make  restitution  for  all  the  goods  taken  from  them,  and  to  forbear  for  time  to 
come  all  such  unlawful  acts.  That,  if  JVassamagin  or  his  subjects  had  or 
should  do  him  or  his  subjects  any  wrong,  the  English  would,  upon  due 
proof,  cause  recompense  to  be  made.  Also  that  Uncas  be  given  to  under- 
stand and  assured,  that  if  he  refuse  to  comply  with  the  request,  they  were 
then  resolved  to  right  the  injuries  upon  him  and  his,  and  for  all  costs  they 
might  be  put  to  in  the  service.  “ That  for  the  encouragement  and  safety  of 
the  sayd  JVassamagin  and  his  subjects,  there  be  by  order  of  Major  JVillard 
three  or  four  armed  men,  well  accomodate  in  all  respects,  with  a proporcon 
of  powder,  bulletts  and  match  sent  from  Lancaster  to  Quabaconk  vnto  the 
sayd  JVassamagin,  there  to  stay  a night  or  two,  and  to  shoote  of  their  mus- 
quets  so  often,  and  in  such  wise,  as  the  major  shall  direct,  to  terrifie  the 
enemies  of  JVassamagin , and  so  to  return  home  again.”  To  inform  JVassama- 
gin and  his  subjects,  that  the  authorities  of  Massachusetts  would  esteem  it  an 
acknowledgment  of  their  regard,  if  they  would  permit  them  to  have  the 
captives  to  be  recovered  from  Uncas,  to  bring  them  up  in  a proper  manner, 
that  they  might  be  serviceable  to  their  friends,  &c.  Also,  “ aduice  and  re- 
quire JVassamagin  and  his  men  to  be  verie  carefull  of  iniuring  or  any  ways 
prouoking  of  Vncas,  or  any  of  his  men,  as  he  will  answer  our  displeasure 


100 


UNCAS  WAR  WITH  ALEXANDER. 


[Book  II. 


therein,  and  incurr  due  punishment  for  the  same.”  That  if  Uncos  committed 
any  other  hostile  acts,  he  must  complain  to  them,  &c.* * * §  Thus  Wassamegin 
was  as  much  threatened  as  Uncas. 

Matters  seem  to  have  remained  thus  until  the  meeting  of  the  commission- 
ers in  September  following ; when,  in  due  course,  the  business  was  called  up, 
and  acted  upon  as  follow  s : — 

“ Vpon  complaint  made  to  the  comissionars  of  the  Massachusetts  against 
Vnkas , this  following  message  was  sent  to  him : — 

“ Vncas , wee  haue  receiued  information  and  complaint  from  the  generall 
court  of  the  Massachusetts  of  youer  hostile  invading  of  Wosamequin  and  the 
Indians  of  Quabakutt,  whoe  are  and  longe  haue  bine  subjects  to  the  English, 
killing  some  and  carrying  away  others ; spoyling  theire  goods  to  the  vallue  of 
331b.  as  they  allege.”  That  he  had  done  this  contrary  to  his  covenants,  and 
had  taken  no  notice  of  the  demands  of  the  Massachusetts,  though  some  time 
since  they  had  ordered  him  to  deliver  up  the  captives,  make  remuneration, 
&c.  And  to  all  he  had  returned  no  answer  ; “ which,”  continues  the  letter, 
“seemes  to  bee  an  insolent  and  proud  carriage  of  youers.  We  cannot  but 
wonder  att  it,  and  must  beare  witness  against  it.”  He  was,  as  before,  required 
to  return  the  captives,  &c.  and  give  reasons  for  his  operations ; and  if  he 
neglected  to  do  so,  the  Massachusetts  were  at  liberty  to  right  themselves. 

In  the  mean  time,  as  we  apprehend,  a letter  from  Uncas  was  received,  writ- 
ten by  Captain  Mason , which  was  as  follows  : — 

“ Whereas  there  was  a warrant  sent  from  the  court  of  Boston,  dated  in  my 
last  to  Vncas,  sachem  of  Mohegen,  wherin  it  wras  declared  vpon  the  com  - 
plaint of  Wesamequen ,f  a sachem  subject  to  the  Massachusetts,  that  the  said 
Vncas  had  offered  great  violence  to  theire  subjects  at  Quabauk,  killing  some  and 
taking  others  captiue ; which  warrant  came  not  to  Uncas , not  aboue  20  daies 
before  these  presents,  who,  being  summoned  by  Major  John  Mason,  in  full 
scope  of  the  said  warrant,  wherein  he  was  deeply  charged  if  he  did  not  return 
the  captiues,  and  £33  damage,  then  the  Massachusetts  would  recouer  it  by 
force  of  armes,  which  to  him  was  uery  grieuous : professing  he  was  altogether 
ignorant  that  they  were  subjects  belonging  to  the  Massachusetts  ; and  further 
said  that  they  were  none  of  Wesamequen's  men,  but  belonging  to  Onopequin,  his 
deadly  enemie,  whoe  was  there  borne ; one  of  the  men  then  taken  was  his 
own  cousin,  who  had  formerly  fought  against  him  in  his  own  person  ; and  yett 
sett  him  att  libertie ; and  further  saith  that  all  the  captiues  were  sent  home. 
Alsoe  that  JVesamequin^s]  son  \ and  diuers  of  his  men  had  fought  against  him 
diuers  times.  This  he  desired  might  bee  returned  as  his  answare  to  the 
comissioners. 

“ Allexander  allis  Wamsutla,  sachem  of  Sowamsett,  being  now  att  Plymouth, 
hee  challenged  Quabauke  Indians  to  belong  to  him  ; and  further  said  that  hee 
did  warr  against  Vncas  this  summer  on  that  account.  § 

Signed  by 

John  Mason.” 


* Here  end  our  MSS.  relating  to  this  affair. 

t By  this  it  would  seem  that  Massasoit  had,  for  some  time,  resided  among  the  Nipmucks. 
He  had,  probably,  given  up  Pokanoket  to  his  sons. 

t There  can  scarce  be  a doubt  that  this  refers  to  Alexander , and  that  the  next  paragraph 
confirms  it ; hence  Massasoit  was  alive  in  May,  1661,  as  we  have  before  stated.  And  the 
above  letter  of  Mason  was  probably  written  in  September,  or  while  the  commissioners  were 
in  session. 

§ It  seems  always  to  have  been  uncertain  to  whom  the  Nipmucks  belonged.  Roger 
Williams  says,  in  1668,  “ That  all  the  Neepmucks  were  unquestionably  subject  to  the  Nan- 
higonset  sachems,  and,  in  a special  manner,  to  Mejksah,  the  son  of  Caunounicv,s,  and  late 
husband  to  this  old  Squaw- Sachem,  now  only  surviving.  I have  abundant  and  daily  proof  of 
it,”  &c.  MS.  letter.  See  life  Massasoit,  b.  ii.  ch.  ii. 

At  one  time,  Kutshamakin  claimed  some  of  the  Nipmucks,  or  consented  to  be  made  a tool 
of  by  some  of  them,  for  some  private  end.  But  Mr.  Pynchon  saic[  they  would  not  own  him  as 
a sachem  any  longer  “ than  the  sun  shined  upon  him.”  Had  they  belonged  to  him,  Massa- 
chusetts must  have  owned  them,  which  would  have  involved  them  in  much  difficulty  in  1648, 
by  reason  of  several  murders  among  them. 


Gk.u\  vi.j 


UNCAS.— SASSACUS. 


101 


The  particulars  of  the  issue  of  these  troubles  were  not  recorded,  and  the 
presumption  is,  that  Uncos  complied  with  the  reasonable  requests  of  the  Eng- 
lish, and  the  old,  peaceable  Ousamequin , being  unwilling  to  get  into  difficulty, 
put  up  with  the  result  without  avenging  his  wrongs.  His  son,  Wamsutta , as 
will  be  seen,  about  this  time  found  himself  involved  in  difficulties  nearer 
home,  which  probably  prevented  him  from  continuing  the  war  against  Uncas , 
had  he  been  otherwise  disposed. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Qf  the  P equal  nation — Geography  of  their  country — Sassacus,  their  first  chief  known 
to  the  English — Tassaquanott — War — The  cause  of  it — Wequash — Canonicus  and 
Miantunnomoh  accused  of  harboring  fugitive  Pequots — Sassamon — M0NON9TTO — 
Otash — Cassassinnamon. 

“ But  since  I’ve  mentioned  Sassoons’  great  name, 

That  day  so  much  a terror  where  it  came  ; 

Let  me,  in  prosecution  of  my  story, 

Say  something  of  his  pride  and  kingdom’s  glory.” — Wolcott. 


It  is  said  by  Mr.  Hubbard ,* *  that  the  Pequots,  f “ being  a more  fierce,  cruel, 
and  warlike  people  than  the  rest  of  the  Indians,  came  down  out  of  the  more 
inland  parts  of  the  continent,  and  by  force  seized  upon  one  of  the  goodliest 
places  near  the  sea,  and  became  a terror  to  all  their  neighbors.”  The  time  of 
their  emigration  is  unknown.  They  made  all  the  other  tribes  “ stand  in  awe, 
though  fewer  in  number  than  the  Narragansets,  that  bordered  next  upon 
them.”  | 

Their  country,  according  to  Mr.  Gookin,§  “the  English  of  Connecticut 
jurisdiction,  doth  now,  [1674,]  for  the  most  part,  possess.”  Their  dominion, 
or  that  of  their  chief  sachem,  was,  according  to  the  same  author,  “ over  divers 
petty  sagamores ; as  over  part  of  Long  Island,  over  the  Mohegans,  and  over 
the  sagamores  of  Quinapeake,  [now  New  Haven,]  yea,  over  all  the  people  that 
dwelt  upon  Connecticut  River,  and  over  some  of  the  most  southerly  inhabit- 
ants of  the  Nipmuck  country,  about  Quinabaag.”  The  principal  seat  of  the 
sagamores  was  near  the  mouth  of  Pequot  River,  now  called  the  Thames, 
where  New  London  stands.  “ These  Pequots,  as  old  Indians  relate,  could,  in 
former  times,  raise  4000  men  fit  for  war.”  ||  The  first  great  chief  of  this 
nation,  known  to  the  English,  was 

Sassacus,  whose  name  was  a terror  to  all  the  neighboring  tribes  of  Indians. 
From  the  fruitful  letters  of  the  Reverend  Roger  Williams , we  learn  that  he  had 
a brother  by  the  name  of  Puppompoges , whose  residence  was  at  Monahiganick, 
probably  Mohegan.  Although  Sassoons’ s principal  residence  was  upon  the 
Thames,  yet,  in  his  highest  prosperity,  he  had  under  him  no  less  than  26 
sachems,  and  his  dominions  were  from  Narraganset  Bay  to  Hudson’s  River, 
in  the  direction  of  the  sea-coast.  Long  Island  was  also  under  him,  and  his 
authority  was  undisputed  far  into  the  country. 

A brother  of  Sassacus , named  Tassaquanott,  survived  the  Pequot  war,  and 
was  one  of  those  complained  of  by  Uncas  in  1647,  for  giving  his  countrymen 
“ crooked  counsell”  about  a present  of  wampum,  which  he  had  advised  to  be 
given  to  the  English  instead  of  him.  It  appears  that  on  the  death  of  a child 
of  Uncas , the  Pequots  had  presented  him  with  100  fathom  of  wampum, IF 
which,  when  Tassaquanott  knew,  he  disapproved  of  it,  politicly  urging,  that 
if  the  English  were  conciliated  by  any  means  towards  them,  it  mattered  not 
much  about  Uncas. 


* Narrative,  i.  116. 

i We  believe  this  name  meant  Gray  foxes,  hence  Gray-fox  Indians,  or  Pequots. 

X Hist.  New  England,  33. 

§ See  his  Collections  in  1 Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  i.  147.  ||  Ibid. 

* Hazard,  Hist.  Col.  ii.  90. 


102 


SASSACUS.— PEQUOT  WARS. 


[Book  Tj. 


We  are  informed,*  that  Connecticut  was  claimed  by  right  of  conquest  at 
one  time  by  the  first  white  settlers,  who  found  much  of  it  cultivated  and  set- 
tled by  its  Indian  inhabitants,  although  they  endeavored  that  it  should  be 
understood  otherwise.  The  numbers  of  the  natives  in  that  region  were 
“thousands,  who  had  three  kings,  viz.  Connedicote , Quinnipiog,  and  Sassa- 
cus.”  Connedicote  was  “ emperor,”  or  chief  of  chiefs,  an  elevation  in  which 
he  and  his  ancestors  had  stood  for  about  400  years,  according  to  their  tra- 
ditions. 

About  the  time  the  English  had  determined  on  the  subjugation  of  the  Pe- 
quots,  Roger  Williams  wrote  to  Governor  Winthrop  of  Massachusetts,  giving 
him  important  directions  how  they  should  proceed  to  advantage,  and  what 
was  very  important  then,  gave  the  following  rude  draft  of  their  country  : — 

River  Q,unnihticut.f 

O a fort  of  the  NiantaquitJ  men,  confederate  with  the  Pequts. 

Mohiganic  River. 


Ohom-  I 

O Weinshauks,  where  swamp  | 

Sasacous,  the  chief  sachim,  is. 

Mis-  0 tick*  where  is  Mamoho, ||  another  chief  sachim. 


owauke,$  the 
3 or  4 miles  from 


River. 

Nayan-  O taquit,J  where  is  Wepiteammok  and  our  friends 
River. 


In  the  same  letter,  Mr.  Williams  urges  the  necessity  of  employing  faithful 
guides  for  the  English  forces  ; “as  shall  be  best  liked  of  [to]  be  taken  along 
to  direct,  especially  two  Pequts ; viz.  Wequash , [whose  name  signified  a swan,] 
and  Wuttackquiackommin , valiant  men,  especially  the  latter,  who  have  lived 
these  three  or  four  years  with  the  Nanhiggonticks,  and  know  every  pass  and 
passage  amongst  them,  who  desire  armor  to  enter  their  houses.” 

In  1634,  as  has  been  before  incidentally  mentioned,  one  Captain  Stone  was 
killed  by  the  Pequots,  while  upon  a trading  expedition  in  Connecticut  River. 
Without  knowing  the  reason  of  their  killing  Stone,  the  English  demanded  the 
murderers  soon  after,  and  as  Sassacus  was  involved  in  troubles  with  the  Nar- 
ragansets  and  all  his  neighbors,  he  thought  it  not  best  entirely  to  slight  the 
demand  of  the  English  ; he  therefore  sent  messengers  to  Boston,  where  they 
arrived  6 November,  with  offers  of  peace,  which,  after  considerable  delibera- 
tion on  the  part  of  the  English,  were  accepted,  and  a treaty  was  entered  into 
on  the  9th  following. 

A messenger  had  been  sent,  in  October,  upon  the  same  errand,  but  was 
dismissed  with  orders  to  inform  Sassacus,  that  he  must  send  persons  of  greater 
quality,  and  then  the  English  would  treat  with  him.  “He  brought,”  says 
Winthrop,  “two  bundles  of  sticks,  whereby  he  signified  how  many  beaver  and 
otter  skins  he  would  give  us  for  that  end,  and  great  store  of  wampompeage, 
(about  two  bushels,  by  his  description.)”  He  had  a small  present  with  him, 
which  was  accepted  by  the  English,  who  gave  him  in  return,  “ a moose  coat 
of  as  good  value.” 

The  treaty  entered  into  on  the  9 November,  1634,  between  the  Pequots  and 
English,  stipulated  that  the  murderers  of  Captain  Stone  should  be  given  up  to 
the  English,  of  whom  there  were  at  that  time  left  but  two,  as  attested  by  the 
ambassadors  of  Sassacus,  who  further  observed  in  explanation,  that  the  sachem 
in  whose  time  the  act  was  committed,  was  dead,  having  been  slain  in  a war 
with  the  Dutch,  and  that  all  the  men  concerned  in  it,  except  two,  had  also 
died  of  the  small-pox.  This,  together  with  the  facts  given  in  concerning  the 
death  of  Stone,  inclined  the  English  to  believe  the  account  altogether ; and, 
but  for  what  happened  afterwards,  it  is  probable  that  the  historians  of  that 


* But  with  what  truth  I know  not,  for  it  rests  upon  the  authority  of  Peters. 
t Connecticut.  f Niantick.  § A name  signifying  an  Owl's  nest.  Same  letter. 

||  Probably  Mononotto. 


1 


Chap.  VI.]  SASSACUS.— TREATY.  103 

period  would  have  relied  more  upon  the  Pequots’  own  account  than  the  gem 
eral  rumor.  Such  are  the  events  of  time— a circumstance  may  change  the 
fate,  nay,  the  character  of  a nation,  for  a period,  in  the  eyes  of  many  genera- 
tions ! But 

u O Time  ! the  beautifier  of  the  dead  ! 

Adorner  of  the  ruin  ! — comforter, 

And«only  healer,  when  the  heart  hath  bled  ! 

Time,  the  correcter  where  our  judgments  err.” 

In  the  progress  of  the  treaty,  the  Pequot  ambassadors  said,  that  if  the  two 
men  then  living  who  had  been  concerned  in  Stone’s  death,  “ were  worthy  of 
death,  they  would  move  their  sachem  to  deliver  them  ” to  the  English,  but  that 
as  to  themselves,  they  had  no  power  to  do  so,  and  at  once  urged  the  justness 
of  their  act  without  qualification.  Stone , they  said,  came  into  their  river  and 
seized  upon  two  of  their  men,  and  bound  them  hand  and  foot,  and,  in  that 
situation,  obliged  them  to  pilot  him  up  the  river.  When  he  had  gone  up  as 
far  as  he  desired,  himself  and  two  other  white  men,  and  the  two  manacled 
Indians,  went  on  shore.  Meanwhile  they  had  been  watched  by  nine  Indians, 
who,  when  they  found  the  Englishmen  asleep  on  the  following  night,  fell  upon 
them  and  massacred  them. 

Considering  the  state  of  the  Indians,  no  blame  could  be  attached  to  them  for 
this  act ; two  of  their  countrymen  were  in  the  hands  of  an  unknown  people, 
who,  from  every  appearance,  were  about  to  put  them  to  death,  and  it  was  by 
an  act  of  pure  benevolence  and  heroism  that  they  delivered  them  out  of  the 
liands  of  an  invading  foe. 

Therefore,  being  satisfied  with  the  account,  the  English  agreed  to  have 
peace  with  them,  provided  they  would  give  up  the  two  men  when  they  should 
send  for  them ; “ to  yeld  up  Connecticut ; ” to  give  400  fathom  of  wampom, 
and  40  beaver  and  30  otter  skins  ; and  that  the  English  should  immediately 
send  a vessel  with  a cargo  of  cloth  to  trade  with  them. 

The  names  of  these  ambassadors  are  not  recorded ; but  one  signed  the  treaty 
with  the  mark  of  a bow  and  arrow,  and  the  other  with  that  of  a hand. 

The  same  day  about  2 or  300  Narragansets  were  discovered  at  Neponset, 
who  had  marched  out  for  the  purpose  of  killing  these  ambassadors.  This 
discovery  being  made  before  the  treaty  was  concluded,  the  English  met  them 
at  Roxbury,  and  there  negotiated  a treaty  between  the  Pequots  and  them.  For 
the  furtherance  of  which,  the  Pequots  instructed  the  English  to  present  them 
with  a portion  of  the  wampom  which  they  were  to  give  to  them  ; but  not  as 
eoming  from  them,  because  they  disdained  to  purchase  peace  of  that  nation. 
The  Narragansets  readily  conceding  to  the  wishes  of  the  English,  all  parties 
retired  satisfied. 

Distrust  soon  grew  again  into  antipathy  ; it  having  been  reported  that  Stone 
and  those  with  him  were  treacherously  surprised  by  the  Pequots  who  had 
gone  on  board  his  vessel  in  a friendly  manner  to  trade ; and  seeing  Captain 
Stone  asleep  in  his  cabin,  they  killed  him,  and  the  other  men  one  after  the  other, 
except  Captain  Norton,  who,  it  seems,  was  with  him  ; he  being  a resolute  man, 
defended  himself  for  some  time  in  the  cook-room,  but  at  length,  some  powder, 
which  for  the  more  ready  use  he  had  placed  in  an  open  vessel,  took  fire  and 
exploded,  by  which  he  was  so  seriously  injured,  especially  in  his  eyes,  that  he 
could  hold  out  no  longer,  and  he  was  forthwith  despatched  by  them. 

This  matter  at  length  having  become  fixed  in  the  minds  of  the  English 
according  to  the  latter  relation,  they  were  the  more  ready  to  charge  other 
circumstances  of  a like  nature  upon  the  Pequots.  On  the  20  July,  1636,  as 
Mr.  John  Oldham  was  on  his  passage  passing  near  Manisses,  that  is,  Block 
Island,  in  a small  pinnace,  14  Narraganset  Indians  attacked  and  killed  him,  and 
made  his  crew  prisoners,  which  consisted  only  of  two  boys  and  two  Narraganset 
Indians.  The  same  day,  as  John  Gallop  was  on  his  passage  from  Connecticut, 
in  a bark  of  20  tons,  an  adverse  wind  drove  him  near  the  same  island.  On 
seeing  a vessel  in  possession  of  Indians,  he  bore  down  upon  her,  and  im- 
mediately knew  her  to  be  Captain  Oldham’s.  He  hailed  those  on  board,  but 
received  no  answer,  and  soon  saw  a boat  pass  from  the  vessel  to  the  shore 
full  of  men  and  goods.  As  Gallop  neared  the  suspicious  vessel,  she  slipped 
her  fastening,  and  the  wind  being  off  the  land  drifted  her  towards  Narragan- 


4 


104  SEA-FIGHT.— JOHN  GALLOP.  [Book  1 L 

set.  Notwithstanding  some  of  the  Indians  were  armed  with  guns  and  swords, 
Gallop , being  in  a stouter  vessel,  resolved  on  running  them  down  ; he  there- 
fore made  all  sail,  and  immediately  stemmed  the  pirate  vessel  on  the  quarter 
with  such  force  as  nearly  to  overset  her,  and  in  their  fright  six  Indians  jumped 
overboard  and  were  drowned.  The  rest  standing  upon  the  defensive,  and 
being  yet  far  superior  in  numbers  to  Gallop's  crew,  which  consisted  of  two  little 
boys  and  one  man,  to  board  them  was  thought  too  hazardous ; Gallop  therefore 
stood  off  to  repeat  his  broadside  method  of  attack.  Meanwhile  he  contrived 
to  lash  his  anchor  to  his  bows  in  such  a manner,  that  when  he  came  down 
upon  the  Indians  a second  time,  the  force  was  sufficient  to  drive  the  fluke  of 
the  anchor  through  their  quarter ; which,  holding  there,  both  vessels  floated 
along  together.  The  Indians  had  now  become  so  terrified,  that  they  stood  not 
to  the  fight,  but  kept  in  the  hold  of  the  pinnace.  Gallop  fired  in  upon  them 
sundry  times,  but  without  much  execution,  and  meantime  the  vessels  got  loose 
from  one  another,  and  Gallop  stood  off  again  for  a third  attack.  As  soon  as  he 
was  clear  of  them,  four  more  of  the  Indians  jumped  overboard,  and  were  also 
drowned.  Gallop  now  Ventured  to  board  his  prize.  One  of  the  remaining 
Indians  came  up  and  surrendered,  and  was  bound  ; another  came  up  and 
submitted,  whom  they  also  bound,  but  fearing  to  have  both  on  board,  this  last 
was  cast  into  the  sea.  Two  out  of  the  14  now  remained,  who  had  got  posses- 
sion of  the  hold  of  the  pinnace,  and  there  successfully  defended  themselves 
with  their  swords  against  their  enemy.  Captain  Oldham  was  found  dead  in 
the  vessel,  concealed  under  an  old  seine,  and  as  his  body  was  not  entirely  cold, 
it  was  evident  that  he  had  been  killed  about  the  time  his  pinnace  was  discov- 
ered by  Gallop.  , 

From  the  condition  in  which  Oldham’s  body  was  found,  it  was  quite  uncer- 
tain whether  he  had  fallen  in  an  affray,  or  been  murdered  deliberately  ; but  it 
is  very  probable  that  the  former  was  the  fact,  because  it  was  uncommon  for 
the  Indians  to  disfigure  the  slain,  unless  killed  as  enemies,  and  Oldham’s  body 
was  shockingly  mangled.  But  Captain  Oldham  had  been  killed  by  the  Indians, 
and  the  cry  of  vengeance  was  up,  and  cool  investigation  must  not  be  looked 
for.  The  murder  had  been  committed  by  the  Indians  of  Manisses,  but  Ma- 
nisses  was  under  the  Narragansets  ; therefore  it  was  believed  that  the  Narra- 
gansets  had  contrived  his  death  because  he  was  carrying  into  effect  the  articles 
of  the  late  treaty  between  the  Pequots  and  English. 

The  two  boys  wrho  were  with  Mr.  Oldham  were  not  injured,  and  were 
immediately  given  up  and  sent  to  Boston,  where  they  arrived  the  30th  of  the 
same  month.  As  soon  as  Miantunnomoh  heard  of  the  affair  of  Captain  Oldham , 
he  ordered  JVinigret  to  send  for  the  boys  and  goods  to  Block  Island.  The 
boys  he  caused  to  be  delivered  to  Mr.  Williams , and  the  goods  he  held  subject 
to  the  order  of  the  English  of  Massachusetts. 

Meanwhile,  26  July,  the  two  Indians  who  were  in  Mr.  Oldham’s  pinnace 
when  she  was  taken,  were  sent  by  Canonicus  to  Governor  Vane.  They 
brought  a letter  from  Roger  Williams , which  gave  an  account  of  the  whole 
affair,  and  some  circumstances  led  the  English  to  believe  these  messengers 
were  accessory  to  the  death  of  Oldham ; but  we  know  not  if  any  thing  further 
were  ever  done  about  it.  The  same  letter  informed  the  governor  that  Mian- 
tunnomoh had  gone,  with  200  men  in  17  canoes,  “to  take  revenge,  &c.” 

These  events  and  transactions  soon  caused  the  convening  of  the  governor 
and  council  of  Massachusetts,  who  forthwith  declared  war  against  the  Indians 
of  Manisses.  Accordingly  90  men  were  raised  and  put  under  the  command 
of  Captain  John  Endecott , who  was  general  of  the  expedition.  John  Underhill 
and  Nathaniel  Turner  were  captains,  and  Jenyson  and  Davenport  ensigns. 
Endecott’ s instructions  were  to  put  to  death  the  men  of  Block  Island,  but  to 
make  captives  of  the  women  and  children.  This  armament  set  forth  in  three 
pinnaces,  with  two  Indians  as  guides,  25  September,  1636. 

On  arriving  at  Manisses  they  saw  many  Indians,  but  could  not  get  near 
them.  At  Pequot  harbor,  a part  of  the  armament  seized  a quantity  of  com 
belonging  to  the  Pequots,  and  were  attacked  and  obliged  to  fly.  However,  the 
Narragansets  reported  that  there  were  13  Pequots  killed  during  the  expedition. 
The  English  were  satisfied  that  they  had  harbored  the  murderers  of  Oldham, 
which  occasioned  their  sailing  to  Pequot  harbor.  It  being  now  late  in  the 
season,  the  expedition  was  given  up,  to  be  resumed  early  in  the  spring. 


Chap.  VI.] 


PEQUOT  DEPREDATIONS. 


105 


The  Pequots,  being  now  left  to  themselves,  commenced  depredations  wher- 
ever they  dared  appear.  About  the  beginning  of  October,  as  five  men  from 
Saybrook  were  collecting  hay  at  a meadow  four  miles  above  that  place,  they 
were  attacked,  and  one  of  them,  named  Butterfield , was  taken  and  killed ; from 
which  circumstance  the  meadow  still  bears  his  name.  About  14  days  after, 
two  men  were  taken  in  a cornfield  two  miles  from  Saybrook  fort.  There  were 
six  of  the  whites,  and  they  were  surrounded  by  2 or  300  Indians,  yet  all  escaped 
but  two.  Thus  imboldened  by  success,  they  carried  their  depredations  within 
bowshot  of  Saybrook  fort,  killing  one  cow  and  shooting  arrows  into  sundry 
others. 

On  the  21  October,  Miantunnomoh , fearing  for  the  safety  of  his  English  friends, 
came  to  Boston,  accompanied  by  two  of  Canonicus's  sons,  another  sachem,  and 
about  20  men.  Kutshamakin  had  given  notice  of  his  coming,  and  a company 
of  soldiers  met  him  at  Roxbuiy  and  escorted  him  into  the  town.  Here  he  entered 
into  a treaty  with  the  English,  by  which  it  was  mutually  agreed  that  neither 
should  make  peace  with  the  Pequots  without  the  consent  of  the  other ; and  to 
put  to  death  or  deliver  up  murderers. 

About  the  same  time,  John  Tilley  was  taken  and  killed,  and  tortured  in  a 
most  barbarous  manner.  As  he  was  sailing  down  Connecticut  River  in  his 
bark,  he  landed  about  three  miles  above  Saybrook  fort,  and  having  shot  at  some 
fowl,  the  report  of  his  gun  directed  the  Indians  to  the  spot.  They  took  him 
prisoner  at  first,  and  then  cut  off  his  hands  and  feet.  He  lived  three  days  after 
his  hands  were  cut  off,  and  bore  this  torture  without  complaint,  which  gained 
him  the  reputation  of  being  “ a stout  man  ” among  his  tormentors.  These 
facts  were  reported  by  the  Indians  themselves.  Another  man  who  was  with 
Tilley  was  at  the  same  time  killed. 

On  the  22  February,  Lieutenant  Gardner  and  nine  men  went  out  of  Saybrook 
fort,  and  were  drawn  into  an  ambush,  where  four  of  them  were  killed,  and  the  rest 
escaped  with  great  difficulty. 

On  April  12,  six  men  and  three  women  were  killed  at  Weathersfield.  They  at 
the  same  time  killed  20  cows  and  a horse,  and  earned  away  two  young  women. 

Alarm  was  now  general  throughout  the  English  plantations.  Miantunnomoh 
having  sent  a messenger  to  Boston  to  notify  the  English  that  the  Pequots  had 
sent  away  their  women  and  children  to  an  island,  40  men  were  immediately 
sent  to  Narraganset  to  join  others  raised  by  Miantunnomoh , with  the  intention 
of  falling  upon  them  by  surprise. 

In  the  mean  time,  Captain  Mason , with  a company  of  90  men,  had  been 
raised  by  Connecticut  and  sent  into  the  Pequot  country.  He  was  accom- 
panied by  Uncas  and  a large  body  of  his  warriors,  who,  in  their  march  to 
Saybrook,  15  May,  fell  upon  about  30  Pequots  and  killed  7 of  them.  One 
being  taken  alive,  to  their  everlasting  disgrace  it  will  be  remembered,  that  the 
English  caused  him  to  be  tortured  ; and  the  heads  of  all  the  slain  were  cut  off, 
and  set  up  on  the  walls  of  the  fort.# 

Immediately  after  Captains  Mason  and  Underhill  set  out  to  attack  one  of  the 
forts  of  Sassacus.  This  fort  was  situated  upon  an  eminence  in  the  present 
town  of  Groton,  Connecticut.  The  English  arrived  in  its  vicinity  on  the  25th 
of  May  ; and  on  the  26th,  before  day,  with  about  500  Indians,  encompassed  it, 
and  began  a furious  attack.  The  Mohegans  and  Narragansets  discovered  great 
fear  on  approaching  the  fort,  and  could  not  believe  that  the  English  would 
dare  to  attack  it.  When  they  came  to  the  foot  of  the  hill  on  which  it  was 
situated,  Captain  Mason  was  apprehensive  of  being  abandoned  by  them,  and, 
making  a halt,  sent  for  Uncas , who  led  the  Mohegans,  and  Wequash , their  pilot, 
who  was  a fugitive  Pequot  chief, f and  urged  them  not  to  desert  him,  but  to 
follow  him  at  any  distance  they  pleased.  These  Indians  had  all  along  told  the 
English  they  dared  not  fight  the  Pequots,  but  boasted  how  they  themselves 
would  fight.  Mason  told  them  now  they  should  see  whether  Englishmen 

* Winthrop’s  Journal,  and  Mason’s  Hist.  Pequot  War. — Dr.  Mather’s  account  of  this  affair 
has  been  given  in  the  life  of  Uncas. 

f The  same,  it  is  believed,  elsewhere  called  Waquash  Cook ; “ which  Wequash  (says  Dr. 
I.  Mather)  was  by  birth  a sachem  of  that  place  [where  Sassacus  lived],  but  upon  some  disgust 
received,  he  went  from  the  Pequots  to  the  Narragansets,  and  became  a chief  captain  under 
Miantunnomoh.”— -Relation,  74. 


106 


DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  PEQUOTS. 


[Book  II. 


would  fight  or  not.  Notwithstanding  their  boastings,  they  could  not  overcome 
the  terror  which  the  name  of  Sassacus  had  inspired  in  them,  and  they  kept  at 
a safe  distance  until  the  fight  was  over;  but  assisted  considerably  in  repelling 
the  attacks  of  the  Pequots,  in  the  retreat  from  the  fort ; — for  their  warriors,  on 
recovering  from  their  consternation,  collected  in  a considerable  body,  and 
fought  the  confederates  for  many  miles. 

The  English  had  but  77  men,  which  were  divided  into  two  companies,  one 
led  by  Mason,  and  the  other  by  Underhill.  The  Indians  were  all  within  their 
fort,  asleep  in  their  wigwams,  and  the  barking  of  a dog  was  the  first  notice 
they  had  of  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  yet  very  few  knew  the  cause  of  the 
alarm,  until  met  by  the  naked  swords  of  the  foe.  The  fort  had  two  entrances 
at  opposite  points,  into  which  each  party  of  English  were  led,  sword  in  hand. 
“ Wanux ! Wanux ! ” * was  the  cry  of  Sassacus’s  men ; and  such  was  their 
surprise,  that  they  made  very  feeble  resistance.  Having  only  their  own 
missile  weapons,  they  could  do  nothing  at  hand  to  hand  with  the  English 
rapiers.  They  were  pursued  from  wigwam  to  wigwam,  and  slaughtered  in 
every  secret  place.  Women  and  children  were  cut  to  pieces,  while  endeavor- 
ing to  hide  themselves  in  and  under  their  beds.  At  length  fire  was  set  in  the 
mats  that  covered  the  wigwams,  which  furiously  spread  over  the  whole  fort, 
and  the  dead  and  dying  were  together  consumed.  A part  of  the  English  had 
formed  a circumference  upon  the  outside,  and  shot  such  as  attempted  to  fly. 
Many  ascended  the  pickets  to  escape  the  flames,  but  were  shot  down  by  those 
stationed  for  that  purpose.  About  600  persons  were  supposed  to  have  perish- 
ed in  this  fight ; or,  perhaps  I should  say,  massacre,  f There  were  but  two 
English  killed,  and  but  one  of  those  by  the  enemy,  and  about  20  wounded. 
Sassacus  himself  was  in  another  fort ; and,  being  informed  of  the  ravages  of 
the  English,  destroyed  his  habitations,  and,  with  about  80  others,  fled  to  the 
Mohawks,  who  treacherously  beheaded  him,  and  sent  his  scalp  to  the  English. 

The  author  of  the  following  lines  in  “Yamoy den,”  alludes  to  this  melan- 
choly event  happily,  though  not  truly : — 

“ And  Sassacdus,  now  no  more,  On  Mystic’s  banks,  in  one  red  night: 

Lord  of  a thousand  bowmen,  fled  ; The  once  far-dreaded  king  in  vain 

And  all  the  chiefs,  his  boast  before,  Sought  safety  in  inglorious  flight ; 

Were  mingled  with  the  unhonored  dead.  And  reft  of  all  his  regal  pride, 

Sannap  and  Sagamore  were  slain,  By  the  fierce  Maqua^  hand  he  died.” 

One  of  the  most  unfeeling  passages  flows  from  the  pen  of  Hubbard,  in  his 
account  of  this  war ; which,  together  with  the  fact  he  records,  forms  a most 
distressing  picture  of  depravity.  We  would  gladly  turn  from  it,  but  justice 
to  the  Indians  demands  it,  and  we  give  it  in  his  own  words: — 

The  Narragansets  had  surrounded  “some  hundreds”  of  the  Pequots,  and 
kept  them  unlil  some  of  Captain  Stoughton’s  soldiers  “made  an  easy  con- 
quest of  them.”  “The  men  among  them  to  the  number  of  30,  were  presently 
turned  into  Charon’s  ferry-boat,  under  the  command  of  Skipper  Gallop , who 
dispatched  them  a little  without  the  harbor ! ” 

Thus  were  30  Indians  taken  into  a vessel,  earned  out  to  sea,  murdered,  and, 
in  the  agonies  of  death,  thrown  overboard,  to  be  buried  under  the  silent 
waves!  Whereabouts  they  were  captured,  or  “ without”  what  “harbor”  they 
perished,  we  are  not  informed ; but,  from  the  nature  of  the  circumstances,  it 
would  seem  that  they  were  taken  on  the  borders  of  the  Narraganset  country, 
and  murdered  at  the  mouth  of  some  of  the  adjacent  harbors. 

That  these  poor  wretches  were  thus  revengefully  sacrificed,  should  have 
been  enough  to  allay  the  hatred  in  the  human  breast  of  all  who  knew  it, 
especially  the  historian!  But  he  must  imagine  that,  in  their  passage  to  their 
grave,  they  did  not  go  in  a vessel  of  human  contrivance,  but  in  a boat  belong- 
ing to  a river  of  hell ! thereby  forestalling  his  reader’s  mind  that  they  had 
been  sent  to  that  abode. 


* Allen's  History  of  the  Pequot  War.  It  signified,  Englishmen!  Englishmen ! In  Mason’s 
history,  it  is  written  Owanux.  Allen  merely  copied  from  Mason,  with  a few  such  variations. 

t “It  was  supposed,”  says  Mather,  “ that  no  less  than  500  or  600  Pequot  souls  were  brought 
down  to  hell  that  day.”  Relation,  47.  We  in  charity  suppose,  that  by  hell  the  doctor  only 
meant  death. 


Chap.  VI.] 


LETTER  OF  CAPTAIN  STOUGHTON. 


107 


Notwithstanding  the  great  slaughter  at  Mistick,  there  were  great  numbers 
of  Pequots  in  the  country,  who  were  hunted  from  swamp  to  swamp,  and  their 
numbers  thinned  continually,  until  a remnant  promised  to  appear  no  more  as 
a nation. 

The  English,  under  Captain  Stoughton,  came  into  Pequot  River  about  a 
fortnight  after  the  Mistick  fight,  and  assisted  in  the  work  of  their  extermina- 
tion. After  his  arrival  in  the  enemy’s  country,  he  wrote  to  the  governor  of 
Massachusetts,  as  follows : “ By  this  pinnace,  you  shall  receive  48  or  50 
women  and  children,  unless  there  stay  any  here  to  be  helpful,  &c.  Concern- 
ing which,  there  is  one,  I formerly  mentioned,  that  is  the  fairest  and  largest 
that  I saw  amongst  them,  to  whom  I have  given  a coate  to  cloathe  her.  It  is 
my  desire  to  have  her  for  a servant,  if  it  may  stand  with  your  good  liking,  else 
not.  There  is  a little  squaw  that  steward  Culacut  desireth,  to  whom  he  hath 
given  a coate.  Lieut.  Davenport  also  desireth  one,  to  wit,  a small  one,  that 
hath  three  strokes  upon  her  stomach,  thus : — 1 1 1 -f-.  He  desireth  her,  if  it 
will  stand  with  your  good  liking.  Sosomon,  the  Indian,  desireth  a young  little 
squaw,  which  I know  not. 

“ At  present,  Mr.  Haynes , Mr.  Ludlo , Captain  Mason,  and  30  men  are  with 
us  in  Pequot  River,  and  we  shall  the  next  week  joine  in  seeing  what  we  can 
do  against  Sassacus,  and  another  great  sagamore,  Monowattuck , [ Mononotto .] 
Here  is  yet  good  work  to  be  done,  and  how  dear  it  will  cost  is  unknown. 
Sassacus  is  resolved  to  sell  his  life,  and  so  the  other  with  their  company,  as 
dear  as  they  can.”  # 

Perhaps  it  will  be  judged  that  Stoughton  was  looking  more  after  the  profit 
arising  from  the  sale  of  captives,  than  for  warriors  to  fight  with.  Indeed, 
Mason's  account  does  not  give  him  much  credit. 

Speaking  of  the  English  employed  in  this  expedition,  Wolcott  thus  im- 
mortalizes them : — 

“ These  were  the  men,  Jhis  was  the  little  band, 

That  durst  the  force  of  the  new  world  withstand. 

These  were  the  men  that  by  their  swords  made  way 
For  peace  and  safety  in  America.” 

Vacant  Hours,  44. 

There  was  a manifest  disposition  on  the  part  of  Uncas,  Canonicus , 
Miantunnomoh  and  JYinigret,  and  perhaps  other  chiefs,  to  screen  the  poor, 
denounced,  and  flying  Pequots,  who  had  escaped  the  flames  and  swords 
of  the  English  in  their  war  with  them.  Part  of  a correspondence  about 
these  sachems’  harboring  them,  between  R.  Williams  and  the  governor  of 
Massachusetts,  is  preserved  in  the  Collections  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical 
Society ; from  which  it  appears,  that  Massachusetts  had  requested  Mr. 
Williams  to  explain  to  the  chiefs  the  consequences  to  be  depended  upon,  if 
they  did  not  strictly  observe  their  agreement  in  regard  to  the  fugitive  Pequots. 
Otash  f carried  to  Mr.  Williams  a letter  from  the  Massachusetts  governor  upon 
this  subject.  After  he  had  obeyed  its  contents,  as  far  as  he  was  able,  he 
answered,  that  he  went  with  Otash  “ to  the  Nanhiggonticks,  and  having  got 
Canounicus  and  Miantunnomu,  with  their  council,  together,  I acquainted  them 
faithfully  with  the  contents  of  your  letter,  both  grievances  and  threatenings ; 
and  to  demonstrate,  I produced  the  copy  of  the  league,  (which  Mr.  [Sir 
Henry ] Vane  sent  me,)  and,  with  breaking  of  a straw  in  two  or  three  places,  I 
showed  them  what  they  had  done.” 

These  chiefs  gave  Mr.  Williams  to  understand,  that,  when  Mr.  Governor 
understood  what  they  had  to  say,  he  would  be  satisfied  with  their  conduct; 
that  they  did  not  wish  to  make  trouble,  but  they  “ could  relate  many  particulars 
wherein  the  English  had  broken  their  promises  ” since  the  war. 

In  regard  to  some  squaws  that  had  escaped  from  the  English,  Canonicus 
said  he  had  not  seen  any,  but  heard  of  some,  and  immediately  ordered  them  to 
be  carried  back  again,  and  had  not  since  heard  of  them,  but  would  now  have 
the  country  searched  for  them,  to  satisfy  the  governor. 

Miantunnomoh  said  he  had  never  heard  of  but  six,  nor  saw  but  four  of  them ; 


* Manuscript  letter  of  Captain  Stoughton,  on  file  among  our  state  papers, 
f Yotaash,  Mr.  Williams  writes  his  name. 


108 


OF  THE  PEQUOT  NATION. 


[Book  II. 


which  being  brought  to  him,  he  was  angry,  and  asked  those  who  brought  them 
why  they  did  not  carry  them  to  Mr.  Williams , that  he  might  convey  them  to 
the  English.  They  told  him  the  squaws  were  lame,  aud  could  not  go  ; upon 
which  Miantunnomoh  sent  to  Mr.  Williams  to  come  and  take  them.  Mr.  Wil- 
liams could  not  attend  to  it,  and  in  his  turn  ordered  Miantunnomoh  to  do  it, 
who  said  he  was  busy  and  could  not ; “ as  indeed  he  was  (says  Williams)  in  a 
strange  kind  of  solemnity,  wherein  the  sachims  eat  nothing  but  at  night,  and 
all  the  natives  round  about  the  country  were  feasted.”  In  the  mean  time  the 
squaws  escaped. 

Miantunnomoh  said  he  was  sorry  that  the  governor  should  think  he  wanted 
these  squaws,  for  he  did  not.  Mr.  Williams  told  him  he  knew  of  his  sending 
for  one.  Of  this  charge  he  fairly  cleared  himself,  saying,  the  one  sent  for  was 
not  for  himself,  but  for  Sassamun,*  who  was  lying  lame  at  his  house  ; that 
Sassamun  fell  in  there  in  his  way  to  Pequt,  whither  he  had  been  sent  by  the 
governor.  The  squaw  he  wanted  was  a sachem’s  daughter,  who  had  been  a 
particular  friend  of  Miantunnomoh  during  his  lifetime  ; therefore,  in  kindness 
to  his  dead  friend,  he  wished  to  ransom  her. 

Moreover,  Miantunnomoh  said,  he  and  his  people  were  true  “to  the  English 
in  life  or  death,”  and  but  for  which,  he  said,  Okase  [Unkus]  and  his  Mohiga- 
neucks  had  long  since  proved  false,  as  he  still  feared  they  would.  For,  he 
said,  they  had  never  found  a Pequot,  and  added,  “ Chenock  ejuse  wetompali- 
mucks ?”  that  is,  “Did  ever  friends  deal  so  with  friends?”  Mr.  Williams 
requiring  more  particular  explanation,  Miantunnomoh  proceeded : — 

“ My  brother,  Yotaash , had  seized  upon  Puttaquppuunck , Quawe,  and  20 
Pequots,  and  60  squaws ; they  killed  three  and  bound  the  rest,  whom  they 
watched  all  night.  Then  they  sent  for  the  English,  and  delivered  them  in 
the  morning  to  them.  I came  by  land,  according  to  promise,  with  200  men, 
killing  10  Pequots  by  the  way.  I desired  to  see  the  great  sachem  Puttaquppu- 
unck, whom  my  brother  had  taken,  who  was  now  in  the  English  houses,  but 
the  English  thrust  at  me  with  a pike  many  times,  that  I durst  not  come  near 
the  door.” 

Mr.  Williams  told  him  they  did  not  know  him,  else  they  would  not ; but 
Miantunnomoh  answered,  “ All  my  company  were  disheartened,  and  they  all, 
and  Cutshamoquene,  desired  to  be  gone.”  Besides,  he  said,  “ two  of  my  men, 
Wagonckwhut  f and  Maunamoh  [ Meihamoh ] were  their  guides  to  Sesquankit, 
from  the  river’s  mouth.”  Upon  which,  Mr.  Williams  adds  to  the  governor : 
“ Sir,  I dare  not  stir  coals,  but  I saw  them  too  much  disregarded  by  many.” 

Mr.  Williams  told  the  sachems  “ they  received  Pequts  and  wampom  without 
Mr.  Governor’s 'consent.  Cannounicus  replied,  that  although  he  and  Miantun- 
nomu  had  paid  many  hundred  fathom  of  wampum  to  their  soldiers,  as  Mr. 
Governor  did,  yet  he  had  not  received  one  yard  of  beads  nor  a Pequt.  Nor, 
saith  Miantunnomu , did  I,  but  one  small  present  from  four  women  of  Long 
Island,  which  were  no  Pequts,  but  of  that  isle,  being  afraid,  desired  to  put 
themselves  under  my  protection.” 

The  Pequt  war  has  generally  been  looked  upon  with  regret,  by  all  good 
men,  since.  To  exterminate  a people  before  they  had  any  opportunity  to 
become  enlightened,  that  is,  to  be  made  acquainted  with  the  reason  of  other 
usages  towards  their  fellow  beings  than  those  in  which  they  had  been  brought 
up,  is  a great  cause  of  lamentation ; and  if  it  proves  any  thing,  it  proves  that 
great  ignorance  and  barbarism  lurked  in  the  hearts  of  their  exterminators. 
We  do  not  mean  to  exclude  by  this  remark  the  great  body  of  the  present 
inhabitants  of  the  earth  from  the  charge  of  such  barbarism. 

In  the  records  of  the  United  Colonies  for  the  year  1647,  it  is  mentioned  that 
“ Mr.  John  Winthrop  making  claim  to  a great  quantity  of  land  at  Niantic  by 
purchase  from  the  Indians,  gave  in  to  the  commissioners  a petition  in  those 
words  : — ‘Whereas  I had  the  land  of  Niantick  by  a deed  of  gift  and  purchase 
from  the  sachem  [Sassacus]  before  the  [Pequot]  wars,  I desire  the  commis- 
sioners will  be  pleased  to  confirm  it  unto  me,  and  clear  it  from  any  claim  of 


* Probably  the  same  mentioned  afterwards.  He  might  have  been  the  famous  John  Sassa - 
mon,  or  his  brother  Rowland. 
t Perhaps  Wahgumacut , or  Wahginnacut. 


Chap.  VI.] 


MONONOTTO. 


109 


English  and  Indians,  according  to  the  equity  of  the  case.’  ” Winthrop  had  no 
writing  from  Sassacus,  and  full  ten  years  had  elapsed  since  the  transaction,  but 
Froinatush,  Wamberquaske , and  Antuppo  testified  some  time  after,  that  “ upon 
their  knowledge  before  the  wars  were  against  the  Pequots,  Sassacus  their 
sachem  of  Niantic  did  call  them  and  all  his  men  together,  and  told  that  he  was 
resolved  to  give  his  country  to  the  governor’s  son  of  the  Massachusetts,  who 
lived  then  at  Pattaquassat  alias  Connecticut  River’s  mouth,  and  all  his  men 
declared  themselves  willing  therewith.  Thereupon  he  went  to  him  to  Patta- 
quassets,  and  when  he  came  back  he  told  them  he  had  granted  all  his  country 
to  him  the  said  governor’s  son,  and  said  he  was  his  good  friend,  and  he  hoped 
he  would  send  some  English  thither  some  time  hereafter.  Moreover,  he  told 
him  he  had  received  coats  from  him  for  it,  which  they  saw  him  bring  home.” 
This  was  not  said  by  those  Indians  themselves,  but  several  English  said  they 
heard  them  say  so.  The  commissioners,  however,  set  aside  his  claim  with 
considerable  appearance  of  independence. 

Dr.  Dwight  thus  closes  his  poem  upon  the  destruction  of  the  Pequots : — 

“ Undaunted,  on  their  foes  they  fiercely  flew  5 

As  fierce  the  dusky  warriors  crowd  the  fight ; 

Despair  inspires  ; to  combat’s  face  they  glue  ; 

With  groans  and  shouts,  they  rage,  unknowing  flight, 

And  close  their  sullen  eyes,  in  shades  of  endless  night. 

Indulge,  my  native  land,  indulge  the  tear 

That  steals,  impassioned,  o’er  a nation’s  doom. 

To  me,  each  twig  from  Adam’s  stock  is  near, 

And  sorrows  fall  upon  an  Indian’s  tomb.” 

And,  O ye  chiefs  ! in  yonder  starry  home, 

Accept  the  humble  tribute  of  this  rhyme. 

Your  gallant  deeds,  in  Greece,  or  haughty  Rome, 

By  Maro  sung,  or  Homer’s  harp  sublime, 

Had  charmed  the  world’s  wide  round,  and  triumphed  over  time.” 

Another,  already  mentioned,  and  the  next  in  consequence  to  Sassacus , was 
Mononotto.  Hubbard  calls  him  a “noted  Indian,”  whose  wife  and  children 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  English,  and  as  “ it  was  known  to  be  by  her  media- 
tion that  two  English  maids  (that  were  taken  away  from  Weathersfield,  upon 
Connecticut  River)  were  saved  from  death,  in  requittal  of  whose  pity  and 
humanity,  the  life  of  herself  and  children  was  not  only  granted  her,  but  she 
was  in  special  recommended  to  the  care  of  Gov.  Winthrop , of  Massachusetts.” 
Mononotto  fled  with  Sassacus  to  the  Mohawks,  for  protection,  with  several 
more  chiefs.  He  was  not  killed  by  them,  as  Sassacus  was,  but  escaped  from 
them  wounded,  and  probably  died  by  the  hands  of  his  English  enemies.  He 
is  thus  mentioned  by  Governor  Wolcott , in  his  poem  upon  Winthrop' s agen- 
cy, &c. 

“ Prince  Mononotto  sees  his  squadrons  fly, 

And  on  our  general  having  fixed  his  eye, 

Rage  and  revenge  his  spirits  quickening, 

He  set  a mortal  arrow  in  the  string.” 

On  the  5 August,  1637,  Governor  Winthrop  makes  the  following  entry  in  his 
journal : — “ Mr.  Ludloivy  Mr.  Pincheon , and  about  12  more,  came  by  land  from 
Connecticut,  and  brought  with  them  a part  of  the  skin  and  lock  of  hair  of 
Sasacus  and  his  brother  and  5 other  Pequod  sachems,  who  being  fled  to  the 
Mohawks  for  shelter,  with  their  wampom  (being  to  the  value  of  £500)  were 
by  them  surprised  and  slain,  with  20  of  their  best  men.  Mononottoh  was  also 
taken,  but  escaped  wounded.  They  brought  news  also  of  divers  other  Pequods 
which  had  been  slain  by  other  Indians,  and  their  heads  brought  to  the  English  ; 
so  that  now  there  had  been  slain  and  taken  between  8 and  900.” 

The  first  troubles  with  the  Pequots  have  already  been  noticed.  It  was 
among  the  people  of  Mononotto , that  the  English  caused  the  blood  of  a Pequot 
to  flow.  Some  English  had  been  killed,  but  there  is  no  more  to  excuse  the 
murder  of  a Pequot  than  an  Englishman.  The  English  had  injured  the 
Indians  of  Block  Island  all  in  their  power,  which,  it  seems,  did  not  satisfy 
them,  and  they  next  undertook  to  make  spoil  upon  them  in  their  own  country 


MONONOTTO. — CASSASSINNAMON. 


[Book  II, 


uo 

upon  Connecticut  River.  “As  they  were  sailing  up  the  river,  says  Dr.  /„ 
Mather , many  of  the  Pequots  on  both  sides  of  the  river  called  to  them,  desirous 
to  know  what  was  their  end  in  coming  thither.”  * * * § They  answered,  that  they 
desired  to  speak  with  Sassacus ; being  told  that  Sassacus  had  gone  to  Long 
Island,  they  then  demanded  that  Mononotto  should  appear,  and  they  pretended 
he  was  from  home  also.  However,  they  went  on  shore  and  demanded  the 
murderers  of  Captain  Stone,  and  were  told  that  if  they  would  wait  they  would 
send  for  them,  and  that  Mononotto  would  come  immediately.  But  very  wisely, 
the  Pequots,  in  the  mean  time,  “ transported  their  goods,  women  and  children 
to  another  place.”  f One  of  them  then  told  the  English  that  Mononotto  would 
not  come.  Then  the  English  began  to  do  what  mischief  they  could  to  them, 
and  a skirmish  followed,  wherein  one  Indian  was  killed,  and  an  Englishman 
was  wounded.”  \ 

The  name  of  Mononotto's  wife  appears  to  have  been  Wincumbctne.  She 
should  not  be  overlooked  in  speaking  of  Mononotto,  as  she  was  instrumental  in 
saving  the  life  of  an  Englishman,  as  disinterestedly  as  Pocahontas  saved  that 
of  Captain  Smith.  Some  English  had  gone  to  trade  with  the  Pequots,  and  to 
recover  some  horses  which  they  had  stolen,  or  picked  up  on  their  lands.  Two 
of  the  English  went  on  shore,  and  one  went  into  the  sachem’s  wigwam  and 
demanded  the  horses.  The  Indians  within  slyly  absented  themselves,  and 
Jfincumbone,  knowing  their  intention,  told  him  to  fly,  for  the  Indians  were 
making  preparations  to  kill  him.  He  barely  escaped  to  the  boat,  being  follow- 
ed by  a crowd  to  the  shore. 

Cassassinnamon  was  a noted  Pequot  chief,  of  whom  we  have  some  account 
as  early  as  1659.  In  that  year  a difficulty  arose  about  the  limits  of  Southerton, 
since  called  Stonington,  in  Connecticut,  and  several  English  were  sent  to  settle 
the  difficulty,  which  was  concerning  the  location  of  Wekapauge.  “For  to 
help  us  (they  say)  to  understand  where  Wekapauge  is,  we  desired  some  Po- 
quatucke  Indians  to  go  with  us.”  Cassassinnamon  was  one  who  assisted* 
They  told  the  English  that  “ Cashawasset  (the  governor  of  Wekapauge)  did 
charge  them  that  they  should  not  go  any  further  than  the  east  side  of  a little 
swamp,  near  the  east  end  of  the  first  great  pond,  where  they  did  pitch  down  a 
stake,  and  told  us  [the  English]  that  Cashawasset  said  that  that  very  place  was 
W ekapauge ; said  that  he  said  it  and  not  them  ; and  if  they  should  say  that 
Wekapauge  did  go  any  further,  Cashawasset  would  be  angry.”  Cashawasset 
after  this  had  confirmed  to  him  and  those  under  him,  8000  acres  of  land  in  the 
Pequot  country,  with  the  provision  that  they  continued  subjects  of  Massachu- 
setts, and  should  “not  sell  or  alienate  the  said  lands,  or  any  part  thereof,  to  any 
English  man  or  men,  without  the  court’s  approbation.” 

The  neck  of  land  called  Quinicuntauge  was  claimed  by  both  parties ; but 
Cassassinnamon  said  that  when  a whale  was  some  time  before  cast  ashore 
there,  no  one  disputed  Cashawasset' s claim  to  it,  which,  it  is  believed,  settled 
the  question:  Cashawasset  was  known  generally  by  the  name  of  Harmon 
Garrett.  § 

We  next  meet  with  Cassassinnamon  in  Philip’s  war,  in  which  he  command- 
ed a company  of  Pequots,  and  accompanied  Captain  Denison  in  his  successful 
career,  and  was  present  at  the  capture  of  Canonchet.  || 

In  November,  1651,  Cassassinnamon  and  eight  others  executed  a sort  of  an 
agreement  “with  the  townsmen  of  Pequot,”  afterward  called  JYew  London * 
What  kind  of  agreement  it  was  we  are  not  told.  His  name  was  subscribed 
Casesymamon.  Among  the  other  names  we  see  Obbachickwood,  Neesouweegun 
alias  Daniel,  Cutchamcujuin  and  Mahmaivdmbam.  Cassassinnamon,  it  is  said, 
signed  “in  his  own  behalf  and  the  behalf  of  the  rest  of  Nameeag  Indians/ % 


* Relation,  44.  t Ibid. 

\ Ibid.  Captain  Lion  Gardener,  who  had  some  men  in  this  affair,  gives  quite  a different 

account.  See  life  of  Kutshamoquin,  alias  KutshamaJcin. 

§ Several  manuscript  documents.  ||  Hubbard . 

IT  1 Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  x.  101. 


€hap.  VII.] 


PRAYING  INDIANS. 


Ill 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Of  the  Praying  or  Christian  Indians  in  New  England — Difficult  to  Christianize 
them — Labors  of  John  Eliot— Wauban  the  first  Christian  sagamore— Indian  laics 
— Uncas  -protests  against  the  attempt  to  convert  his  people — Ninigret  refuses  to 
receive  missionaries — The  Indian  Bible — Piambouhou — Speen — Pennahannit — 
Tukapewillin — Oonamog — Ahatawance  — Wattassacomponum — Hiacoomes 
— Miohqsoo — Occum — Tituba. 

It  must  be  exceedingly  difficult,  as  all  experience  has  shown,  to  cause  any 
people  to  abandon  a belief  or  faith  in  a matter,  unless  it  be  one  on  which  the 
reasoning  powers  of  the  mind  can  be  brought  to  act.  The  most  ignorant 
people  must  be  convinced,  that  many  effects  which  they  witness  are  produced 
by  obvious  causes ; but  there  are  so  many  others  for  which  they  cannot  dis- 
cover a cause,  that  they  hesitate  not  to  deny  any  natural  cause  for  them  at 
once.  And  notwithstanding  that,  from  day  to  day,  causes  are  developing 
themselves,  and  showing  them,  that  many  results  which  they  had  viewed  as 
proceeding  from  a super  natural  cause  hitherto,  was  nothing  but  a natural 
one,  and  which,  when  discovered,  appeared  perfectly  simple,  too,  yet,  for  the 
want  of  the  means  of  investigation,  they  would  be  looked  upon  as  miraculous. 
These  facts  have  been  more  than  enough,  among  the  scientific  world,  to 
cause  them  to  look  upon  the  most  latent  causes,  with  a hope  that,  in  due 
time,  they  would  unfold  themselves  also ; and,  finally,  leave  nothing  for  any 
agent  to  perform  but  nature  itself.  When  the  Indian,  therefore,  is  driven  by 
reason,  or  the  light  of  science,  from  his  strong-hold  of  ignorance,  or,  in 
other  words,  superstition,  he  is  extremely  liable  to  fall  into  the  opposite 
extreme,  to  which  allusion  has  just  been  made,  because  he  will  unhesitatingly 
say,  what  once  appeared  past  all  discovery  has  been  shown  to  be  most  plain, 
and  therefore  it  is  not  only  possible,  but  even  probable,  that  others  will  be 
disclosed  of  a like  character,  and  so  on,  ad  infinitum , as  before. 

It  so  happens,  that  in  attempting  to  substitute  one  faith  for  another,  in  the 
minds  of  Indians,  that  the  one  proposed  admits  of  no  better  demonstration 
than  the  one  already  possessed  by  them ; for  their  manner  of  transmitting 
things  to  be  remembered,  is  the  most  impressive  and  sacred,  as  will  be  else- 
where observed  in  our  work.  That  any  thing  false  should  be  handed  down 
from  their  aged  matrons  and  sires,  could  not  be  for  a moment  believed ; and 
hence,  that  the  stories  of  a strange  people  should  be  credited,  instead  of  what 
they  had  heard  from  day  to  day  from  their  youth  up,  from  those  who  could 
have  no  possible  motive  to  deceive  them,  could  not  be  expected ; and  there- 
fore no  one  will  wonder  for  a moment  that  the  gospel  has  met  with  so  few 
believers  among  the  Indians.  All  this,  aside  from  their  dealers  in  mysteries, 
the  powwows,  conjurers  or  priests,  as  they  are  variously  denominated,  whose 
office  is  healing  the  sick,  appeasing  the  wrath  of  the  invisible  spirits  by 
charms  and  unintelligible  mummery.  These  characters  took  upon  them- 
selves, also,  the  important  affair  of  determining  the  happiness  each  was  to 
enjoy  after  death ; assuring  the  brave  and  the  virtuous  that  they  should  go  to 
a place  of  perpetual  spring,  where  game  in  the  greatest  plenty  abounded,  and 
every  thing  that  the  most  perfect  happiness  required.  Now,  as  a belief  in 
any  other  religion  promised  no  more,  is  it  strange  that  a new  one  should  be 
slow  in  gaining  credence  ? 

Considerations  of  this  nature  inevitably  press  in  upon  us,  and  cause  us  not 
to  wonder,  as  many  have  done,  that,  for  the  first  thirty  years  after  the  settle- 
ment of  New  England,  so  little  was  effected  by  the  gospel  among  the  Indians. 
The  great  difficulty  of  communicating  with  them  by  interpreters  must  have 
been  slow  in  the  extreme  ; and  it  must  be  considered,  also,  that  a great  length 
of  time  must  have  been  consumed  before  any  of  these  could  perform  their 
office  with  any  degree  of  accuracy ; the  Indian  language  bfeing  unlike  every 
other,  and  bearing  no  analogy  to  any  known  tongue  whatever ; and  then,  the 
peculiar  custom  of  the  Indians  must  be  considered ; their  long  delays  before 
£hey  would  answer  to  any  proposition  ; but  more  than  all,  we  have  to  con- 


112 


PRAYING  INDIANS—  NESUTAN. 


[Book  IT. 


sider  the  natural  distrust  that  must  necessarily  arise  in  the  minds  of  every 
people,  at  the  sudden  influx  of  strangers  among  them.  When  any  new 
theory  was  presented  to  their  minds,  the  first  questions  that  would  present 
themselves,  would  most  unquestionably  be,  What  are  the  real  motives  of  this 
new  people  ? — Do  they  really  love  us,  as  they  pretend  ? — Do  they  really  love 
one  another  ? or  do  they  not  live,  many  of  them,  upon  one  another  ? — Is  not 
this  new  state  of  things,  which  they  desire,  to  enable  them  to  subsist  by  us, 
and  in  time  to  enslave  us,  or  deprive  us  of  our  possessions  ? — Does  it  not 
appear  that  these  strangers  are  full  of  selfishness,  and,  therefore,  have  every 
motive  which  that  passion  gives  rise  to  for  deceiving  us  ? — Hence,  we  repeat, 
that  it  can  hardly  be  thought  strange  that  Christianity  has  made  so  slow 
progress  among  the  Indians. 

Notwithstanding  one  of  the  ostensible  objects  of  nearly  all  the  royal  char- 
ters and  patents  issued  for  British  North  America  was  the  Christianizing  of 
the  Indians,  few  could  be  found  equal  to  the  task  on  arriving  here ; where 
wants  of  every  kind  required  nearly  all  their  labors,  few  could  be  found 
willing  to  forego  every  comfort  to  engage  in  a work  which  presented  so 
many  difficulties.  Adventurers  were  those,  generally,  who  emigrated  with  a 
view  to  bettering  their  own  condition,  instead  of  that  of  others. 

At  length  Mr.  John  Eliot , seeing  that  little  or  nothing  could  be  effected 
through  the  medium  of  his  own  language,  resolved  to  make  himself  master 
of  the  Indian,  and  then  to  devote  himself  to  their  service.  Accordingly  he 
hired  * ** an  oldf  Indian,  named  Job  JVesutan,  \ to  live  in  his  family,  and  to  teach 
him  his  language.  When  he  had  accomplished  this  arduous  task,  which  he 
did  in  “a  few  months, ”§  he  set  out  upon  his  first  attempt;  having  given 
notice  to  some  Indians  at  JYonantum, ||  since  Newton, U of  his  intention.  With 
three  others  he  met  the  Indians  for  the  first  time,  28  October,  1646.  Waau- 
hon ,##  whose  name  signified  wind, ff  “a  wise  and  grave  man,  though  no 
Sachem,  with  five  or  six  Indians  met  them  at  some  distance  from  their  wig- 
wams, and  bidding  them  welcome,  conducted  them  into  a large  apartment, 
where  a great  number  of  the  natives  were  gathered  together,  to  hear  this  new 
doctrine.”  After  prayers,  and  an  explanation  of  the  ten  commandments,  Mr„ 
Eliot  informed  them  “ of  the  dreadful  curse  of  God  that  would  fall  upon  all 
those  that  brake  them : He  then  told  them  who  Jesus  Christ  was,  where  he 

was  now  gone,  and  how  he  would  one  day  come  again  to  judge  the  world  in 
flaming  fire.” 

After  about  an  hour  spent  in  this  manner,  the  Indians  had  liberty  to  ask 
any  questions  in  relation  to  what  had  been  said.  Whereupon  one  stood  up 
and  asked,  How  he  could  knoiv  Jesus  Christ  ? — Another,  Whether  Englishmen 
were  ever  so  ignorant  of  him  as  the  Indians  ? — A third,  Whether  Jesus  Christ 
could  understand  prayers  in  Indian  ? — Another,  How  there  could  he  an  image  of 
God , since  it  was  forbidden  in  the  second  commandment  ? — Another,  Whether , 
according  to  the  second  commandment , the  child  must  suffer , though  he  be  good , 
for  the  sins  of  its  parents  ? — And  lastly,  How  all  the  world  became  full  of  people , 
if  they  were  all  once  drowned  in  the  food  ? 

The  second  meeting  was  upon  11  November,  following.  Mr.  Eliot  met  the 
Indians  again,  and  after  catechising  the  children,  and  preaching  an  hour  to 
the  congregation,  heard  and  answered,  among  Others,  the  following  ques- 
tions.— How  the  English  came  to  differ  so  much  from  the  Indians  in  their  knowl- 
edge of  God  and  Jesus  Christ,  since  they  had  all  at  first  but  one  Father  ? — An- 
other desired  to  know,  How  it  came  to  pass  that  sea-water  was  salt  and  river 
water  fresh  ? — And  another,  That  if  the  water  was  higher  than  the  earth,  how  it 
happened  that  it  did  not  overflow  it  ? 

The  third  meeting  took  place  soon  after,  namely,  on  26  of  the  same  month, 


* Neal,  Hist.  N.  Eng.  i.  222.  f N.  Eng.  P>iog.  Dictionary,  art.  Eliot. 

\ .See  p.  51  of  this  book,  ante.  $ Neal,  Hist.  N.  Eng.  i.  123. 

||  “ Near  Watertown  mill,  upon  the  south  side  of  Charles  River,  about  four  or  five  miles 
from  his  own  house, -[in  Roxbury,]  where  lived  at  that  time  Waban,  one  of  their  principal 
men,  and  some  Indians  with  him.”  Goolcin , (Hist.  Col.)  168. 

U Nonantum  . or  Noonatomen,  signified  a place  of  rejoicing , or  rejoicing.  Neal,  i.  216. 

**  Wauban,  Magnalia,  iii.  196.  ft  Ibid. 

X\  Day-breaking  of  the  Gospel  in  N.  Eng.,  in  Neal,  i.  223. 


Chap.  VJI.j 


PRAYING  INDIANS.— THEIR  LAWS. 


113 


but  was  not  so  well  attended.  The  powwows  and  sachems  had  dissuaded 
some,  and  by  threats  deterred  others  from  meeting  upon  such  occasions. 
Still  there  were  considerable  numbers  that  got  attached  to  Mr.  Eliot,  and  in  a 
few  days  after,  Wampas , “a  wise  and  sage  Indian,”  and  two  others,  with  some 
of  his  children,  came  to  the  English.  He  desired  that  these  might  be  edu- 
cated in  the  Christian  faith.  At  the  next  meeting  all  the  Indians  present 
“ offered  their  children  to  be  catechised  and  instructed  by  the  English,  who 
upon  this  motion  resolved  to  set  up  a school  among  them.” 

Mr.  Eliot,  notwithstanding  his  zeal,  seems  well  to  have  understood,  that 
something  beside  preaching  was  necessary  to  reform  the  lives  of  the  Indians  ; 
and  that  was,  then*  civilization  by  education.  It  is  said  that  one  of  his  noted 
sayings  was,  The  Indians  must  be  civilized  as  well  as,  if  not  in  order  to  their 
being,  Christianized,*  Therefore,  the  request  of  the  Indians  at  Nonantum 
was  not  carried  into  effect  until  a place  could  be  fixed  upon  where  a regular 
settlement  should  be  made,  and  the  catechumens  had  shown  then*  zeal  for 
the  cause  by  assembling  themselves  there,  and  conforming  to  the  English 
mode  of  living.  In  the  end  this  was  agreed  upon,  and  Natick  was  fixed  as 
the  place  for  a town,  and  the  following  short  code  of  laws  was  set  up  and 
agreed  to : — I.  If  any  man  be  idle  a week,  or  at  most  a fortnight,  he  shall  pay 
five  shillings. — H.  If  any  unmarried  man  shall  lie  with  a young  woman 
unmarried,  he  shall  pay  twenty  shillings. — HI.  If  any  man  shall  beat  his  wife, 
his  hands  shall  be  tied  behind  him,  and  he  shall  be  carried  to  the  place  of 
justice  to  be  severely  punished. — IV.  Every  young  man,  if  not  another’s 
servant,  and  if  unmarried,  shall  be  compelled  to  set  up  a wigwam,  and  plant 
for  himself,  and  not  shift  up  and  down  in  other  wigwams. — V.  If  any  woman 
shall  not  have  her  hair  tied  up,  but  hang  loose,  or  be  cut  as  men’s  hair,  she 
shall  pay  five  shillings. — VI.  If  any  woman  shall  go  with  naked  breasts,  she 
shall  pay  two  shillings. — VH.  All  men  that  wear  long  locks  shall  pay  five 
shillings. — VIIL  If  any  shall  kill  their  lice  between  their  teeth,  they  shall  pay 
five  shillings. 

In  January  following  another  company  of  praying  Indians  was  established 
at  Concord ; and  there  were  soon  several  other  places  where  meetings  were 
held  throughout  the  country,  from  Cape  Cod  to  Narragansetf  Of  these,  Mr. 
Eliot  visited  as  many  and  as  often  as  he  was  able.  From  the  following  pas- 
sage in  a letter  which  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Winslow  of  Plimouth,  some  idea  may 
be  formed  of  the  hardships  he  underwent  in  his  pious  labors.  He  says,  “ I 
have  not  been  dry  night  nor  day,  from  the  third  day  of  the  week  unto  the 
sixth,  but  so  travelled,  and  at  night  pull  off*  my  boots,  wring  my  stockings, 
and  on  with  them  again,  and  so  continue.  But  God  steps  in  and  helps.” { 

The  chiefs  and  powwows  would  not  have  suffered  even  so  much  ground 
to  have  been  gained  by  the  gospel,  but  for  the  awe  they  were  in  of  the  Eng- 
lish power.  “Nor  is  this  to  be  wondered  at,”  says  the  very  good  historian, 
Mr.  Neal,  “ for  if  it  be  very  difficult  to  civilize  barbarous  nations,  ’tis  much 
more  so  to  make  them  Christians : All  men  have  naturally  a veneration  for 
the  religion  of  their  ancestors,  and  the  prejudices  of  education  § are  insupera- 
ble without  the  extraordinary  grace  of  God.” 

“ The  Monhegin  Indians  were  so  jealous  of  the  general  court’s  obliging 
them  to  pray  to  God,  that  Uncas,  their  sachem,  went  to  the  court  at  Hartford 
to  protest  against  it.  Cutshamoquin,  another  sachem,  came  to  the  Indian 
lecture,  and  openly  protested  against  their  building  a town,  telling  the  Eng- 
lish, that  all  the  sachems  in  the  country  were  against  it.  He  was  so  honest 
as  to  tell  Mr.  Eliot  the  reason  of  it ; for  (says  he)  the  Indians  that  pray  to  God 
do  not  pay  me  tribute,  as  formerly  they  did ; which  was  in  part  true,  for 
whereas  before  the  sachem  was  absolute  master  of  his  subjects ; their  lives 
and  fortunes  being  at  his  disposal ; they  gave  him  now  no  more  than  they 
thought  reasonable  ; but  to  wipe  off  the  reproach  that  Cutshamoquin  had  laid 
upon  them,  those  few  praying  Indians  present,  told  Mr.  Eliot  what  they  had 


* Hutchinson,  Hist.  Mass.  i.  163.  f Neal,  i.  226—230.  f Magnalia,  iii.  196. 

§ This  word,  when  applied  to  the  education  of  the  Indians  among  themselves,  is  to  be  un- 
derstood in  an  opposite  sense  from  its  common  acceptation : thus,  to  instruct  in  superstitions 
and  idolatry,  is  what  is  not  meant  by  education  among  us. 


114 


PRAYING  INDIANS.— INDIAN  BIBLE. 


[Book  II. 


done  for  their  sachem  the  two  last  years,  leaving  him  to  judge  whether  their 
prince  had  any  reason  to  complain.”  They  said  they  had  given  him  26 
bushels  of  corn  at  one  time,  and  six  at  another ; that,  in  hunting  for  him  two 
days,  they  had  killed  him  15  deers;  broke  up  for  him  two  acres  of  land; 
made  him  a great  wigwam;  “made  him  20  rods  of  fence  with  a ditch  and 
two  rails  about  it ; ” paid  a debt  for  him  of  £3,  10s.  “ One  of  them  gave  him 

a skin  of  beaver  of  two  pounds,  besides  many  days  works  in  planting  corn 
altogether ; yea,  they  said  they  would  willingly  do  more  if  he  would  govern 
them  justly  by  the  word  of  God.  But  the  sachem  swelling  with  indignation, 
at  this  unmannerly  discourse  of  his  vassals,  turned  his  back  upon  the  com- 
pany and  went  away  in  the  greatest  rage  imaginable ; though  upon  better 
consideration,  himself  turned  Christian  not  long  after.” 

Mr.  Experience  Mayheiv  met  with  similar  occurrences  many  years  after. 
Upon  a visit  to  the  Narragansets,  he  sent  for  JYinigret , the  sachem,  and 
desired  of  him  leave  to  preach  to  his  people ; but  the  sachem  told  him  to  go 
and  make  the  English  good  first ; and  observed,  further,  that  some  of  the 
English  kept  Saturday,  others  Sunday,  and  others  no  day  at  all  for  worship  : 
so  that  if  his  people  should  have  a mind  to  turn  Christians,  they  could  not 
tell  what  religion  to  be  of.  JVinigret  further  added,  that  Mr.  Mayheiv  might 
try  his  skill  first  with  the  Pequots  and  Mohegans,  and  if  they  submitted  to  the 
Christian  religion,  possibly  he  and  his  people  might,  but  they  would  not  be 
the  firsts 

In  the  meanwhile,  Mr.  Eliot  had  translated  the  whole  Bible  into  Indian,  f 
also  Baxter’s  Call,  Mr.  Shepherd’s  Sincere  Convert,  and  his  Sound  Be- 
liever, l besides  some  other  performances,  as  a Grammar,  Psalter,  Primers, 
Catechisms,  the  Practice  of  Piety,  &c.  § 

It  is  amusing  to  hear  what  our  old  valued  ffiend,  Dr.  C.  Mather , says  of 
Eliot’s  Bible.  “This  Bible,”  he  says,  “was  printed  here  at  our  Cambridge; 
and  it  is  the  only  Bible  that  ever  was  printed  in  all  America,  from  the  very 
foundation  of  the  world.”  ||  The  same  author  observes,  that  “ the  whole 
translation  was  writ  with  but  one  pen , which  pen  had  it  not  been  lost,  would 
have  certainly  deserved  a richer  case  than  was  bestowed  upon  that  pen,  with 
which  Holland  If  writ  his  translation  of  Plutarch” 

It  was  long  since  inquired,  “ What  benefit  has  all  this  toil  and  suffering 
produced? — Is  there  a vestige  of  it  remaining? — Were  the  Indians  in  reality 
bettered  by  the  great  efforts  of  their  friends ? ” “ Mr.  Eliot”  says  Dr.  Doug- 
lass, “ with  immense  labor  translated  and  printed  our  Bible  into  Indian.  It 
was  done  with  a good,  pious  design,  but  it  must  be  reconed  among  the  Otio- 
sorum  hominum  negotia:  It  was  done  in  the  Natick  [Nipmuk]  language.  Of 
the  Naticks,  at  present,  there  are  not  20  families  subsisting,  and  scarce  any 
of  these  can  read. — Cui  boni ! ”  *  ** 

By  the  accounts  left  us,  it  will  be  perceived,  that  for  many  years  after  the 
exertions  of  Eliot , Gookin,  Mayheiv  and  others,  had  been  put  in  operation, 
there  was  no  inconsiderable  progress  made  in  the  great  undertaking  of 
Christianizing  the  Indians.  Natick,  the  oldest  praying  town,  contained,  in 
1674,  29  families,  in  which  perhaps  were  about  145  persons.  The  name 
JVdtick  signified  a place  of  hills.  Waban  was  the  chief  man  here,  “ who,” 
says  Mr.  Gookin,  “ is  now  about  70  years  of  age.  He  is  a person  of  great 
prudence  and  piety  : I do  not  know  any  Indian  that  excels  him.” 

Pakemitt,  or  Punkapaog,  (“  which  takes  its  name  from  a spring,  that  riseth 
out  of  red  earth,”)  is  the  next  town  in  order,  and  contained  12  families,  or 


* Neal’s  N.  England,  i.  257.  f See  book  ii.  chap,  in,  p.  57,  ante. 

f Moore’s  Life  Eliot,  144.  § Magnolia , b.  iii.  197,  ||  Ibid. 

II  Philemon  Holland  was  called  the  translator-general  ol  his  age  ; he  wrote  several  of  his 
translations  with  one  pen,  upon  which  he  made  the  following  verses: 

With  one  sole  pen  I writ  this  book, 

Made  of  a grey  goose  quill ; 

A pen  it  was,  when  I it  took, 

And  a pen  I leave  it  still. 

Fuller’s  Worthies  of  England. 

**  Douglass,  Hist.  America,  i.  172,  note.  See  also  Halket,  Hist.  Notes,  24-8,  &c.  Doug- 
lass wrote  about  1745. 


PRAYING  INDIANS.— WAUBAN. 


115 


Chap.  VII.] 

about  60  persons.  It  was  14  miles  south  of  Boston,  and  is  now  included  in 
Stoughton.  The  Indians  here  removed  from  the  Neponset.  Hassanamesit 
is  the  third  town,  and  is  now  included  in  Grafton,  and  contained,  like  the 
second,  60  souls.  Okommakamesit,  now  in  Marlborough,  contained  about 
50  people,  and  was  the  fourth  town.  Wamesit,  since  included  in  Tewks- 
bury, the  fifth  town,  was  upon  a neck  of  land  in  Merrimack  River,  and 
contained  about  75  souls,  of  five  to  a family.  Nashobah,  now  Littleton,  Was 
the  sixth,  and  contained  but  about  50  inhabitants.  Magunkaquog,  now  Hop- 
kinton,  signified  a place  of  great  trees.  Here  Were  about  55  persons,  and 
this  was  the  seventh  town. 

There  were,  besides  these,  seven  other  towns,  which  were  called  the  new 
praying  towns.  These  were  among  the  Nipmuks.  The  first  was  Manchage, 
since  Oxford,  and  contained  about  60  inhabitants.  The  second  was  about 
six  miles  from  the  first,  and  its  name  was  Chabanakongkomun,  since  Dudley, 
and  contained  about  45  persons.  The  third  was  Maanexit,  in  the  north-east 
part  of  Woodstock,  and  contained  about  100  souls.  The  fourth  was  Q,uan- 
tisset,  also  in  Woodstock,  and  containing  100  persons  likewise.  Wabquissit, 
the  fifth  town,  also  in  Woodstock,  (but  now  included  in  Connecticut,)  con- 
tained 150  souls.  Pakachoog,  a sixth  town,  partly  in  Worcester  and  partly 
in  Ward,  also  contained  100  people.  Weshakim,  or  Nashaway,  a seventh, 
contained  about  75  persons.  Waeuntug  was  also  a praying  town,  included 
now  by  Uxbridge ; but  the  number  of  people  there  is  not  set  down  by  Mr. 
Gookin , our  chief  authority. 

Hence  it  seems  there  were  now  supposed  to  be  about  1150  praying  Indians 
in  the  places  enumerated  above.  There  is,  however,  not  the  least  probability, 
that  even  one  fourth  of  these  were  ever  sincere  believers  in  Christianity. 
This  calculation,  or  rather  supposition,  was  made  the  year  before  Philip's 
war  began;  and  how  many  do  we  find  who  adhered  to  their  profession 
through  that  war  ? That  event  not  only  shook  the  faith  of  the  common  sort, 
but  many  that  had  been  at  the  head  of  the  praying  towns,  the  Indian  minis- 
ters themselves,  were  found  in  arms  against  their  white  Christian  neighbors. 

At  the  close  of  Philip's  war,  in  1677,  Mr.  Gookin  enumerates  “ seven 
places  where  they  met  to  worship  God  and  keep  the  sabbath,  viz.  at 
Nonatum,  at  Pakemit,  or  Punkapog;  at  Cowate,  alias  the  Fall  of  Charles 
River,  at  Natik  and  Medfield,  at  Concord,  at  Namekeake,  near  Chelmsford.” 
There  were,  at  each  of  these  places,  he  says,  “ a teacher,  and  schools  for  the 
youth.”  But,  notwithstanding  they  had  occupied  seven  towns  in  the  spring 
of  1676,  on  their  return  from  imprisonment  upon  the  bleak  islands  in  Boston 
harbor,  they  were  too  feeble  long  to  maintain  so  many.  The  appearance  of 
some  straggling  Mohawks  greatly  alarmed  these  Indians,  and  they  were  glad 
to  come  within  the  protection  of  the  English ; and  so  the  remote  towns  soon 
became  abandoned. 

We  have  seen  that  1150  praying  Indians  were  claimed  before  the  war,  in 
the  end  of  the  year  1674,  but  not  half  this  number  could  be  found  when  it 
was  proclaimed  that  all  such  must  come  out  of  their  towns,  and  go  by 
themselves  to  a place  of  safety.  Mr.  Gookin  says,  at  one  time  there  were 
about  500  upon  the  islands ; but  when  some  had  been  employed  in  the  army, 
and  other  ways,  (generally  such  as  were  indifferent  to  religion,)  there  were 
but  about  300  remaining.  Six  years  after  that  disastrous  war,  Mr.  Eliot 
could  claim  but  four  towns ! viz.  “ Natick,  Punkapaog,  Wamesit,  and 
Chachaubunkkakowok.” 

Before  we  pass  to  notice  other  towns  in  Plimouth  colony,  we  will  give  an 
account  of  some  of  the  most  noted  of  the  praying  Indians. 

iVauhan  we  have  several  times  introduced,  and  will  now  close  our  account 
of  him.  He  is  supposed  to  have  been  originally  of  Concord ; but,  at  the 
time  Mr.  Eliot  began  his  labors,  he  resided  at  Nonantum,  since  Newton. 
At  Natik,  or  Natick,  he  was  one  of  the  most  efficient  officers  until  his 
death. 

When  a kind  of  civil  community  was  established  at  Natik,  Wauban  was 
made  a ruler  of  fifty,  and  subsequently  a justice  of  the  peace.  The  follow- 
ing is  said  to  be  a copy  of  a warrant  which  he  issued  against  some  of  the 


116 


PRAYING  INDIANS.— PIAMBO.— TUKAPEWILLIN.  [Book  IT. 

transgressors.  “ You,  you  big  constable , quick  you  catch  urn  Jeremiah  Offscow, 
strong  you  hold  urn , safe  you  bring  um , a/ore  me,  Waban , justice  peace."  * 

A young  justice  asked  fVauban  what  he  would  do  when  Indians  got  drunk 
and  quarrelled ; he  replied,  “ Tie  um  all  up,  and  whip  um  plaintiff,  and  whip 
umfendant,  and  ivhip  um  witness 

We  have  not  learned  the  precise  time  of  JVavhan's  death,  f but  he  was 
certainly  alive  in  the  end  of  the  year  1676,  and,  we  think,  in  1677.  For  he 
was  among  those  sent  to  Deer  Island,  30  October,  1675,  and  was  among  the 
sick  that  returned  in  May,  1676 ; and  it  is  particularly  mentioned  that  he  was 
one  that  recovered. 

PianibouhouX  was  the  next  man  to  Wauban,  and  the  next  after  him  that 
received  the  gospel.  At  the  second  meeting  at  Nonantum,  he  brought  a 
great  many  of  his  people.  At  Natik  he  was  made  ruler  of  ten.  When 
the  church  at  Hassanamesit  was  gathered,  he  was  called  to  be  a ruler  in  it. 
When  that  town  was  broken  up  in  Philip's  war,  he  returned  again  to  Natik, 
where  he  died.  He  was  one  of  those  also  confined  to  Deer  Island ; hence, 
he  lived  until  after  the  war.  The  ruling  elder  of  Hassanamesit,  called  by 
some  Piambow,  was  the  same  person. 

John  Speen  was  another  teacher,  contemporary  with  Piarnbo,  and,  like  Him, 
was  a “grave  and  pious  man.”  In  1661,  Timothy  Dwight,  of  Dedham,  sued 
John  Speen  and  his  brother,  Thomas,  for  the  recovery  of  a debt  of  sixty 
pounds,  and  Mr.  Eliot  bailed  them.  This  he  probably  did  with  safety,  as 
John  Speen  and  “ his  kindred  ” owned  nearly  all  the  Natik  lands,  when  the 
Christian  commonwealth  was  established  there.  This  valuable  possession 
he  gave  up  freely,  to  be  used  in  common,  in  1650.  Notwithstanding  “he 
was  among  the  first  that  prayed  to  God”  at  Nonantum,  and  “ was  a diligent 
reader,”  yet  he  died  a drunkard ; having  been  some  time  before  discarded 
from  the  church  at  Natik. 

Pennahannit,  called  Captain  Josiah,  was  “ Marshal  General  ” over  all  the 
praying  towns.  He  used  to  attend  the  courts  at  Natik;  but  his  residence 
was  at  Nashobah. 

Tukapewillin  was  teacher  at  Hassanamesit,  and  his  brother,  Anaweakin, 
ruler.  He  was,  according  to  Major  Gookin,  “ a pious  and  able  man,  and  apt 
to  teach.”  He  suffered  exceedingly  in  Philip’s  war;  himself  and  his 
congregation,  together  with  those  of  the  two  praying  towns,  “ Magunkog 
and  Chobonekonhonom,”  having  been  enticed  away  by  Philip's  followers. 
His  father,  Naoas,  was  deacon  of  his  church,  and  among  the  number. 
They,  however,  tried  to  make  their  escape  to  the  English  soon  after,  agree- 
ably to  a plan  concerted  with  Job  Kattenanit,  when  he  was  among  Philip's 
people  as  a spy ; but,  as  it  happened,  in  the  attempt,  they  fell  in  with  an 
English  scout,  under  Captain  Gibbs,  who  treated  them  as  prisoners,  and  with 
not  a little  barbarity  i robbing  them  of  every  thing  they  had,  even  the  minis- 
ter of  a pewter  cup  which  he  used  at  sacraments.  At  Marlborough,  though 
under  the  protection  of  officers,  they  were  so  insulted  and  abused,  “ espe- 
cially by  women,”  that  Tukapewillin' s wife,  from  fear  of  being  murdered, 
escaped  into  the  woods,  leaving  a sucking  child  to  be  taken  care  of  by  its 
father.  With  her  went  also  her  son,  12  years  old,  and  two  others.  The 
others,  Naoas  and  Tukapewillin,  with  six  or  seven  children,  were,  soon 
after,  sent  to  Deer  Island.  Naoas  was,  at  this  time,  about  80  years  old. 

Oonamog  was  ruler  at  Marlborough,  and  a sachem,  who  died  in  the 
summer  of  1674.  His  death  “was  a great  blow  to  the  place.  He  was  a 
pious  and  discreet  man,  and  the  very  soul,  as  it  were,  of  the  place.”  The 
troubles  of  the  war  fell  very  heavily  upon  his  family.  A barn  containing 
corn  and  hay  was  burnt  at  Chelmsford,  by  some  of  the  war  party,  as  it 
proved  afterwards ; but  some  of  the  violent  English  of  that  place  determined 
to  make  the  Wamesits  suffer  for  it.  Accordingly,  about  14  men  armed 


* Allen’s  Biog.  Diet.  art.  Waban. 

t Dr.  Homer,  Hist.  Newton,  says  he  died  in  1674,  but  gives  no  authority.  We  have  cited 
several  authorities,  showing  that  he  was  alive  a year  later,  (see  b.  iii.  pp.  10  and  79.) 
f Piam  Boohan , Gookin s Hist.  Coll.  184. — Piambow,  his  Hist.  Praying  Indians. 


Chap.  VII.] 


PRAYING  INDIANS.— WANNALANCET. 


117 


themselves,  and,  under  a pretence  of  scouting,  went  to  the  wigwams  of  the 
Wamesits,  and  ordered  them  to  come  out.  They  obeyed  without  hesitation, 
being  chiefly  helpless  women  and  children,  and  not  conceiving  any  harm 
could  be  intended  them ; but  they  were  no  sooner  out  than  fired  upon,  when 
five  were  wounded  and  one  killed.  Whether  the  courage  of  the  brave  Eng- 
lish now  failed  them,  or  whether  they  were  satisfied  with  what  blood  was 
already  shed,  is  not  clear  ; but  they  did  no  more  at  this  time.  The  one  slain 
was  a little  son  of  Tahatooner ; and  Oonamog's  widow  was  severely  wounded, 
whose  name  was  Sarah , “ a woman  of  good  report  for  religion.”  She  was 
daughter  of  Sagamore-John,  who  lived  and  died  at  the  same  place,  before  the 
war,  “ a great  friend  to  the  English.”  Sarah  had  had  two  husbands : the  first 
was  Oonamog , the  second  Tahatooner , who  was  son  of  Tahattawan , sachem  of 
Musketaquid.  This  affair  took  place  on  the  15  November,  1675. 

JYumphow  was  ruler  of  the  praying  Indians  at  Wamesit,  and  Samuel , his  son, 
was  teacher,  “ a young  man  of  good  parts,”  says  Mr.  Gookin , “ and  can  speak, 
read  and  write  English  and  Indian  competently ; ” being  one  of  those  taught  at 
the  expense  of  the  corporation.  JYumphow  experienced  wretched  trials  in  the 
time  of  the  war ; he  with  his  people  having  fled  away  from  their  homes 
immediately  after  the  horrid  barbarity  of  which  we  have  just  spoken,  fearing 
to  be  murdered  if  they  should  continue  there.  However,  after  wandering  a 
while  up  and  down  in  the  woods,  in  the  dismal  month  of  December,  they 
returned  to  Wamesit,  in  a forlorn  condition,  and  hoped  the  carriage  of  their 
neighbors  would  be  such  that  they  might  continue  there.  It  did  not  turn  out 
so,  for  in  February  they  again  quitted  their  habitations,  and  went  off*  towards 
Canada.  Six  or  seven  old  persons  remained  behind,  who  were  hindered  from 
going  by  infirmity.  These  poor  blind  and  lame  Indians  were  all  burnt  to 
death  in  their  wigwams.  This  act,  had  it  occurred  by  accident,  would  have 
called  forth  the  deepest  pity  from  the  breast  of  every  human  creature  to  whose 
knowledge  it  should  come.  But  horror,  anguish  and  indignation  take  the 
place  of  pity,  at  being  told  that  the  flames  which  consumed  them  were  lighted 
by  the  savage  hands  of  white  men  ! ! It  was  so — and  whites  are  only  left  to 
remember  in  sorrow  this  act  of  those  of  their  own  color ! But  to  return — 

During  the  wanderings  of  JYumphow  and  his  friends,  famine  and  sickness 
destroyed  many  of  them.  Himself  and  Mistic  George,  or  George  JVJistic,  a 
teacher,  were  numbered  with  the  dead.  The  others,  having  joined  Wannalan- 
cet  to  avoid  falling  in  with  war  parties  on  both  sides,  at  the  close  of  the  war, 
surrendered  themselves  to  the  English,  at  Dover,  in  August,  1676.  New 
troubles  now  came  upon  them.  Some  English  captives  testified  that  some  of 
them  had  been  in  arms  against  them,  and  such  were  either  sold  into  slavery, 
or  executed  at  Boston.  Several  shared  the  latter  fate.  JYumphow' s son  Samuel 
barely  escaped,  and  another  son,  named  Jonathan  George , was  pardoned ; also 
Symon  Betokam. 

JYumphow  was  in  some  public  business  as  early  as  1656.  On  8 June  that 
year,  he,  John  Line  and  George  J\Iistic,  were,  upon  the  part  of  the  “ Indian 
court,”  employed  to  run  the  line  from  Chelmsford  to  Wamesit.*  And  23 
years  after  he  accompanied  Captain  Jonathan  Danforth  of  Billerica  in  renew- 
ing the  bounds  of  Brenton's  Farm,  now  Litchfield,  N.  H.  f 

Wannalancet , whose  history  will  be  found  spoken  upon  at  large  in  our  next 
book,  countenanced  religion,  and  it  was  at  his  wigwam  that  Mr.  Eliot  and  Mr. 
Gookin  held  a meeting  on  the  5 May,  1674.  His  house  was  near  Pawtucket 
Falls,  on  the  Merrimack.  “ He  is,”  said  Major  Gookin , “ a sober  and  grave 
person,  and  of  years,  between  50  and  60.” 

John  Ahatawance  was  ruler  of  Nashobah,  a pious  man,  who  died  previous  to 
1674.  After  his  decease,  Pennahannit  was  chief.  John  Thomas  was  their 
teacher.  “ His  father  was  murdered  by  the  Maquas  in  a secret  manner,  as  he 
was  fishing  for  eels  at  his  wear,  some  years  since,  during  the  war  ” with  them. 

Wattasacompanum , called  also  Captain  Tom,  is  thus  spoken  of  by  Mr.  Gookin , 
who  was  with  him  at  Pakachoog,  17  September,  1674.  “ My  chief  assistant 
was  Wattasacompanum , ruler  of  the  Nipmuk  Indians,  a grave  and  pious  man, 
of  the  chief  sachem’s  blood  of  the  Nipmuk  country.  He  resides  at  Hassana- 

* Allen’s  Hist.  Chelmsford.  t MS.  letter  of  John  Farmer , Esq. 


118 


PRAYING  INDIANS.— HIACOOMES. 


[Book  II. 


mesit ; but  by  former  appointment,  calleth  here,  together  with  some  others.” 
Captain  Tom  was  among  Tukape  willin' s company,  that  went  off*  with  the 
enemy,  as  in  speaking  of  him  we  have  made  mention.  In  that  company  there 
were  about  200,  men,  women  and  children.  The  enemy,  being  about  300 
strong,  obliged  the  praying  Indians  to  go  off  with,  or  be  killed  by  them.  There 
were,  however,  many  who  doubtless  preferred  their  company  to  that  of  their 
friends  on  Deer  Island.  This  was  about  the  beginning  of  December,  1675. 
Captain  Tom  afterwards  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  English,  and,  being  tried 
and  condemned  as  a rebel,  was,  on  26  June,  1676,  executed  at  Boston  ; much 
to  the  grief  of  such  excellent  men  as  Gookin  and  Eliot. 

Although  something  had  been  done  towards  Christianizing  the  Indians  in 
Plimouth  colony,  about  a year  before  Mr.  Eliot's  first  visit  to  Nonantum,  yet 
for  some  years  after,  Massachusetts  was  considerably  in  advance  in  this  respect. 
Some  of  the  principal  congregations  or  praying  towns  follow  : — 

At  Meeshawn,  since  Provincetown  or  Truro,  and  Punonakanit,  since  Bil- 
lingsgate, were  72  persons  ; at  Potanumaquut,  or  Nauset,  in  Eastham,  44  ; at 
Monamoyik,  since  Chatham,  71 ; at  Sawkattukett,  in  Harwich  ; Nobsqassit,  in 
Yarmouth ; at  Matakees,  in  Barnstable  and  Yarmouth ; and  Weequakut,  in 
Barnstable,  122  ; at  Satuit,  Pawpoesit,  Coatuit,  in  Barnstable,  Mash  pee,  Wako- 
quet,  near  Mashpee,  95 ; at  Codtanmut,  in  Mashpee,  Ashimuit,  on  the  west 
line  of  Mashpee,  Weesquobs,  in  Sandwich,  22 ; Pispogutt,  Wawayoutat,  in 
Wareham,  Sokones,  in  Falmouth,  36.  In  all  these  places  were  462  souls ; 142 
of  whom  could  read,  and  72  write  Indian,  and  9 could  read  English.  This 
account  was  furnished  Major  Gookin  in  1674,  by  the  Rev.  Richard  Bourne  of 
Sandwich.  Philip's  war  broke  up  many  of  these  communities,  but  the  work 
continued  long  after  it  dwindled  to  almost  nothing  in  Massachusetts.  In  1685 
there  were  1439  considered  as  Christian  Indians  in  Plimouth  colony. 

Mr.  Thomas  Mayhew  Jr.  settled  in  Martha’s  Vineyard,  called  by  the  Indians 
Nope,  in  1642.  lie  was  accompanied  by  a few  English  families,  who  made 
him  their  minister ; but  not  being  satisfied  with  so  limited  usefulness,  he  learn- 
ed the  Indian  language,  and  began  to  preach  to  them.  His  first  convert  was 

Hiacoomes,  in  1643,  a man  of  small  repute  among  his  own  people,  whose 
residence  was  at  Great  Harbor,  near  where  the  English  first  settled.  He  was 
regularly  ordained  22  August,  1670,  but  he  began  to  preach  in  1646.  John 
Tokinosh  was  at  the  same  time  ordained  teacher.  His  residence  was  at  Num- 
pang,  on  the  east  end  of  the  island.  He  died  22  January,  1684,  and  Hiacoomes 
preached  his  funeral  sermon.  For  some  years  before  his  death  Hiacoomes  was 
unable  to  preach.  He  was  supposed  to  have  been  about  80  years  old  at  the 
time  of  his  death,  which  happened  about  1690. 

Pahkehpunnassoo,  sdchem  of  Chappequiddik,  was  a great  opposer  of  the 
gospel,  and  at  one  time  beat  Hiacoomes  for  professing  a belief  of  it.  Not  long 
after,  as  himself  and  another  were  at  work  upon  a chimney  of  their  cabin,  they 
were  both  knocked  down  by  lightning,  and  the  latter  killed.  Pahkehpunnassoo 
fell  partly  in  the  fire,  and  but  for  his  triends  would  have  perished.  Whether 
this  escape  awakened  him,  is  not  mentioned;  but  he  soon  after  became  a 
Christian,  and  Mr.  Mayhew  aptly  observes  that  “ at  last  he  was  a brand  plucked 
out  of  the  fire." 

Miohqsoo , or  Myoxeo,  was  another  noted  Indian  of  Nope.  He  was  a convert 
of  Hiacoomes , whom  he  had  sent  for  to  inquire  of  him  about  his  God.  He 
asked  Hiacoomes  how  many  gods  he  had,  and  on  being  told  but  ONE,  imme- 
diately reckoned  up  37  of  his,  and  desired  to  know  whether  he  should  throw 
them  all  away  for  one.  On  being  told  by  Hiacoomes  that  he  had  thrown  away  all 
those  and  many  more,  and  was  better  off  by  so  doing,  Miohqsoo  said,  he  would 
forthwith  throw  away  his,  which  he  did,  and  became  one  of  the  most  eminent 
of  the  Indian  converts.  One  of  his  children,  a son,  sailed  for  England  in 
1657,  with  Mr.  Thomas  Mayhew  Jr.,  in  a ship  commanded  by  Captain  James 
Garrett,  and  was  never  heard  of  after.  The  time  of  the  death  of  Miohqsoo  is 
unknown,  but  he  lived  to  a great  age. 

Among  the  Mohegans  and  Narragansets  nothing  of  any  account  was  effect- 
ed, in  the  way  of  Christianizing  them,  for  a long  time.  The  chief  sachems  of 
those  nations  were  determined  and  fixed  against  it,  and  though  it  was  from 
time  to  time  urged  upon  them,  yet  very  little  was  ever  done. 


PRAYING  INDIANS. — OCCUM. 


119 


Chap.  VII.] 

Sampson  Occum,  or,  as  his  name  is  spelt  in  a sermon  * * * § of  his,  Occom,  was  a 
Mohegan,  of  the  family  of  Benoni  Occum , who  resided  near  New  London,  in 
Connecticut.  He  was  the  first  of  that  tribe  who  was  conspicuous  in  religion, 
if  not  the  only  one.  He  was  born  in  1723,  and  becoming  attached  to  the  Rev. 
Eleazar  Wheelock , the  minister  of  Lebanon  in  Connecticut,  in  1741  he  became 
a Christian  .f  Possessing  talents  and  great  piety,  Mr.  Wheelock  entertained 
sanguine  hopes  that  he  would  be  able  to  effect  much  among  his  countrymen 
as  a preacher  of  the  gospel.  He  went  to  England  in  1765  to  procure  aid  for 
the  keeping  up  of  a school  for  the  instruction  of  Indian  children,  which  was 
begun  by  Mr.  Wheelock , and  furthered  by  a Mr.  Moore,  by  a donation  of  a 
school  house  and  land,  about  1763.  While  in  England  he  was  introduced  to 
Lord  Dartmouth , and  other  eminent  persons.  He  preached  there  to  crowds 
of  people,  and  returned  to  America  in  September,  1768,  having  landed  at 
Boston  on  his  return,  f It  is  said  he  was  the  first  Indian  that  preached 
in  England.  He  was  ordained,  in  1759,  a preacher  to  the  Montauks  on  L. 
Island.  About  this  time  he  visited  the  Cherokees.  He  finally  settled  among 
the  Oneida  Indians,  with  many  of  his  Mohegan  brethren,  about  1768  ; they 
having  been  invited  by  the  Oneidas.  He  died  in  July,  1792,  at  N.  Stock- 
bridge,  N.  York,  aged  69. 

Tituba  is  noticed  in  the  annals  of  New  England,  from  her  participation  in 
the  witch  tragedies  acted  here  in  1691.  In  a valuable  work  giving  a history  of 
that  horrible  delusion,  § mention  is  thus  made  of  her.  “ It  was  the  latter  end  of 
February,  1691,  when  divers  young  persons  belonging  to  [Rev.]  Mr.  Parris'  || 
family,  and  one  more  of  the  neighborhood,  began  to  act  after  a strange  and 
unusual  manner,  viz.,  as  by  getting  into  holes,  and  creeping  under  chairs  and 
stools,  and  to  use  other  sundry  odd  postures,  and  antic  gestures,  uttering  fool- 
ish, ridiculous  speeches,  which  neither  they  themselves  nor  any  others  could 
make  sense  of.”  “ March  the  11th,  Mr.  Parris  invited  several  neighboring 
ministers  to  join  with  him  in  keeping  a solemn  day  of  prayer  at  his  own 
house  ; the  time  of  the  exercise  those  persons  were,  for  the  most  part,  silent, 
but  after  any  one  prayer  was  ended,  they  would  act  and  speak  strangely,  and 
ridiculously,  yet  were  such  as  had  been  well  educated  and  of  good  behavior, 
the  one  a girl  of  11  or  12  years  old,  would  sometimes  seem  to  be  in  a convul- 
sion fit,  her  limbs  being  twisted  several  ways,  and  very  stiff,  but  presently  her 
fit  would  be  over.  A few  days  before  this  solemn  day  of  prayer,  Mr.  Parris 7 
Indian  man  and  woman,  made  a cake  of  rye  meal,  with  the  children’s  water, 
and  baked  it  in  the  ashes,  and,  as  it  is  said,  gave  to  the  dog ; this  was  done  as 
a means  to  discover  witchcraft.  Soon  after  which  those  ill-affected  or  afflicted 
persons  named  several  that  they  said  they  saw,  when  in  their  fits,  afflicting  of 
them.  The  first  complained  of,  was  the  said  Indian  woman,  named  Tituba. 
She  confessed  that  the  devil  urged  her  to  sign  a book,  which  he  presented  to 
her,  and  also  to  work  mischief  to  the  children,  &c.  She  was  afterwards  com- 
mitted to  prison,  and  lay  there  till  sold  for  her  fees.  The  account  she  since 
gives  of  it  is,  that  her  master  did  beat  her,  and  otherwise  abuse  her,  to  make 
her  confess  and  accuse  (such  as  he  called)  her  sister  witches  ; and  that  what- 
soever she  said  by  way  of  confessing  or  accusing  others,  was  the  effect  of 
such  usage ; her  master  refused  to  pay  her  fees,  unless  she  would  stand  to 
what  she  had  said.” 

We  are  able  to  add  to  our  information  of  Tituba  from  another  old  and 
curious  work, If  as  follows: — That  when  she  was  examined  she  “confessed 
the  making  a cake,  as  is  above  mentioned,  and  said  her  mistress  in  her  own 
country  was  a witch,  and  had  taught  her  some  means  to  be  used  for  the 
discovery  of  a witch  and  for  the  prevention  of  being  bewitched,  &c.,  but  said 
“that  she  herself  was  not  a witch.”  The  children  who  accused  her  said  “that 
she  did  pinch,  prick,  and  grievously  torment  them ; and  that  they  saw  her  here 

* At  the  execution  of  Moses  Paul , for  murder,  at  New  Haven,  2 September,  1772.  To  his 

letter  to  Mr.  Keen,  his  name  is  Occum. 

t Life  Dr.  Wheelock,  16.  \ His  Letter  to  Mr.  Keen,  in  Life  Wheelock,  175. 

§ Wonders  of  the  Invisible  World,  by  R.  Calef,  90,  91,  4to.  London,  1700. 

if  “ Samuel  Paris , pastor  of  the  church  in  Salem- village.”  Modest  Enquiry  into  the  Nature 
of  Witchcraft,  by  John  Hale,  pastor  of  the  church  in  Beverly,  p.  23,  16mo.  Boston,  1702. 

IT  Modest  Enquiry,  &c.  25. 


120 


TITUB  A .—WITCHCRAFT. 


[Book  II. 


and  there,  where  nobody  else  could.  Yea,  they  could  tell  where  she  was,  and 
what  she  did,  when  out  of  their  human  sight.”  Whether  the  author  was  a 
witness  to  this  he  does  not  say ; but  probably  he  was  not.  Go  through  the 
whole  of  our  early  writers,  and  you  will  scarce  find  one  who  witnessed  such 
matters : (Dr.  Cotton  Mather  is  nearest  to  an  exception.)  But  they  generally 
preface  such  marvellous  accounts  by  observing,  “ I am  slow  to  believe  rumors 
of  this  nature,  nevertheless,  some  things  I have  had  certain  information  of.”  * 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Felt  f gives  the  following  extract  from  the  “ Quarterly  Court 
Papers.”  “ March  1st.  Sarah  Osborn,  Sarah  and  Dorothy  Good,  Tituba,  servant 
of  Mr.  Parris,  Martha  Cory , Rebecca  Nurse , Sarah  Cloyce,  John  Proctor  and  his 
wife  Elizabeth,  all  of  Salem  village,  are  committed  to  Boston  jail  on  charge  of 
witchcraft.” 

The  other  servant  of  Mr.  Parris  was  the  husband  of  Tituba,  whose  name 
was  John.  It  was  a charge  against  them  that  they  had  tried  means  to  discover 
witches.  But  there  is  little  probability  that  these  ignorant  and  simple  Indians 
would  ever  have  thought  of  “trying  a project”  for  the  detection  of  witches, 
had  they  not  learned  it  from  some  more  miserably  superstitious  white  persons. 
We  have  the  very  record  to  justify  this  stricture. :[  Take  the  words.  “ Mary 
Sibly  having  confessed,  that  she  innocently  counselled  John,  the  Indian,  to 
attempt  a discovery  of  witches,  is  permitted  to  commune  with  Mr.  Parris' 
church.  She  had  been  previously  disciplined  for  such  counsel  and  appeared 
well.”  We  are  not  told  ivho  disciplined  her  for  the  examination.  Was  it  Mr. 
Parris  ? 

This  is  the  only  instance  I have  met  with  of  Indians  being  implicated  in 
white  witchcraft. 


* I.  Mather's  Brief  Hist.  Philip's  War,  34. 
f In  his  valuable  Annals  of  Salem,  303. 

\ Danvers  Records,  published  by  the  author  last  cited. 


END  OF  BOOK  SECOND. 


BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY 


OF  THE 

INDIANS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 


BOOK  III. 


BOOK  III 


BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY  OF  THE  NEW  ENG- 
LAND INDIANS  CONTINUED. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Life  of  Alexander  alias  Wamsutta — Events  which  led  to  the  war  with  Philip — 
Weetamoo  his  wife — Early  events  in  her  life — Petananuet,  her  second  husband 
— Weetamoo's  latter  career  and  death — Ninigret — Death  of  Alexander — John  Sas- 
samon — His  country  and  connections — Becomes  a Christian — Schoolmaster — Min- 
ister— Settles  at  Assaioomset — Felix  marries  his  daughter — Sassamon  discovers 
the  plots  of  Philip — Is  murdered — Proceedings  against  the  murderers — They  are 
condemned  and  executed. 

Alexander  was  the  English  name  of  the  elder  son  of  Massasoit.  His  real 
name  appears  at  first  to  have  been  Mooanam , and  afterwards  Wamsutta,  and 
lastly  Alexander.  The  name  of  Mooanam  he  bore  as  early  as  1639  ; in  1641 
we  find  him  noticed  under  the  name  Wamsutta.  About  the  year  1656,  he  and 
his  younger  brother,  Metacomet , or  rather  Pometacom,<  were  brought  to  the 
court  of  Plimouth,  and  being  solicitous  to  receive  English  names,  the  gov- 
ernor called  the  elder  Alexander,  and  the  younger  Philip,  probably  from  the 
two  Macedonian  heroes,  which,  on  being  explained  to  them,  might  have  flat- 
tered their  vanities  ; and  which  was  probably  the  intention  of  the  governor. 

Alexander  appears  pretty  early  to  have  set  up  for  himself,  as  will  be  seen  in 
the  course  of  this  chapter ; occasioned,  perhaps,  by  his  marrying  a female 
sachem  of  very  considerable  authority,  and  in  great  esteem  among  her 
neighbors. 

Namdmpum,  afterwards  called  Weetamoo , squaw-sachem  of  Pocasset,  was 
the  wife  of  Alexander ; and  who,  as  says  an  anonymous  writer,*  was  more 
willing  to  join  Philip  when  he  began  war  upon  the  English,  being  persuaded 
by  him  that  they  had  poisoned  her  husband.  This  author  calls  her  “ as  potent 
a prince  as  any  round  about  her,  and  hath  as  much  corn,  land,  and  men,  at 
her  command.” 

Alexander  having,  in  1653,  sold  a tract  of  the  territory  acquired  by  his  wife, 
as  has  been  related  in  the  life  of  Massasoit,  about  six  years  after,  Weetamoo 
came  to  Plimouth,  and  the  following  account  of  her  business  is  contained  in 
the  records. 

“ I,  JVamumpum,  of  Pokeesett,  hauing,  in  open  court,  June  last,  fifty-nine, 
[1659,]  before  the  govemour  and  majestrates,  surrendered  up  all  that  right  and 
title  of  such  lands  as  Woosamequin  and  Wamsetta  sould  to  the  purchasers ; as 
appeeres  by  deeds  giuen  vnder  theire  hands,  as  alsoe  the  said  Namumpum 
promise  to  remoue  the  Indians  of  from  those  lands  ; and  alsoe  att  the  same 
court  the  said  Wamsutta  promised  JVamumpum  the  third  part  of  the  pay,  as  is 


* Old  Indian  Chronicle,  p.  6, 


4 


ALEXANDER.— WEETAMO. 


[Book  III 


expressed  in  the  deed  of  which  payment  Namumpum  liaue  receiued  of  John 
Cooke , this  6 of  Oct.  1659 : these  particulars  as  followeth  : item  ; 20  yards  blew 
trading  cloth,  2 yards  red  cotton,  2 paire  of  shooes , 2 paire  stockings,  6 broade 
hoes  and  1 axe  ; And  doe  acknowledge  receiued  by  me,  Namumpum.” 

Witnessed  by  Squabsen,  Wahalunchquatt,  and  two  English. 

Thus  this  land  affair  seems  to  have  been  amicably  settled ; but  the  same 
year  of  Alexander's  death,  whether  before  or  after  we  are  not  assured,  JVamum 
pum  appeared  at  Plimouth,  and  complained  that  Wamsutta  had  sold  some  of 
her  land  without  her  consent.  “ The  court  agreed  to  doe  what  they  could 
in  conuenient  time  for  her  relief.” 

We  apprehend  there  was  some  little  difficulty  between  Alexander  and  his 
wife  about  this  time,  especially  if  her  complaint  were  before  his  death,  and 
we  are  rather  of  the  opinion  that  it  was,  for  it  was  June  when  her  complaint 
was  made,  and  we  should  assign  a little  later  date  for  the  death  of  her  husband ; 
and  therefore  all  difficulty  was  settled  in  his  death. 

On  the  8 April,  1661,  Wamsutta  deeded  the  tract  of  country  since  called 
Rehoboth  to  Thomas  Willet  “ for  a valuable  consideration.”*  What  that  was 
the  deed  does  not  inform  us  ; but  we  may  venture  to  question  the  fact,  for  if 
the  consideration  had  in  truth  been  valuable,  it  would  have  appeared  in  the 
deed,  and  not  have  been  kept  out  of  sight. 

What  time  JVamumpum  deeded  land  to  John  Sanford  and  John  Archer , we 
are  not  informed,  but  it  was  probably  about  the  beginning  of  1662,  It  w as  a 
deed  of  gift,  and  appears  to  have  been  only  deeded  to  them  to  prevent  her 
husband’s  selling  it ; but  these  men,  it  seems,  attempted  to  hold  the  land  in 
violation  of  their  promise  ; however,  being  a woman  of  perseverance,  she  so 
managed  the  matter,  that,  in  the  year  1668,  she  found  witnesses  who  deposed 
to  the  true  meaning  of  the  deed,  and  thus  was,  we  presume,  restored  to  her 
rightful  possessions. 

Since  we  have  been  thus  particular  in  acquainting  the  reader  with  the  wife 
of  Wamsutta,  we  will,  before  proceeding  with  our  account  of  the  husband, 
say  all  that  we  have  to  say  of  the  interesting  Weetamoo. 

Soon  after  the  death  of  Alexander , we  find  JVamumpum,  or  Weetamoo,  asso- 
ciated with  another  husband,  named  Petonowowet.  He  was  well  known  to 
the  English,  and  went  by  the  familiar  name  of  Ben.  Now,  unless  Peto-now~ 
owet , or  Pe-tan-a-nuet  has  been  corrupted  into  Peter  Nunnuit,  wre  must 
allow  her  to  have  had  a third  husband  in  1675.  We,  however,  are  well  satis- 
fied that  these  two  names  are,  as  they  appear  to  be,  one  and  the  same  name. 

This  husband  of  Weetamoo  does  not  appear  to  have  been  of  so  much  impor- 
tance as  her  first,  Wamsutta;  and  as  he  only  appears  occasionally  in  the 
crowd,  we  are  of  opinion  that  she  took  good  care  in  taking  a second  husband, 
and  fixed  upon  one  that  she  was  better  able  to  manage  than  she  was  the  de- 
termined Wamsutta. 

On  the  8 May,  1673,  Tatamomock,  Petonowowett,  and  William  alias  Ijasocke , 
sold  to  JVathaniel  Paine  of  Rehoboth,  and  Hugh  Cole  of  Swansey,  a lot  of 
land  in  Swansey,  near  Mattapoiset,  and  Showamet  neck,  for  £35  5s.  Weetamoo , 
Philip  alias  Wagusoke,  and  Steven  alias  JVucano,  were  the  Indian  witnesses. 

About  the  same  time,  one  Piowant  was  intruded  upon  by  some  others 
claiming  his  lands,  or  otherwise  molesting  him,  and  the  business  seems  to 
have  undergone  a legal  scrutiny ; in  this  affair  both  Weetamoo  and  her  hus- 
band appear  upon  our  records.  They  testify  that  the  tract  of  land  bounded 
by  a small  river  or  brook  called  Mastuckseit , which  compasseth  said  tract  to 
Assonett  River,  and  so  to  Taunton  River,  [by  trees,  &c.]  hath  for  many  years 
been  in  the  possession  of  Piowant.  The  place  of  the  bounds  on  Taunton  River 
was  called  Chippascuitt , which  was  a little  south  of  Mastucksett.  Pantauset , 
Quanowin,  JVescanoo,  and  Panoivwin,  testified  the  same. 

It  does  not  appear  that  Peta-nan-u-et  was  at  all  concerned  in  Philip's  war 
against  the  English,  but,  on  the  contrary,  forsook  his  wife  and  joined  them 
against  her.  Under  such  a leader  as  Church,  he  must  have  been  employed 
against  his  countrymen  with  great  advantage.  At  the  time  he  came  over  to 


See  the  Hist,  of  Attleborough,  by  John  Daggett , Esq.,  p.  6,  where  the  deed  is  preserved. 


ALEXANDER.— WEETAMO. 


5 


Chap.  I.] 

the  English,  he  no  doubt  expected  his  wife  would  do  the  same,  as  she  gave 
Church  to  understand  as  much.  After  the  war  he  was  honored  with  a com- 
mand over  the  prisoners,  who  were  permitted  to  reside  in  the  country  be- 
tween Sepecan  and  Dartmouth.  Numpus , or  Nompash , and  Isaac  were  also 
in  the  same  office. 

After  Mr.  Church  left  Awashonks ' council,  a few  days  before  the  war  broke 
out,  he  met  with  both  JVeetamoo  and  her  husband  at  Pocasset.  He  first  met 
with  the  husband,  Petananuet,  who  had  just  arrived  in  a canoe  from  Philip's 
head  quarters  at  Mount  Hope.  He  told  Church  there  would  certainly  be  war, 
for  that  Philip  had  held  a war  dance  of  several  weeks,  and  had  entertained 
the  young  men  from  all  parts  of  the  country.  He  said,  also,  that  Philip  ex- 
pected to  be  sent  for  to  Plimouth,  about  Sassamon's  death,  knowing  himself 
guilty  of  contriving  that  murder.  Petananuet  further  said,  that  he  saw  Mr. 
James  Broum  of  Swansey,  and  Mr.  Samuel  Gorton , who  was  an  interpreter, 
and  two  other  men  that  brought  a letter  from  the  governor  of  Plimouth  to 
Philip.  Philip's  young  warriors,  he  said,  would  have  killed  Mr.  Brown , but 
Philip  told  them  they  must  not,  for  his  father  had  charged  him  to  show  kind- 
ness to  him ; but  to  satisfy  them,  told  them,  that  on  the  next  Sunday,  when 
the  English  had  gone  to  meeting,  they  might  plunder  their  houses,  and  after- 
wards kill  their  cattle. 

Meanwhile  Weetamoo  was  at  her  camp  just  back  from  Pocasset  shore,  on 
the  high  hill  a little  to  the  north  of  what  is  now  Howland’s  ferry,  and  Petana- 
nuet requested  Mr.  Church  to  go  up  and  see  her.  He  did  so,  and  found  her  in 
rather  a melancholy  mood,  all  her  men  having  left  her  and  gone  to  Philip's 
war  dance,  much,  she  said,  against  her  will. 

Church,  elated  with  his  success  at  Awashonks'  camp,  and  thinking  both 
“ queens  ” secured  to  the  English  interest,  hastened  to  Plimouth  to  give  the 
governor  an  account  of  his  discoveries. — This  was  a day  big  to  Philip  ; he 
immediately  took  measures  to  reclaim  Weetamoo , and  had  nearly  drawn  off 
Awashonks  with  the  vivid  hopes  of  conquest  and  booty. 

Weetamoo  could  no  longer  remain  neutral ; the  idea  still  harrowed  upon  her 
mind,  that  the  authorities  of  Plimouth  had  poisoned  her  former  husband, * and 
was  now  sure  that  they  had  seduced  her  present  one ; therefore,  from  the 
power  of  such  arguments,  when  urged  by  the  artful  Philip,  there  was  no 
escape  or  resistance.  Hence  his  fortune  became  her  own,  and  she  moved 
with  him  from  place  to  place  about  her  dominions,  in  the  country  of  Pocasset, 
until  the  30  July,  when  all  the  Wampanoags  escaped  out  of  a swamp,  and 
retired  into  the  country  of  the  Nipmuks.  From  this  time  Weetamoo' s opera- 
tions become  so  blended  with  those  of  her  allies,  that  the  life  of  Philip  takes 
up  the  narration. 

When,  by  intestine  divisions,  the  power  of  Philip  was  destroyed  among  the 
Nipmucks,  Weetamoo  seems  to  have  been  deserted  by  almost  all  her  followers, 
and,  like  Philip,  she  sought  refuge  again  in  her  own  country.  It  was  upon  the 
6 August,  167C,  when  she  arrived  upon  the  western  bank  of  Tehticut  River  in 
Mettapoiset,  where,  as  was  then  supposed,  she  was  drowned  by  accident,  in 
attempting  to  cross  the  river  to  Pocasset,  at  the  same  point  she  had  crossed 
the  year  before  in  her  flight  with  Philip. 

Her  company  consisted  now  of  no  more  than  26  men,  whereas,  in  the  be- 
ginning of  the  war,  they  amounted  to  300 ; and  she  was  considered  by  the 
English  “ next  unto  Philip  in  respect  of  the  mischief  that  hath  been  done.”f 
The  English  at  Taunton  were  notified  by  a deserter  of  her  situation,  who 
offered  to  lead  any  that  would  go,  in  a way  that  they  might  easily  surprise  her 
and  her  company.  Accordingly,  20  men  volunteered  upon  this  enterprise, 
and  succeeded  in  capturing  all  but  Weetamoo,  “ who,”  according  to  Mr.  Hub- 
bard]. “ intending  to  make  an  escape  from  the  danger,  attempted  to  get  over  a 
river  or  arm  of  the  sea  near  by,  upon  a raft,  or  some  pieces  of  broken  wood ; 
but  whether  tired  and  spent  with  swimming,  or  starved  with  cold  and  hunger, 
she  was  found  stark  naked  in  Metapoiset,  not  far  from  the  water  side,  which 
made  some  think  she  was  first  half  drowned,  and  so  ended  her  wretched  life.” 
“ Her  head  being  cut  off  and  set  upon  a pole  in  Taunton,  was  known  by  some 


* Old  Indian  Chronicle,  p.  8. 

1* 


1 1.  Mather. 


+ Narrative,  103  and  109. 


6 


ALEXANDER. 


[Book  111 , 


Indians  then  prisoners  [there,]  which  set  them  into  a horrible  lamentation.”1 
Mr.  Mather  improves  upon  this  passage,  giving  it  in  a style  more  to  suit  the 
taste  of  the  times : “ They  made  a most  horid  and  diabolical  lamentation, 
dying  out  that  it  was  their  queen’s  head.” 

The  authors  of  Yamoyden  thus  represent  Philip  escaping  from  the  cold 
grasp  of  the  ghostly  form  of  Weetamoo  : — 

“ As  from  the  waters  depth  she  came,  Her  hollow  scream  he  heard  behind 

With  dripping  locks  and  bloated  frame,  ( id : 


Although  Weetamoo  doubtless  escaped  from  Pocasset  with  Philip , yet  it 
appears  that  instead  of  flying  to  the  Nipmuks  she  soon  went  down  into  the 
Niantic  country,  and  the  English  immediately  had  news  of  it,  which  occa- 
sioned their  sending  for  Ninigret  to  answer  for  harboring  then*  enemy,  as  in 
his  life  has  been  related. 

In  this  connection  it  should  be  noted,  that  the  time  had  expired,  in  which 
JVinigret  by  his  deputies  agreed  to  deliver  up  Weetamoo , some  time  previous  to 
the  great  fight  in  Narraganset,  and  hence  this  was  seized  upon,  as  one  pretext 
for  invading  the  Narragansets.  And  moreover,  it  was  said,  that  if  she  were 
taken  by  that  formidable  army  of  a 1000  men,  “ her  lands  would  more  than 
pay  all  the  charge  ” the  English  had  been  at  in  the  whole  war.* 

Weetamoo , it  is  presumed,  left  Ninigret  and  joined  the  hostile  Narragansets 
and  the  Wampanoags  in  their  strong  fort,  some  time  previous  to  the  English 
expedition  against  it,  in  December.  Arid  it  was  about  this  time  that  she 
connected  herself  with  the  Narraganset  chief  Quinnapin , as  will  be  found 
related  in  his  life.  She  is  mentioned  by  some  writers  as  Philip's  kinswoman, 
which  seems  to  have  been  the  case  in  a two-fold  manner ; first  from  her 
being  sister  to  his  wife,  and  secondly  from  her  marrying  Alexander , his  brother. 
To  return  to  Wamsutta. 

A lasting  and  permanent  interest  will  always  be  felt,  and  peculiar  feelings 
associated  with  the  name  of  this  chief.  Not  on  account  of  a career  of  battles, 
devastations  or  murders,  for  there  were  few  of  these, f but  there  is  left  for  us 
to  relate  the  melancholy  account  of  his  death.  Mr.  Hubbard's  account  of  this 
event  is  in  the  hands  of  almost  every  reader,  and  cited  by  every  writer  upon 
our  early  history,  and  hence  is  too  extensively  known  to  be  repeated  here. 
Dr.  I.  Mather  agrees  very  nearly  in  his  account  with  Mr.  Hubbard , but  being 
more  minute,  and  rarely  to  be  met  with,  we  give  it  entire 

“ In  A.  D.  1662,  Plimouth  colony  was  in  some  danger  of  being  involved  in 
trouble  by  the  Wampanoag  Indians.  After  Massasoit  was  dead,  his  two  sons, 
called  Wamsutta  and  Metacomet  came  to  the  court  at  Plimouth,  pretending 
high  respect  for  the  English,  and,  therefore,  desired  English  names  might  be 
imposed  on  them,  whereupon  the  court  there  named  Wamsutta , the  elder 
brother,  Alexander , and  Metacomet  the  younger  brother,  Philip.  This  Alexan- 
der, Philip's  immediate  predecessor,  was  not  so  faithful  and  friendly  to  the 
English  as  his  father  had  been.  For  some  of  Boston,  having  been  occasionally 
at  Narraganset,  wrote  to  Mr.  Prince , who  was  then  governor  of  Plimouth,  that 
Alexander  was  contriving  mischief  against  the  English,  and  that  he  had  solicit- 
ed the  Narragansets  to  engage  with  him  in  his  designed  rebellion.  Hereupon, 
Capt.  Willet  who  lived  near  to  Mount  Hope,  the  place  where  Alexander  did 
reside,  was  appointed  to  speak  with  him,  and  to  desire  him  to  attend  the  next 
court  in  Plimouth,  for  their  satisfaction,  and  his  own  vindication.  He 
seemed  to  take  the  message  in  good  part,  professing  that  the  Narragansets, 
whom,  he  said,  were  his  enemies,  had  put  an  abuse  upon  him,  and  he  readily 
promised  to  attend  at  the  next  court.  But  when  the  day  for  his  appearance 
was  come,  instead  of  that,  he  at  that  veiy  time  went  over  to  the  Narragansets, 
his  pretended  enemies,  which,  compared  with  other  circumstances,  caused 
the  gentlemen  at  Plimouth  to  suspect  there  was  more  of  truth  in  the  infor- 


* Old  Indian  Chronicle,  p.  31 , 32. 

t In  1661 , he  was  forced  into  a war  with  Uncas,  the  account  of  which,  properly  belonging 
to  the  life  of  that  chief,  will  be  found  there  related. 


Wild  her  discolored  arms  she  threw 
To  grasp  him  5 and,  as  swift  he  flew, 


ALEXANDER, 


€hap  I.] 


mation  given,  than  at  first  they  were  aware  of.  Wherefore  the  governor  and 
magistrates  there  ordered  Major  Winslow , (who  is  since,  and  at  this  day  [1677] 
governor  of  that  colony,)  to  take  a party  of  men,  and  fetch  down  Alexander . 
The  major  considering  that  semper  nocuit  deferre  paratis , he  took  but  10  armed 
men  with  him  from  Marshfield,  intending  to  have  taken  more  at  the  towns 
that  lay  nearer  Mount  Hope.  But  Divine  Providence  so  ordered,  as  that  when 
they  were  about  the  midway  between  Plimouth  and  Bridgewater,*  observing 
<m  hunting  house,  they  rode  up  to  it,  and  there  did  they  find  Alexander  and 
many  of  his  menf  well  armed,  but  their  guns  standing  together  without  the 
house.  The  major,  with  his  small  party,  possessed  themselves  of  the  Indians’ 
arms,  and  beset  the  house ; then  did  he  go  in  amongst  them,  acquainting  the 
sachem  with  the  reason  of  his  coming  in  such  a way ; desiring  Alexander 
with  his  interpreter  to  walk  out  with  him,  who  did  so  a little  distance  from  the 
house,  and  then  understood  what  commission  the  major  had  received  con- 
cerning him.  The  proud  sachem  fell  into  a raging  passion  at  this  surprise, 
saying  the  governor  had  no  reason  to  credit  rumors,  or  to  send  for  him  in 
such  a way,  nor  would  he  go  to  Plimouth,  but  when  he  saw  cause*  It  was 
replied  to  him,  that  his  breach  of  word  touching  appearance  at  Plimouth 
court,  and,  instead  thereof,  going  at  the  same  time  to  his  pretended  enemies, 
augmented  jealousies  concerning  him.  In  fine,  the  major  told  him,  that  his 
order  was  to  bring  him  to  Plimouth,  and  that,  by  the  help  of  God,  he  would 
do  it,  or  else  he  would  die  on  the  place  ; also  declaring  to  him  that  if  he  would 
submit,  he  might  expect  respective  usage,  but  if  he  once  more  denied  to  go, 
he  should  never  stir  from  the  ground  whereon  he  stood  ; and  with  a pistol  at 
the  sachem’s  breast,  required  that  his  next  words  should  be  a positive  and 
clear  answer  to  what  was  demanded*  Hereupon  his  interpreter,  a discreet 
Indian,  brother  to  John  SausamanJ  being  sensible  of  Alexander’s  passionate 
disposition,  entreated  that  he  might  speak  a few  words  to  the  sachem  before 
he  gave  his  answer.  The  prudent  discourse  of  this  Indian  prevailed  so  far  as 
that  Alexander  yielded  to  go,  only  requesting  that  he  might  go  like  a sachem, 
with  his  men  attending  him,  which,  although  there  was  some  hazard  in  it, 
they  being  many,  and  the  English  but  a few,  was  granted  to  him.  The 
weather  being  hot,  the  major  offered  him  an  horse  to  ride  on,  but  his  squaw 
and  divers  Indian  women  being  in  company,  he  refused,  saying  he  could  go  on 
foot  as  well  as  they,  entreating  only  that  there  might  be  a complying  with 
their  pace,  which  was  done.  And  resting  several  times  by  the  way,  Alexan- 
der and  his  Indians  were  refreshed  by  the  English.  No  other  discourse  hap- 
pening while  they  were  upon  their  march,  but  what  was  pleasant  and  amicable. 
The  major  sent  a man  before,  to  entreat  that  as  many  of  the  magistrates  of 
that  colony  as  could  would  meet  at  Duxbury.  Wherefore  having  there  had 
some  treaty  with  Alexander , not  willing  to  commit  him  to  prison,  they  en- 
treated Major  Winslow  to  receive  him  to  his  house,  until  the  governor,  who 
then  lived  at  Eastham,  could  come  up.  Accordingly,  he  and  his  train  were 
courteously  entertained  by  the  major.  And  albeit,  not  so  much  as  an  angry 
word  passed  between  them  whilst  at  Marshfield  ; yet  proud  Alexander , vexing 
and  fretting  in  his  spirit,  that  such  a check  was  given  him,  he  suddenly  fell 
sick  of  a fever.  He  was  then  nursed  as  a choice  friend.  Mr.  Fuller , the 
physician,  coming  providentially  thither  at  that  time,  the  sachem  and  his  men 
earnestly  desired  that  he  would  administer  to  him,  which  he  was  unwilling  to 
do,  but  by  their  importunity  was  prevailed  with  to  do  the  best  he  could  to 
help  him,  and  therefore  gave  him  a portion  of  working  physic,  which  the 
Indians  thought  did  him  good.  But  his  distemper  afterwards  prevailing,  they 
entreated^  to  dismiss  him,  in  order  to  a return  home,  which  upon  engagement 


* Within  six  miles  of  the  English  towns.  Hubbard,  10j  (Edition,  1677.)  Massasoit,  and 
likewise  Philip,  used  to  have  temporary  residences  in  eligible  places  for  fishing,  at  various 
sites  between  the  two  bays,  Narraganset  and  Massachusetts,  as  at  Raynham,  Namasket,  Titi- 
cut,  [in  Middleborough,]  and  Munponset  Pond  in  Halifax.  At  which  of  these  places  he  was, 
we  cannot,  with  certainty,  decide  : that  at  Halifax  would,  perhaps,  agree  best  with  Mr.  Hub- 
bard's account. 

t Eighty,  says  Hubbard,  6. 
t He  had  a brother  by  tne  name  of  Roland. 

$ “ Entreating  those  that  held  him  prisoner,  that  he  might  have  liberty  to  return  home, 


8 ALEXANDER.  [Book  III. 

of  appearance  at  the  next  court  was  granted  to  him.  Soon  after  his  being 
returned  home  he  died.”* * 

Thus  ends  Dr.  Mather’s  “ relation  ” of  the  short  reign  of  Alexander.  And 
although  a document  lately  published  by  Judge  Davis  of  Boston  sets  the  con- 
duct of  the  English  in  a very  favorable  light,  yet  it  is  very  difficult  to  con- 
ceive how  Mather  and  Hubbard  could  have  been  altogether  deceived  in  their 
information.  We  mean  in  respect  to  the  treatment  Alexander  received  at  the 
hands  of  his  captors.  They  both  wrote  at  the  same  time,  and  at  different 
places,  and  neither  knew  what  the  other  had  written.  Of  this  we  are  confi- 
dent, if,  as  we  are  assured,  there  was,  at  this  time,  rather  a misunderstanding 
between  these  two  reverend  authors. 

This  affair  caused  much  excitement,  and,  judging  from  the  writers  of  that 
time,  particularly  Hubbard , some  recrimination  upon  the  conduct  of  the  gov- 
ernment of  Plimouth,  by  some  of  the  English,  who  were  more  in  the  habit  of 
using  or  recommending  mild  measures  towards  Indians  than  the  Plimouth 
people  appear  to  have  been,  seems  to  have  been  indulged  in.  After  thus 
premising,  we  will  offer  the  document,  which  is  a letter  written  by  the  Rev. 
John  Cotton,  of  Plimouth,  to  Dr.  I.  Mather , and  now  printed  by  Judge  Davis , 
in  his  edition  of  Morton’s  Memorial.  There  is  no  date  to  it,  at  least  the  editor 
gives  none ; but  if  it  were  written  in  answer  to  one  from  Mr.  Mather  to 
him,  desiring  information  on  that  head,  dated  21st  April,  1677, f we  may 
conclude  it  was  about  this  time  ; but  Mr.  Mather’s  “ Relation  ” would  not  lead 
us  to  suppose  that  he  was  in  possession  of  such  information,  and,  there- 
fore, he  either  was  not  in  possession  of  it  when  he  published  his  account,  or 
that  he  had  other  testimony  which  invalidated  it.' 

The  letter  begins,  “Major  Bradford,  [who  was  with  Mr.  Winslow  when 
Alexander  was  surprised,]  confidently  assures  me,  that  in  the  narrative  de 
Alexandro  { there  are  many  mistakes,  and,  fearing  lest  you  should,  through 
misinformation,  print  some  mistakes  on  that  subject,  from  his  mouth  I this 
write.  Reports  being  here  that  Alexander  was  plotting  or  privy  to  plots, 
against  the  English,  authority  sent  to  him  to  come  down.  He  came  not. 
Whereupon  Major  Winslow  was  sent  to  fetch  him.  Major  Bradford , with 
some  others,  went  with  him.  At  Munponset  River,  a place  not  many  miles 
hence,  they  found  Alexander  with  about  eight  men  and  sundry  squaws.  He 
was  there  about  getting  canoes.  He  and  his  men  were  at  breakfast  under 
then*  shelter,  their  guns  being  without.  They  saw  the  English  coming,  but 
continued  eating ; and  Mr.  Winslow  telling  then-  business,  Alexander , freely 
and  readily,  without  the  least  hesitancy,  consented  to  go,  giving  his  reason 
why  he  came  not  to  the  court  before,  viz.,  because  he  waited  for  Captain 
Willet’s  return  from  the  Dutch,  being  desirous  to  speak  with  him  first.  They 
brought  him  to  Mr.  Collier’s  that  day,  and  Governor  Prince  living  remote  at 
Eastham,  those  few  magistrates  who  were  at  hand  issued  the  matter  peace- 
ably, and  immediately  dismissed  Alexander  to  return  home,  which  he  did 
part  of  the  way ; but,  in  two  or  three  days  after,  he  returned  and  went  to 
Major  Winslow’s  house,  intending  thence  to  travel  into  the  bay  and  so  home ; 
but,  at  the  major’s  house,  he  was  taken  very  sick,  and  was,  by  water,  con- 
veyed to  Major  Bradford’s , and  thence  carried  upon  the  shoulders  of  his  men 
to  Tethquet  River,  and  thence  in  canoes  home,  and,  about  two  or  three  days 
after,  died.” 

Thus  it  is  evident  that  there  is  error  somewhere,  and  it  would  be  very  sat- 
isfactory if  we  could  erase  it  from  our  history ; but,  at  present,  we  are  able 
only  to  agitate  it,  and  wait  for  the  further  discovery  of  documents  before 
Alexander’s  true  history  can  be  given ; and  to  suspend  judgment,  although 


promising  to  return  again  if  he  recovered,  and  to  send  his  son  as  hostage  till  he  could  so  do. 
On  that  consideration,  he  was  fairly  dismissed,  but  died  before  he  got  half  way  home.” — 
Hubbard. 

* It  is  a pity  that  such  an  able  historian  as  Grdhame  should  not  have  been  in  possession  of 
other  authorities  upon  this  matter  than  those  who  have  copied  from  the  above.  See  his  Hist. 
N.  America , i.  401. 
t See  his  Memorial,  288. 

\ A paper  drawn  up  by  the  authorities  of  Plimouth,  and  now,  I believe,  among  the  MSS. 
in  the  library  of  the  Hist.  Soc.  of  Mass.  This  was,  probably,  Mr.  Hubbard’s  authority. 


Chap.  I.] 


SASSAMON 


9 


some  may  readily  decide  that  the  evidence  is  in  favor  of  the  old  printed 
accounts.  It  is  the  business  of  a historian,  where  a point  is  in  dispute,  to 
exhibit  existing  evidence,  and  let  the  reader  make  up  his  own  judgment. 

We  are  able,  from  the  first  extract  given  upon  this  head,  to  limit  the  time 
of  his  sachemship  to  a portion  of  the  year  1662. 

It  will  have  appeared  already,  that  enough  had  transpired  to  inflame  the 
minds  of  the  Indians,  and  especially  that  of  the  sachem  Philip , if,  indeed, 
the  evidence  adduced  be  considered  valid,  regarding  the  blamableness  of  the 
English.  Nevertheless,  our  next  step  onward  will  more  fully  develop  the 
causes  of  Philip's  deep-rooted  animosities. 

We  come  now  to  speak  of  John  Sassamon,  who  deserves  a particular 
notice ; more  especially  as,  from  several  manuscripts,  we  are  able  not  only  to 
correct  some  important  errors  in  former  histories,  but  to  give  a more  minute 
account  of  a character  which  must  always  be  noticed  in  entering  upon  the 
study  of  this  part  of  our  history.  Not  that  he  would  otherwise  demand 
more  notice  than  many  of  his  brethren  almost  silently  passed  over,  but  for  his 
agency  in  bringing  about  a war,  the  interest  of  which  increases  in  proportion 
as  time  carries  us  from  its  period. 

John  Sassamon  was  a subject  of  Philip , an  unstable-minded  fellow  ; and, 
living  in  the  neighborhood*  of  the  English,  became  a convert  to  Christianity, 
learned  their  language,  and  was  able  to  read  and  write,  and  had  translated 
some  of  the  Bible  into  Indian.  Being  rather  insinuating  and  artful,  he  was 
employed  to  teach  his  countrymen  at  Natick,  in  the  capacity  of  a school- 
master. How  long  before  the  war  this  was,  is  not  mentioned,  but  must  have 
been  about  1660,  as  he  was  Philip's  secretary,  or  interpreter,  in  1662,  and  this 
was  after  he  had  become  a Christian.  He  left  the  English,  from  some  dislike, 
and  went  to  reside  with  Alexander,  and  afterwards  with  Philip,  who,  it  ap- 
pears, employed  him  on  account  of  his  learning.  Always  restless,  Sassamon 
did  not  remain  long  with  Philip  before  he  returned  again  to  the  English  ; “ and 
he  manifested  such  evident  signs  of  repentance,  as  that  he  was,  after  his  re- 
turn from  pagan  Philip , reconciled  to  the  praying  Indians  and  baptized,  and 
received,  as  a member,  into  one  of  the  Indian  churches ; yea,  and  employed 
ns  an  instructor  amongst  them  every  Lord’s  day.”f 

Previous  to  the  war,  we  presume  in  the  winter  of  1672,  Sassamon  was  sent 
Jo  preach  to  the  Namaskets^  and  other  Indians  of  Middleborough,  who,  at 
this  time,  were  very  numerous.  The  famous  Watuspaquin  was  then  the 
chief  of  this  region  and  who  appears  to  have  been  disposed  to  encourage 
the  new  religion  taught  by  Sassamon.  For,  in  1674,  he  gave  him  a tract  of 
land  near  his  own  residence,  to  induce  him  to  remain  among  his  people.  The 
deed  of  gift  of  this  land  was,  no  doubt,  drawn  by  Sassamon,  and  is  in  these 
words : — 

“Know  all  men  by  these  presents,  that  I,  Old  Watuspaquin,  doe  graunt 
vnto  John  Sassamon,  allies  Wassasoman,  27  acrees  of  land  for  a home  lott  at 
Assowamsett  necke.  This  is  my  gift,  giuen  to  him  the  said  John  Sassamon, 
by  me  the  said  Watuspaquin , in  Anno  1673,  [or  1674,  if  between  1 Jan.  and 
25  March.] 

Old  Watuspaquin  © his  marke. 

William  Tuspaquin  □ V his  marke. 

Witness,  alsoe,  Naneheunt  § -| -his  marke." 

As  a further  inducement  for  Sassamon  to  settle  here,  Old  Tuspaquin  and 
his  son  deeded  to  Felix , an  Indian  who  married  Sassamon' s daughter,  58  and 
an  half  acres  of  land;  as  “a  home  lott,”  also.  This  deed  was  dated  11 
March,  1673,  O.  S.,  which  doubtless  was  done  at  the  same  time  with  the  other. 


* “ This  Sassamon  was  by  birth  a Massachusett,  his  father  and  mother  living  in  Dorchester, 
and  they  both  died  Christians.” — I.  Mather. 
t Mather’s  Relation,  74. 

I The  inhabitants  of  the  place  call  it  Nemasket.  In  the  records,  it  is  almost  always  written 
Namassakett. 

4 Spelt  also  Memeheutt. 


10 


SASSAMON. 


[Book  III. 


This  daughter  of  Sassamon  was  called  by  the  English  name  Betty*  but  her  orig- 
inal name  was  Assowetough.  To  his  son-in-law,  Sassamon  gave  his  land,  by  a 
kind  of  will,  which  he  wrote  himself,  not  long  before  his  death ; probably 
about  the  time  he  became  tired  of  his  new  situation,  which  we  suppose  was  also 
about  the  time  that  he  discovered  the  design  of  Philip  and  his  captains  to 
bring  about  their  war  of  extermination. 

Old  Tuspaquin,  as  he  called  himself,  and  his  son,  not  only  confirmed  Sassa- 
mon's will,  but  about  the  same  time  made  a bequest  themselves  to  his  daugh- 
ter, which,  they  say,  was  “ with  the  consent  of  all  the  chiefFe  men  of  Asso- 
wamsett.”  This  deed  of  gift  from  them  was  dated  23  Dec.  1673.  It  was  of 
a neck  of  land  at  Assowamsett,  called  Nahteawamet.  The  names  of  some 
of  the  places  which  bounded  this  tract  were  Mashquomoh,  a swamp,  Sason- 
kususett,  a pond,  and  another  large  pond  called  Chupipoggut.  Tobias , Old 
Thomas , Pohonoho , and  Kankunuki , were  upon  this  deed  as  witnesses. 

Felix  served  the  English  in  Philip's  war,  and  was  living  in  1679,  in  which 
year  Governor  Winslow  ordered,  “ that  all  such  lands  as  were  formerly  John 
Sassamon's  in  our  colonie,  shall  be  settled  on  Felix  his  son-in-law,”  and  to  re- 
main his  and  his  heirs  “ foreuer.”  Felix's  wife  survived  him,  and  willed  her 
land  to  a daughter,  named  Mercy.  This  was  in  1696,  and  Isacke  Wanno  wit- 
nessed said  will.  There  was  at  a later  period  an  Indian  preacher  at  Titicutf 
named  Thomas  Felix,  perhaps  a son  of  the  former.];  But  to  return  to  the 
more  immediate  subject  of  our  discourse. 

There  was  a Sassaman , or,  as  my  manuscript  has  it,  Solomon,  known  to  the 
English  as  early  as  1637 ; but  as  we  have  no  means  of  knowing  how  old  John 
Sassamon  was  when  he  was  murdered,  it  cannot  be  decided  with  probability, 
whether  or  not  it  were  he.  This  Sosomon , as  will  be  seen  in  the  life  of  Sassa- 
cus , went  with  the  English  to  fight  the  Pequots. 

Sassamon  acted  as  interpreter,  witness  or  scribe,  as  the  case  required,  on 
many  occasions.  When  Philip  and  Wootonekanuske  his  wife,  sold,  in  1664, 
Mattapoisett  to  William  Brenton,  Sassamon  was  a witness  and  interpreter. 
The  same  year  he  was  Philip's  agent  “ in  settling  the  bounds  of  Acushenok. 
Coaksett,  and  places  adjacent.”  Again,  in  1665,  he  witnessed  the  receipt  of 
£10  paid  to  Philip  on  account  of  settling  the  bounds  the  year  before. 

There  was  a Rowland  Sassamon , who  I suppose  was  the  brother  of  John. 
His  name  appears  but  once  in  all  the  manuscript  records  I have  met  with,  and 
then  only  as  a witness,  with  his  brother,  to  Philip's  deed  of  Mattapoisett, 
above  mentioned. 

The  name  Sassamon,  like  most  Indian  names,  is  variously  spelt,  but  the 
way  it  here  appears  is  nearest  as  it  was  understood  in  his  last  years,  judging 
from  the  records.  But  it  was  not  so  originally.  Woosansaman  was  among 
the  first  modes  of  writing  it. 

This  detail  may  appear  dry  to  the  general  reader,  but  we  must  occasion- 
ally gratify  our  antiquarian  friends.  We  now  proceed  in  our  narrative.  1 

While  living  among  the  Namaskets,  Sassamon  learned  what  was  going 
forward  among  his  countrymen,  and,  when  he  was  convinced  that  their 
design  was  war,  went  immediately  to  Plimouth,  and  communicated  his  dis- 
covery to  the  governor.  “Nevertheless,  his  information,” says  Dr .1. Mather, § 
“(because  it  had  an  Indian  original,  and  one  can  hardly  believe  them  when 
they  do  speak  the  truth,)  was  not  at  first  much  regarded.” 

It  may  be  noticed  here,  that  at  this  time  if  any  Indian  appeared  friendly, 
all  Indians  were  so  declaimed  against,  that  scarcely  any  one  among  the  Eng- 
lish could  be  found  that  would  allow  that  an  Indian  could  be  faithful  or 
honest  in  any  affair.  And  although  some  others  besides  Sassamon  had  inti- 
mated, and  that  rather  strongly,  that  a “ rising  of  the  Indians  ” was  at  hand, 
still,  as  Dr.  Mather  observes,  because  Indians  said  so,  little  or  no  attention 


* The  English  sometimes  added  her  surname,  and  hence,  in  the  account  of  Mr.  Bennet,  (1 
Col.  Mass.  Hist  Soc,  iii.  1.)  Betty  Sasemore,  The  noted  place  now  called  Betty’s  Neck „ 
in  Middleborough,  was  named  from  her.  In  1793,  there  were  eight  families  of  Indians  there. 

t Cotuhticnt,  Kclchiqimt,  Tehticut,  Keketticut,  Keticut,  Teightaquid,  Tetehquet,  are  spell- 
ings of  this  name  in  the  various  books  and  records  I have  consulted, 
t Backus’s  Middleborough,  in  1 Col.  Mass.  Hist,  Soc.  iii,  150, 

$ Relation  of  the  Troubles,  &c.,  74, 


11 


Chap.  I.]  SASSAMON.-CAUSES  OF  THE  WAR  WITH  PHILIP. 

was  paid  to  their  advice.  Notwithstanding,  Mr.  Gookin , in  his  MS.  history,* * * § 
says,  that,  previous  to  the  war,  none  of  the  Christian  Indians  had  “ been 
justly  charged,  either  with  unfaithfulness  or  treachery  towards  the  English.” 
“But,  on  the  contrary,  some  of  them  had  discovered  the  treachery,  particu- 
larly Wulcut  the  ruler,  of  Philip  before  he  began  any  act  of  hostility.”  In 
another  place  the  same  author  says,  that,  in  April,  1675,  Wauban  “came  to 
one  of  the  magistrates  on  purpose,  and  informed  him  that  he  had  ground  to 
fear  that  sachem  Philip,  and  other  Indians  his  confederates,  intended  some 
mischief  shortly.”  Again  in  May,  about  six  weeks  before  the  war,  he  came 
and  said  the  same,  adding  that  Philip's  men  were  only  waiting  for  the  trees 
to  get  leaved  out,  that  they  might  prosecute  their  design  with  more  effect. 
To  return  to  Sassamon : 

In  the  mean  time,  some  circumstances  happened  that  gave  further  grounds 
of  suspicion,  that  war  was  meditated,  and  it  was  intended  that  messengers 
should  be  sent  to  Philip,  to  gain,  if  possible,  the  real  state  of  the  case.  But 
before  this  was  effected,  much  of  the  winter  of  1674  had  passed  away,  and 
the  Rev.  Sassamon  still  resided  with  the  Namaskets,  and  others  of  his 
countrymen  in  that  neighborhood.  And  notwithstanding  he  had  enjoined 
the  strictest  secrecy  upon  his  English  friends  at  Plimouth,  of  what  he  had 
revealed,  assuring  them  that  if  it  came  to  Philip's  knowledge,  he  should  be 
immediately  murdered  by  him,  yet  it  by  some  means  got  to  the  chief’s 
knowledge,  and  Sassamon  was  considered  a traitor  and  an  outlaw ; and,  by 
the  laws  of  the  Indians,  he  had  forfeited  his  life,  and  was  doomed  to  suffer 
death.  The  manner  of  effecting  it  was  of  no  consequence  with  them,  so 
long  as  it  was  brought  about,  and  it  is  probable  that  Philip  had  ordered  any 
of  his  subjects  who  might  meet  with  him,  to  kill  him. 

Early  in  the  spring  of  1675,  Sassamon  was  missing,  and,  on  search  being 
made,  his  body  was  found  in  Assawomset  Pond,  in  Middleborough.f  Those 
that  killed  him  not  caring  to  be  known  to  the  English,  left  his  hat  and  gun 
upon  the  ice,  that  it  might  be  supposed  that  he  had  drowned  himself ; but 
from  several  marks  upon  his  body,  and  the  fact  that  his  neck  was  broken, 
it  was  evident  he  had  been  murdered,  f Several  persons  were  suspected, 
and,  upon  the  information  of  one  called  Patuckson,  Tobias  § one  of  Philip's 
counsellors,  his  son,  and  Mattashinnamy,  were  apprehended,  tried  by  a jury, 
consisting  of  half  Indians,  ||  and  in  June,  1675,  were  all  executed  at  Plimouth; 
“ one  of  them  before  his  execution  confessing  the  murder,”  but  the  other 
two  denied  all  knowledge  of  the  act,  to  their  last  breath.  The  truth  of 
their  guilt  may  reasonably  be  called  in  question,  if  the  circumstance  of  the 
bleeding  of  the  dead  body  at  the  approach  of  the  murderer,  had  any  influence 
upon  the  jury.  And  we  are  fearful  it  was  the  case,  for,  if  the  most  learned  were 
misled  by  such  hallucinations  in  those  days,  we  are  not  to  suppose  that  the 
more  ignorant  were  free  from  them.  Dr.  Increase  Mather  wrote  within  two 
years  of  the  affair,  and  he  has  this  passage : “ When  Tobias  (the  suspected 
murderer)  came  near  the  dead  body,  it  fell  a bleeding  on  fresh,  as  if  it  had 
been  newly  slain ; albeit,  it  was  buried  a considerable  time  before  that  ” H 

Nothing  of  this  part  of  the  story  is  upon  record  among  the  manuscripts, 
as  we  can  find,  but  still  we  do  not  question  the  authenticity  of  Dr.  Mather , 
who,  we  believe,  is  the  first  that  printed  an  account  of  it.  Nor  do  the 
records  of  Plimouth  notice  Sassamon  until  some  time  after  his  death.  The 
first  record  is  in  these  words : “ The  court  seeing  cause  to  require  the  per- 


* Not  yet  published,  but  is  now,  (April,  1836,)  printing  with  notes  by  the  author  of  this 
work,  under  the  direction  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society.  It  will  form  a lasting  monu- 
ment of  one  of  the  best  men  of  those  days.  The  author  was,  as  Mr.  Eliot  expresses  himself, 
“ a pillar  in  our  Indian  work.”  He  died  in  1687,  aged  75. 

t Some  would  like  to  know,  perhaps,  on  what  authority  Mr.  Grahame  (Hist.  N.  Amer.  i. 
402.)  states  that  Sassamon’ s body  was  found  in  a field. 

X Gookin’ s MS.  Hist,  of  Christian  Indians.  This  author  says,  “ Sassamand  was  the  firsi 
Christian  martyr,”  and  that  “ it  is  evident  he  suffered  death  upon  the  account  of  his  Christian 
profession,  ana  fidelity  to  the  English.” 

§ His  Indian  name  was  Poggapanossoo. 

||  Mather’s  Relation,  74.  Judge  Davis  retains  the  same  account,  (Morton’s  Memorial, 
289.)  which  we  shall  presently  show  to  be  erroneous. 

IT  Mather’s  Relation,  75. 


12 


SASSAMO  IN. 


[Book  III. 


sonal  appearance  of  an  Indian  called  Tobias  before  the  court,  to  make  fur- 
ther answer  to  such  interrogatories  as  shall  be  required  of  him,  in  reference 
to  the  sudden  and  violent  death  of  an  Indian  called  John  Sassamon,  late 
deceased.”  This  was  in  March,  1674,  O.  S. 

It  appears  that  Tobias  was  present,  although  it  is  not  so  stated,  from  the 
fact  that  Tuspaquin  and  his  son  William  entered  into  bonds  of  £100  for  the 
appearance  of  Tobias  at  the  next  court  in  June  following.  A mortgage 
of  land  was  taken  as  security  for  the  £100. 

June  having  arrived,  three  instead  of  one  are  arraigned  as  the  murderers 
of  Sassamon.  There  was  no  intimation  of  any  one  but  Tobias  being  guilty 
at  the  previous  court.  Now,  Wampapaquan , the  son  of  Tobias , and  Matta- 
shunannamo  * are  arraigned  with  him,  and  the  bill  of  indictment  runs  as  fol- 
lows : “ For  that  being  accused  that  they  did  with  joynt  consent  vpon  the 
29  of  January  ann°  1674,  [or  1675,  N.  S.]  att  a place  called  Assowamsett  Pond, 
wilfully  and  of  sett  purpose,  and  of  mallice  fore  thought,  and  by  force  and 
armes,  murder  John  Sassamon , an  other  Indian,  by  laying  violent  hands  on 
him,  and  striking  him,  or  twisting  his  necke  vntill  hee  was  dead ; and  to  hyde 
and  conceale  this  theire  said  murder,  att  the  tyme  and  place  aforesaid,  did 
cast  his  dead  body  through  a hole  of  the  iyce  into  the  said  pond.” 

To  this  they  pleaded  “ not  guilty,”  and  put  themselves  on  trial,  say  the 
records.  The  jury,  however,  were  not  long  in  finding  them  guilty,  which 
they  express  in  these  words : “Wee  of  the  jury  one  and  all,  both  English 
and  Indians  doe  joyntly  and  with  one  consent  agree  upon  a verdict.” 

Upon  this  they  were  immediately  remanded  to  prison,  “ and  from  thence 
[taken]  to  the  place  of  execution  and  there  to  be  hanged  by  the  head  f vntill 
theire  bodies  are  dead.”  Accordingly,  Tobias  and  Mattashunannamo  were 
executed  on  the  8 June,  1675.  “ But  the  said  Wampapaquan , on  some  con- 
siderations was  reprieued  until  a month  be  expired.”  He  was,  however,  shot 
within  the  month. 

It  is  an  error  that  the  jury  that  found  them  guilty  was  composed  of  half 
Indians ; there  were  btit  four,  while  there  were  twelve  Englishmen.  We 
will  again  hear  the  record  : — 

“ Itt  was  judged  very  expedient  by  the  court,  that,  together  with  this 
English  jury  aboue  named,  some  of  the  most  indifferentest,  grauest  and 
sage  Indians  should  be  admitted  to  be  with  the  said  jury,  and  to  healp  to 
consult  and  aduice  with,  of,  and  concerning  the  premises:  there  names 
are  as  followeth,  viz.  one  called  by  an,  English  name  Hope,  and  Maskippague , 
Wannoo,  George  Wampye  and  Acanootus ; these  fully  concurred  w ith  the 
jury  in  theire  verdict.” 

The  names  of  the  jurymen  were  William  Sabine , William  Crocker , Edward 
Sturgis , William  Brookes , Nath1.  Winslow , John  Wadsworth , Andrew  Binge , 
Robert  Vixon,  John  Done,  Jona.  Bangs , Jona.  Shaw  and  Benja.  Higgins. 

That  nothing  which  can  throw  light  upon  this  important  affair  be  passed 
over,  we  will  here  add,  from  a hitherto  exceeding  scarce  tract,  the  following 
particulars,  although  some  parts  of  them  are  evidently  erroneous : “ About 
five  or  six  years  since,  there  was  brought  up,  amongst  others,  at  the  college 
at  Cambridge,  (Mass.)  an  Indian,  named  Sosomon ; who,  after  some  time  he 
had  spent  in  preaching  the  gospel  to  Uncas , a sagamore  Christian  in  his  ter- 
ritories, was,  by  the  authority  of  New  Plimouth,  sent  to  preach  in  like  man- 
ner to  King  Philip,  and  his  Indians.  But  King  Philip,  (heathen-like,) 
instead  of  receiving  the  gospel,  would  immediately  have  killed  this  Sosorrwn, 
but  by  the  persuasion  of  some  about  him,  did  not  do  it,  but  sent  him  by  the 
hands  of  three  men  to  prison ; who,  as  he  was  going  to  prison,  exhorted 
and  taught  them  in  the  Christian  religion.  They,  not  liking  his  discourse, 
immediately  murthered  him  after  a most  barbarous  manner.  They,  return- 
ing to  King  Philip , acquainted  him  with  what  they  had  done.  About  two 
or  three  months  after  this  murther,  being  discovered  to  the  authority  of 


* The  same  called  Mattashinnamy.  His  name  in  the  records  is  spelt  four  ways, 
t This  old  phraseology  reminds  us  of  the  French  mode  of  expression,  couper  le  cou,  that  is, 
to  cut  off  the  neck  instead  of  the  head  ; but  the  French  say,  il  sera  pendu  par  son  cou,  and  so 
do  modern  hangmen,  alias  jurists,  of  our  times. 


— = — " 


Chap.  II.] 


-LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


13 


New  Plimouth,  Josiah  Winslow  being  then  governor  of  that  colony,  care  was 
taken  to  find  out  the  murtherers,  who,  upon  search,  were  found  and  appre- 
hended, and,  after  a fair  trial,  were  all  hanged.  This  so  exasperated  King 
Philip , that,  from  that  day  after,  he  studied  to  be  revenged  on  the  English — 
judging  that  the  English  authority  had  nothing  to  do  to  hang  an  Indian  for 
killing  another.”  # 


CHAPTER  II. 

Life  of  KING  PHILIP — His  real  name — The  name  of  his  wife — Makes  frequent 
sales  of  his  lands — Account  of  them — His  first  treaty  at  Plimouth — Expedition  to 
Nantucket — Events  of  1671 — Begins  the  WAR  of  1675 — First  acts  of  hostility — 
Swamp  Fight  at  Pocasset — Narrowly  escapes  out  of  his  own  country — is  pursued 
by  Oneko — Fight  at  Rehoboth  Plain — Cuts  off  a company  of  English  under  Captain 
Beers — Incidents — Fight  at  Sugar-loaf  Hill,  and  destruction  of  Captain  Lathrop' s 
company — Fights  the  English  under  Mosely — English  raise  1500  men — Philip 
retires  to  Narraganset — Strongly  fortifies  himself  in  a great  swamp — Description 
of  his  fortress — English  march  to  attack  him — The  great  Fight  at  Narraganset — 
Again  flies  his  country — Visits  the  Mohawks — Ill-devised  stratagem — Events  of  1676 
— Returns  again  to  his  country — Reduced,  to  a wretched  condition — Is  hunted  by  Church 
— His  chief  counsellor,  Akkompoin,  killed,  and  his  sister  captured — His  wife  and  son 
full  into  the  hands  of  Church — Flies  to  Pokanoket — Is  surprised  and  slain. — Speci- 
men of  the  Wampanoag  Language — Other  curious  matter. 

In  regard  to  the  native  or  Indian  name  of  Philip,  it  seems  a mistake  has  al- 
ways prevailed,  in  printed  accounts.  Pometacom  gives  as  near  its  Indian  sound 
as  can  be  approached  by  our  letters.  The  first  syllable  was  dropped  in  familiar 
discourse,  and  hence,  in  a short  time,  no  one  imagined  but  what  it  had  always 
been  so  ; in  nearly  every  original  deed  executed  by  him,  which  we  have  seen, 
and  they  are  many,  his  name  so  appears.  It  is  true  that,  in  those  of  different 
years,  it  is  spelt  with  some  little  variation,  all  which,  however,  conveyed  very 
nearly  the  same  sound.  The  variations  are  Pumatacom , Pamatacom,  Pometa- 
come,  and  Pometacom ; the  last  of  which  prevails  in  the  records. 

We  have  another  important  discovery  to  communicate  :f  it  is  no  other  than 
the  name  of  the  wife  of  Pometacom — the  ‘innocent  Wootonekanuske  ! This 
was  the  name  of  her  who,  with  her  little  son,  fell  into  the  hands  of  Captain 
Church.  No  wonder  that  Philip  was  “now  ready  to  die,”  as  some  of  his  trai- 
torous men  told  Church,  and  that  “ his  heart  was  now  ready  to  break  ! ” All 
that  was  dear  to  him  was  now  swallowed  up  in  the  vortex ! But  they  still 
lived,  and  this  most  harrowed  his  soul — lived  for  what  P to  serve  as  slaves  in 
an  unknown  land ! could  it  be  otherwise  than  that  madness  should  seize  upon 
him,  and  despair  torment  him  in  every  place  ? that  in  his  sleep  he  should  hear 
the  anguishing  cries  and  lamentations  of  Wootonekanuske  and  his  son  ? But 
we  must  change  the  scene. 

It  seems  as  though,  for  many  years  before  the  war  of  1675,  Pometacom,  and 
nearly  all  of  his  people  sold  off  their  lands  as  fast  as  purchasers  presented  them- 
selves. They  saw  the  prosperity  of  the  English,  and  they  were  just  such  phi- 
losophers as  are  easily  captivated  by  any  show  of  ostentation.  They  were  forsa- 
king then*  manner  of  life,  to  which  the  proximity  of  the  whites  was  a deadly 
poison,  and  were  eager  to  obtain  such  things  as  their  neighbors  possessed  ; these 
were  only  to  be  obtained  by  parting  with  their  lands.  That  the  reader  may 
form  some  idea  of  the  rapidity  with  which  the  Indians’  lands  in  Plimouth 
colony  were  disposed  of,  we  add  the  following  items : — 


* Present  State  of  New  England,  by  a merchant  of  Boston,  in  respect  to  the  present 
Bloody  Indian  Wars,  page  3,  folio,  London,  1676.  This,  with  four  other  tracts  upon 
Philip’s  War,  (covering  the  whole  period  of  it,  with  notes  by  myself,  accompanied  by  a 
Chronology  of  all  Indian  events  in  America  from  its  discovery  to  the  present  time,  (March 
7th,  1836,)  has  just  been  published  under  the  title  of  the  Old  Indian  Chronicle. 

f The  author  feels  a peculiar  satisfaction  that  it  has  fallen  to  his  lot  to  be  the  first  to  publish 
the  real  name  of  the  great  sachem  of  the  Wampanoags,  and  also  that  of  the  sharer  of  his 
perils,  Wootonekanuske. 

2 


14 


PHILIP. — SALES  OF  HIS  LANDS. 


[Book  IIL 


In  a deed  dated  23  June,  1664,  “ William  Brenton , of  Newport,  R.  I.  mer- 
chant,” “ for  a valuable  consideration  ” paid  by  him,  buys  Matapoisett  of  Philip, 
This  deed  begins,  “ I,  Pumatacom  alias  Philip , chief  sachem  of  Mount  Hope,. 
Cowsumpsit  and  of  all  territories  thereunto  belonging.”  Philip  and  his  wife 
both  signed  this  deed,  and  Tockomock , Wecopauhim ,*  JYesetaquason,  Pompa- 
quase , Apeminiate , Taquanksicke,  Paquonack , Watapatahue , Aquetaquish , John 
Sassamon  the  interpreter,  Rowland  Sassamon , and  two  Englishmen,  signed  as 
witnesses. 

In  1665,  he  sold  the  country  about  Acushena,  [now  New  Bedford,]  and 
Coaxet,  [now  in  Compton.]  Philip's  father  having  previously  sold  some  of 
the  same,  £10  was  now  given  him  to  prevent  any  claim  from  him,  and  to  pay 
for  his  marking  out  the  same.  John  Woosansman  [one  of  the  names  of  Sassa- 
mon] witnessed  this  deed. 

The  same  year  the  court  of  Plimouth  presented  Philip  with  a horse,  but  on 
what  account  we  are  not  informed. 

In  1662,  Wrentham  was  purchased  of  Philip  by  the  English  of  Dedham. 
It  was  then  called  Wollomonopoag , and,  by  the  amount  assessed,  appears  to  have 
cost  £24  10s.,  and  was  six  miles  square.  For  this  tract  of  land  the  English  had 
been  endeavoring  to  negotiate  five  years.f  “ In  Nov.  1669,  upon  notice  o {'Philip, 
Sagamore  of  Mount  Hope,  now  at  Wollomonopoag,  offering  a treaty  of  his  lands 
thereabouts,  not  yet  purchased,”  the  selectmen  appoint  five  persons  to  negotiate 
with  him  “ for  his  remaining  right,  provided  he  can  show  that  he  has  any.”  I 
Whether  his  right  were  questionable  or  not,  it  seems  a purchase  was  made,  at 
that  time,  of  the  tract  called  Woollommonuppogue , “ within  the  town  bounds  [of 
Dedham]  not  yet  purchased.”  What  the  full  consideration  was,  our  documents 
do  not  state,  but  from  a manuscript  order  which  he  drew  on  Dedham  afterwards, 
and  the  accompanying  receipt,  some  estimate  may  be  formed.  The  order  re- 
quests them  “ to  pay  to  this  hearer,  for  the  use  of  King  Philip,  £5,  5 s.  in  money,. 
and  £5  in  trucking  cloth  at  money  price."  In  a receipt  signed  by  an  agent  of 
Philip,  named  Peter,  the  following  amount  is  named : “ In  reference  to  the  payment 
of  King  Philip  of  Mount  Hope,  the  full  and  just  sum  of  £5,  5s.  in  money,  and 
12  yards  of  trucking  cloth,  3 lbs . of  powder,  and  as  much  lead  as  loill  make  it  up  ; 
which  is  in  full  satisfaction  with  £10  that  he  is  to  receive  of  JVathaniel  Paine."  § 

We  next  meet  with  a singular  record  of  Philip,  the  authorship  of  which  we 
attribute  to  John  Sassamon , and  which,  besides  extending  our  knowledge  of 
Philip  into  his  earlier  times,  serves  to  make  us  acquainted  with  Sassamon's  ac- 
quirements in  the  language  of  the  pilgrims. 

“ Know  all  men  by  these  presents,  that  Philip  haue  giuen  power  vnto  Wa- 
tuchpoo  [|  and  Sampson  and  theire  brethren  to  hold  and  make  sale  of  to  whom 
they  will  by  my  consent,  and  they  shall  not  haue  itt  without  they  be  willing  to 
lett  it  goe  it  shal  be  sol  by  my  consent,  but  without  my  knowledge  they  cannot 
safely  to : but  with  my  consent  there  is  none  that  can  lay  claime  to  that  land 
which  they  haue  marked  out,  it  is  theires  foreuer,  soe  therefore  none  can  safely 
purchase  any  otherwise  but  by  Watachpoo  and  Sampson  and  their  bretheren. 

Philip  1666.” 

Whether  the  following  letter  were  written  earlier  or  later  than  this  we  have 
no  means  of  knowing  ; it  is  plain,  however,  from  its  contents,  that  it  was  written 
at  a time  when  he  was  strongly  opposed  to  selling  his  lands,  and  that  the  peo- 
ple of  Plimouth  were  endeavoring  to  get  him  to  their  court,  where  they  had 
reason  to  believe  they  could  succeed  better  in  getting  them  than  by  a negotia- 
tion in  his  own  country.  The  letter  follows: — 

“ To  the  much  honored  Govemer,  Mr.  Thomas  Prince,  dwelling  at  Plimouth. 

“King  Philip  desire  to  let  you  understand  that  he  could  not  come  to  the 
court,  for  Tom,  his  interpreter,  has  a pain  in  his  back,  that  he  could  not  travil 

* Perhaps  Uncompoin. 

t Worthington? s Hist.  Dedham,  20 — from  which  work  it  would  seem  that  the  negotiation  had 
been  carried  on  with  Philip , but  Philip  was  not  sachem  until  this  year. 

x Ibid. 

$ General  Court  Files. 

|'|  Sometimes  Tukpoo  by  abbreviation.  A further  account  of  him  will  be  found  in  the  life  of 
Tatoson. 


Chap.  II.] 


PHILIP.— SALES  OF  HIS  LANDS. 


15 


so  far,  and  Philip  sister  is  very  sick.  Philip  would  intreat  that  favor  of  you, 
and  any  of  the  majestrats,  if  aney  English  or  Engians  speak  about  aney  land,  he 
pray  you  to  giue  them  no  ansewer  at  all.  This  last  summer  he  maid  that 
promis  with  you  that  he  would  not  sell  no  land  in  7 years  time,  for  that  he 
would  have  no  English  trouble  him  before  that  time,  he  has  not  forgot  that 
you  promis  him.  He  will  come  a sune  as  posseble  he  can  to  speak  with  you, 
and  so  I rest, 

your  very  loveing  friend 

Philip  p 
dwelling  at  mount  hope  nek.”  * 

In  1667,  Philip  sells  to  Constant  Southworth,  and  others,  all  the  meadow 
lands  from  Dartmouth  to  Matapoisett,  for  which  he  had  £15.  Particular 
bounds  to  all  tracts  are  mentioned  in  the  deeds,  but  as  they  were  generally  or 
often  stakes,  trees,  and  heaps  of  stones,  no  one  at  this  time  can  trace  many  of 
them. 

The  same  year,  for  “ £10  sterling,”  he  sells  to  Thos.  Willet  and  others,  “ all 
that  tract  of  land  lying  between  the  Riuer  Wanascottaquett  and  Cawatoquissett, 
being  two  miles  long  and  one  broad.”  Pawsaquens , one  of  Philip's  counsel- 
lors, and  Tom  alias  Sawsuett,  an  interpreter,  were  witnesses  to  the  sale. 

In  1668,  “ Philip  Pometacom , and  Tatamumaque  f alias  Cashewashed , sachems,” 
for  a “ valuable  consideration,”  sell  to  sundry  English  a tract  of  some  square 
miles.  A part  of  it  was  adjacent  to  Pokanoket.  In  describing  it,  Memenuck- 
quage  and  Towansett  neck  are  mentioned,  which  we  conclude  to  be  in  Swan- 
sey.  Besides  two  Englishmen,  Sompointeen , alias  Tom , and  JVananuntnew , son 
of  Thomas  Piants , were  witnesses  to  this  sale. 

The  next  year,  the  same  sachems  sell  500  acres  in  Swansey  for  £20.  Wanueo , 
a counsellor,  and  Tom  the  interpreter,  were  witnesses. 

In  1668,  Philip  and  Uncompawen  laid  claim  to  apart  of  New-meadowsneck, 
alleging  that  it  was  not  intended  to  be  conveyed  in  a former  deed,  by  Ossame- 
quin  and  Wamsutta , to  certain  English,  “ although  it  appears,  says  the  record, 
pretty  clearly  so  expressed  in  said  deed,”  “ yet  that  peace  and  friendship  may 
be  continued,”  “ Capt.  Willet , Mr.  Brown  and  John  Allen , in  the  behalf  of  them- 
selves and  the  rest,”  agree  to  give  Philip  and  Uncompawen  the  sum  of  £11  in 
goods. 

Philip  Nanuskooke  | his  ft  mark , 
Vncompawen  his  X mark. 

Tom  Sans  u we st,  interpreter , 

And  Nimrod. 

The  same  year,  we  find  the  following  record,  which  is  doubly  interesting, 
from  the  plan  with  which  we  are  able  to  accompany  it,  drawn  by  Philip  him- 
self. He  contracts  or  agrees,  by  the  following  writing  under  his  hand,  in  these 
words : “ this  may  inform  the  honoured  court  [of  Plimouth,]  that  I Philip  ame 
willing  to  sell  the  land  within  this  draught ; but  the  Indians  that  are  vpon  it 
may  liue  vpon  it  still ; but  the  land  that  is  [waste]  § may  be  sould,  and  Wattach- 
poo  is  of  the  same  minde.  I have  sed  downe  all  the  principall  names  of  the 
land  wee  are  willing  should  bee  sould.” 

“ From  Pacanaukett  Phillip  his  marke.” 

the  24  of  the  12  mo.  1668.” 


* 1 Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  ii.  40.  The  original  was  owned  by  a Mr.  White  of  Plimouth, 
about  30  years  ago.  It  is  probably  another  production  of  John  Sassamon. 

f Written  in  another  deed,  Atunkamomalce.  This  deed  was  in  the  next  year.  It  was  of 
500  acres  of  land,  “ more  or  lesse,”  in  Swansey  ; and  £20  the  consideration.  Hugh  Cole, 
Josias  Winslow,  John  Coggeshall,  and  Constant  Southworth  were  the  purchasers,  and  I Vanueo, 
a counsellor,  one  of  the  witnesses. 

t This  double  name,  we  suppose,  was  meant  to  stand  for  the  signature  of  himself  and  wife. 

$ So  in  the  records. 


PHILIP— SALES  OF  HIS  LANDS. 


[Book  III. 


16 

Wanascohochett.  Wewenset. 


“ Osamequen  ” having,  “ for  valuable  considerations,”  in  the  year  1641,  sold 
to  John  Brown  and  Edward  Winslow  a tract  of  land  eight  miles  square,  situ- 
ated on  both  sides  of  Palmer’s  River,  Philip , on  the  30  Mar.  1668,  was  re- 
quired to  sign  a quit-claim  of  the  same.  This  he  did  in  presence  of  Umpta- 
kisoke , Phillip , and  Peebe,*  counsellors,  Sonconewheiv , Phillip's  brother,  and 
Tom  the  interpreter.!  This  tract  includes  the  present  town  of  Rehoboth. 

Also  in  1669,  for  £10  “ and  another  valuable  and  sufficient  gratuity,”  he  sells 
to  John  Cook  of  Akusenag  in  Dartmouth,!  “one  whole  island  nere  the  towne,” 
called  Nokatay. 

The  same  year,  Philip  and  Tuspaquin  sell  a considerable  tract  of  land  in 
Middleborough,  for  £13.  Thomas  the  interpreter,  William , the  son  of  Tus- 
paquin, and  Benjamin  Church , were  witnesses. 

In  1671,  Philip  and  “ Monjokam  of  Mattapoisett,”  for  £5,  sell  to  Hugh  Cole,  of 
Swansey,  shipwright,  land  lying  near  a place  called  Acashewah,  in  Dartmouth. 

In  1672,  Philip  sold  to  William  Brenton  and  others,  of  Taunton,  a tract  to 
the  southward  of  that  town,  containing  twelve  square  miles,  for  £143 ; and, 
a few  days  after,  adjoining  it,  four  square  miles  more,  to  Constant  Southworth. 
Others  were  concerned  in  the  sale  of  the  larger  tract,  as  is  judged  by  the 
deeds  being  signed  by  JVunkampahoonett,  Umnathum,  alias  JYimrod,  Chee- 
maughton,  and  Captain  Annawam , besides  one  Philip.  Tlwmas,  alias  Sank- 
suit,  was  among  the  witnesses.  The  sale  of  the  last  tract  was  witnessed  by 
Munashum,  alias  JVimrod,  Woackompawhan,§  and  Captain  Annoivan. 

These  are  but  a part  of  the  sales  of  land  by  Pometacom : many  other  chiefs 
sold  very  largely,  particularly  Watuspaquin  and  Josias  Wampatuck. 

At  the  court  of  Plimouth,  1673,  “ Mr.  Peter  Talmon  of  Rhode  Rand  com- 
plained against  Philip  allies  Wewasowanuett , sachem  of  Mount  Hope,  brother 
or  predecessor  of  Pakanawkett  as  heire  adminnostrator  or  successor  vnto  his 
brother  or  predecessor  Wamsitta , Sopaquitt,\\  or  Alexander  deceased,  in  an 
action  on  the  case,  to  the  damage  of  £800  forfeiture  of  a bond  of  such  a value, 
bearing  date,  June  the  28th,  1661,  giuen  to  the  said  Peter  Talman,  obliging 


* Called,  in  Mr.  Hubbard's  history,  Thebe;  he  was  afterwards  killed  at  Swansey,  in  the 
beginning  of  the  war.  There  is  a pond  in  Narraganset  of  the  same  name. 

f Mr.  Bliss,  in  his  History  of  Rehoboth,  64,  65,  has  printed  this  deed  from  the 
origi  nal. 

} The  place  where  Cook  lived  is  now  included  in  New  Bedford. 

Q Probably  “ Philip's  old  uncle  Akkompoin." 

|j  That  is,  nicknamed  Alexander , according  to  the  French  mode  of  expression  ; ou  par  sobri- 
quet Alexander,  as  I imagine.  Mr.  Hubbard  says  of  Philip,  (Narrative,  10,)  that,  “ for  his 
ambitious  and  haughty  spirit,  [he  was]  nicknamed  King  Philip." 


Chap.  II.]  PHILIP— MAKES  A TREATY  AT  PLIMOUTH. 


17 


him  the  said  Wamsitta  allies  Alexander  to  make  good  to  him,  his  heires  and  a 
deed  of  gift  of  a considerable  track  of  land  att  Sapowett  and  places  adjacent, 
as  in  the  said  deed  is  more  particularly  expressed ; for  want  wherof  the 
complainant  is  greatly  damnifyed.” 

Whether  the  conduct  of  the  people  of  Plimouth  towards  Wamsutta , 
Pometacom's  elder  brother,  and  other  neighboring  Indians,  made  them  always 
suspicious  of  the  chief  sachem,  as  it  had  their  neighbors  before  in  the  case 
of  Miantunrwmoh , or  whether  Philip  were  in  reality  “ contriving  mischief,” 
the  same  year  of  his  coming  in  chief  sachem,  remains  a question,  to  this  day, 
with  those  best  acquainted  with  the  history  of  those  times. 

The  old  benevolent  sachem  Massasoit , alias  Woosamequin,  having  died  in 
the  winter  of  1661-2,  as  we  believe,  but  few  months  after  died  also  Alexander , 
Philip’s  elder  brother  and  predecessor,  when  Philip  himself,  by  the  order  of 
succession,  came  to  be  chief  of  the  Wampanoags. 

Philip  having  by  letter  complained  to  the  court  of  Plimouth  of  some  in- 
juries, at  their  October  term,  1668,  they  say,  “ In  answer  unto  a letter  from 
Philip , the  sachem  of  Pokanokett,  &c.,  by  way  of  petition  requesting  the 
court  for  justice  against  Francis  Wast,  [West,]  for  wrong  done  by  him  to  one 
of  his  men  about  a gun  taken  from  him  by  the  said  Wast ; as  also  for  wrong- 
done  unto  some  swine  of  the  said  Indian’s.  The  court  have  ordered  the 
case  to  be  heard  and  determined  by  the  selectmen  of  Taunton  ; and  in  case 
it  be  not  by  them  ended,  that  it  be  referred  unto  the  next  March  court  at 
Plimouth  to  be  ended.”  How  the  case  turned  we  have  not  found.  But  for 
an  Indian  to  gain  his  point  at  an  English  court,  unless  his  case  were  an  ex- 
ceeding strong  one,  was,  we  apprehend,  a rare  occurrence. 

“ He  was  no  sooner  styled  sachem,”  says  Dr.  I.  Mather ,#  “ but  immediately, 
in  the  year  1662,  there  were  vehement  suspicions  of  his  bloody  treachery 
against  the  English.”  This  author  wrote  at  the  close  of  Philip's  war,  when 
very  few  could  speak  of  Indians,  without  discovering  great  bitterness.  Mr. 
Morton  f is  the  first  who  mentions  Metacomet  in  a printed  work,  which,  being 
before  any  difficulty  with  him,  is  in  a more  becoming  manner.  “ This  year,” 
(1662,)  he  observes,  “upon  occasion  of  some  suspicion  of  some  plot  intended 
by  the  Indians  against  the  English,  Philip , the  sachem  of  Pokanoket,  other- 
wise called  Metacom , made  his  appearance  at  the  court  held  at  Plimouth, 
August  6,  did  earnestly  desire  the  continuance  of  that  amity  and  friendship 
that  hath  formerly  been  between  the  governor  of  Plimouth  and  his  deceased 
father  and  brother.” 

The  court  expressing  their  willingness  to  remain  his  friends,  he  signed  the 
articles  prepared  by  them,  acknowledging  himself  a subject  of  the  king  of 
England,  thus : — 

“ The  mark  of  Phillip,  sachem 
of  Pocanakett , 

The  mark  of  <]  Vncumpowett, 
vnkell  to  the  aboue  said  sachem .” 

The  following  persons  were  present,  and  witnessed  this  act  of  Philip , and 
his  great  captain  Uncompoin  : — 

“John  Sassamon, 

The  mark  171  of  Francis,  sachem  of  Nause i, 

The  mark  DI  of  Nimrod  alias  Pumpasa, 

The  mark  £j>  of  Punckquaneck, 

The  mark  £;  of  Aqdetequesh.”| 

Of  the  uneasiness  and  concern  of  the  English  at  this  period,  from  the 
hostile  movements  of  Philip , Mr.  Hubbard , we  presume,  was  not  informed ; 
or  so  important  an  event  would  not  have  been  omitted  in  his  minute  and 
valuable  history.  Mr.  Morton , as  we  before  stated,  and  Mr.  Mather  mention 
it,  but  neither  of  these,  or  any  writer  since,  to  this  day,  has  made  the  matter 
appear  in  its  true  light,  from  their  neglect  to  produce  the  names  of  those 
that  appeared  with  the  sachem. 


* Relation,  72.  f In  his  N.  England’s  Memorial. 

2 * 


X From  the  records  in  manuscript. 


18 


PHILIP.— PURSUIT  OF  GIBBS. 


[Book  III. 


For  about  nine  years  succeeding  1662,  very  little  is  recorded  concerning 
Philip.  During  this  time,  he  became  more  intimately  acquainted  with  his 
English  neighbors,  learned  their  weakness  and  his  own  strength,  which 
rather  increased  than  diminished,  until  his  fatal  war  of  1675.  For,  during 
this  period,  not  only  their  additional  numbers  gained  them  power,  but  their 
arms  were  greatly  strengthened  by  the  English  instruments  of  war  put  into 
their  hands.  Roger  Williams  had  early  brought  the  Narragansets  into  friend- 
ship with  Massasoit,  which  alliance  gained  additional  strength  on  the  acces- 
sion of  the  young  Metacomet.  And  here  we  may  look  for  a main  cause  of  that 
war,  although  the  death  of  Alexander  is  generally  looked  upon  by  the  early 
historians,  as  almost  the  only  one.  The  continual  broils  between  the  Eng- 
lish and  Narragansets,  (we  name  the  English  first,  as  they  were  generally 
the  aggressors,)  could  not  be  unknown  to  Philip ; and  if  his  countrymen 
were  wronged  he  knew  it.  And  what  friend  will  see  another  abused,  with- 
out feeling  a glow  of  resentment  in  his  breast  ? And  who  will  wonder,  if, 
when  these  abuses  had  followed  each  other,  repetition  upon  repetition,  for 
a series  of  years,  that  they  should  at  last  break  out  into  open  war  ? The 
Narraganset  chiefs  were  not  conspicuous  at  the  period  of  which  we  speak  ; 
there  were  several  of  them,  but  no  one  appears  to  have  had  a general  com- 
mand or  ascendency  over  the  rest ; and  there  can  be  little  doubt  but  that 
they  unanimously  reposed  their  cause  in  the  hands  of  Philip.  JYinigret  was 
at  this  time  grown  old,  and  though,  for  many  years  after  the  murder  of 
Miantunnomoh , he  seems  to  have  had  the  chief  authority,  yet  pusillanimity 
was  always  rather  a predominant  trait  in  his  character.  His  age  had  prob- 
ably caused  his  withdrawal  from  the  others,  on  their  resolution  to  second 
Philip.  Canonchet  was  at  this  period  the  most  conspicuous  ; Pumham  next ; 
Potok , Magnus , the  squaw-sachem,  whose  husband,  Mriksah , had  been  dead 
several  years  ; and  lastly  Mattatoag. 

Before  proceeding  with  later  events,  the  following  short  narrative,  illus- 
trative of  a peculiar  custom,  may  not  be  improperly  introduced.  Philip , as 
tradition  reports,  made  an  expedition  to  Nantucket  in  1665,  to  punish  an 
Indian  who  had  profaned  the  name  of  Massasoit , his  father  ; and,  as  it  was 
an  observance  or  law  among  them,  that  whoever  should  speak  evil  of  the 
dead  should  be  put  to  death,  Philip  went  there  with  an  armed  force  to  exe- 
cute this  law  upon  Gibbs.  He  was,  however,  defeated  in  his  design,  for  one 
of  Gibbs’s  friends,  understanding  Philip’s  intention,  ran  to  him  and  gave  him 
notice  of  it,  just  in  time  for  him  to  escape  ; not,  however,  without  great  ex- 
ertions, for  Philip  came  once  in  sight  of  him,  after  pursuing  him  some  time 
among  the  English  from  house  to  house  ; but  Gibbs , by  leaping  a bank,  got 
out  of  sight,  and  so  escaped.  Philip  would  not  leave  the  island  until  the 
English  had  ransomed  John  at  the  exorbitant  price  of  nearly  all  the  money 
upon  the  island.*  Gibbs  was  a Christian  Indian,  and  his  Indian  name  was 
Assasamoogh.  He  was  a preacher  to  his  countrymen  in  1674,  at  which  time 
there  were  belonging  to  his  church  30  members. 

What  grounds  the  English  had,  in  the  spring  of  the  year  1671,  for  suspect- 
ing that  a plot  was  going  forward  for  their  destruction,  cannot  satisfactorily 
be  ascertained  ; but  it  is  evident  there  wrere  some  warlike  preparations  made 
by  the  great  chief,  which  very  much  alarmed  the  English,  as  in  the  life  of 
Awashonks  we  shall  have  occasion  again  to  notice.  Their  suspicions  were 
further  confirmed  when  they  sent  for  him  to  come  to  Taunton  and  make 
known  the  causes  for  his  operations  ; as  he  discovered  “ shyness,”  and  a re- 
luctance to  comply.  At  length,  on  the  10th  of  April,  this  year,  he  came  to  a 
place  about  four  miles  from  Taunton,  accompanied  with  a band  of  his  war- 
riors, attired,  armed  and  painted  as  for  a warlike  expedition.  From  this 
place  he  sent  messengers  to  Taunton,  to  invite  the  English  to  come  and 
treat  with  him.  The  governor  either  was  afraid  to  meet  the  chief,  or  thought 
it  beneath  his  dignity  to  comply  with  his  request,  and  therefore  sent  several 

* For  some  of  what  we  have  given  above,  see  1 Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  159,  furnished 
for  that  work  by  Mr.  Zaccheus  Macy,  whose  ancestor,  it  is  said,  assisted  in  secreting 
Assasamoogh. 

In  a late  work,  Hist.  Nantuckett  by  Obed  Macy,  an  account  of  the  affair  is  given,  but  with 
some  variation  from  the  above. 


PHILIP.— TREATY  AT  TAUNTON. 


19 


Uaxr-.  IT] 

persons,  among  whom  was  Roger  Williams,  to  inform  him  of  their  determi- 
nation, and  their  good  disposition  towards  him,  and  to  urge  his  attendance  at 
Taunton.  He  agreed  to  go,  and  hostages  were  left  in  the  hands  of  his 
warriors  to  warrant  his  safe  return.  On  coming  near  the  village  with  a few 
of  his  warriors,  he  made  a stop,  which  appears  to  have  been  occasioned  by 
the  warlike  parade  of  the  English,  many  of  whom  were  for  immediately  at- 
tacking him.  These  were  the  Plimouth  people  that  recommended  this  rash- 
ness, but  they  were  prevented  by  the  commissioners  from  Massachusetts,  who 
met  here  with  the  governor  of  Plimouth  to  confer  with  Philip. 

In  the  end  it  was  agreed  that  a council  should  be  held  in  the  meeting- 
house, one  side  of  which  should  be  occupied  by  the  Indians,  and  the  other  by 
the  English.  Philip  had  alleged  that  the  English  injured  the  planted  lands 
of  his  people,  but  this,  the  English  say,  was  in  no  wise  sustained.  He  said 
his  wai'like  preparations  were  not  against  the  English,  but  the  Narragansets, 
which  the  English  also  say  was  proved  to  his  face  to  be  false  ; and  that  this 
so  confounded  him,  that  he  confessed  the  whole  plot,  and  “that  it  was  the 
naughtiness  of  his  own  heart  that  put  him  upon  that  rebellion,  and  nothing 
of  any  provocation  from  the  English.”  * Therefore,  with  four  of  his  counsel- 
lors, whose  names  were  Tavoser,  Captain  Wispoke,  Woonkaponehunt , [Unkom- 
poin ,]  and  Nimrod , he  signed  a submission,  and  an  engagement  of  friendship, 
which  also  stipulated  that  he  should  give  up  all  the  arms  among  his  people, 
into  the  hands  of  the  governor  of  Plimouth,  to  be  kept  as  long  as  the  govern- 
ment should  “ see  reason.”  f 

The  English  of  Massachusetts,  having  acted  as  umpires  in  this  affair,  were 
looked  to,  by  both  parties,  on  the  next  cause  of  complaint.  Philip  having 
delivered  the  arms  which  himself  and  men  had  with  them  at  Taunton,  | 
promised  to  deliver  the  rest  at  Plimouth  by  a certain  time.  But  they  not 
being  delivered  according  to  agreement,  and  some  other  differences  occurring, 
a messenger  was  sent  to  Boston  from  Plimouth,  to  make  complaint ; but 
Philip,  perhaps,  understanding  what  was  intended,  was  quite  as  early  at  Bos- 
ton in  person ; § and,  by  his  address,  did  not  fail  to  be  well  received,  and  a 
favorable  report  of  him  was  returned  to  Plimouth ; and,  at  the  same  time, 
proposals  that  commissioners  from  all  the  United  Colonies  should  meet 
Philip  at  Plimouth,  where  all  difficulties  might  be  settled.  This  meeting  took 
place  the  same  year,  September,  1671,  and  the  issue  of  the  meeting  was  very 
nearly  the  same  as  that  at  Taunton.  “The  conclusion  was,”  says  Mr. 
Mather, jj  “ Philip  acknowledged  his  offence,  and  was  appointed  to  give  a sum 
of  money  to  defray  the  charges  which  his  insolent  clamors  had  put  the  colo- 
ny unto.” 

As  usual,  several  articles  were  drawn  up  by  the  English,  of  what  Philip 
was  to  submit  to,  to  which  we  find  the  names  of  three  only  of  his  captains  or 
counsellors,  Uncompaen,  who  was  his  uncle, IF  Wotokom,  and  Samkama. 

Great  stress  in  those  days  was  laid  on  the  Indians  submitting  themselves 
as  “ subjects  to  his  majesty  the  king  of  England.”  This  they  did  only  to  get 
rid  of  the  importunity  of  the  English,  as  then*  course  immediately  afterwards 
invariably  showed. 

The  articles  which  the  government  of  Plimouth  drew  up  at  this  time,  for 
Philip  to  sign,  were  not  so  illiberal  as  might  be  imagined,  were  wre  not  to 
produce  some  of  them.  Article  second  reads, — 

“ I [Philip]  am  willing,  and  do  promise  to  pay  unto  the  government  of  Plim- 
outh £100,  in  such  things  as  I have ; but  I would  entreat  the  favor  that  I 
might  have  three  years  to  pay  it  in,  forasmuch  as  I cannot  do  it  at  present.” 
And  in  article  third,  he  promises  “ to  send  unto  the  governor,  or  whom  he  shall 
appoint,  five  wolves’  heads,  if  he  can  get  them ; or  as  many  as  he  can  procure, 


* Hubbard,  Indian  Wars,  11, 1st  edition. 

t The  articles  of  this  treaty  may  be  seen  in  Hubbard,  Mather,  and  Hutchinson's  histories : 
they  amount  to  little,  and  we- therefore  omit  them. 
t Mather's  Relation,  73. 

$ Perhaps  this  was  the  time  Mr.  Josselyn  saw  him  there  richly  caparisoned,  as  will  here- 
after be  mentioned.  ||  Mather's  Relation,  73. 

IT  Called  by  Church,  Akkompoin.  Hist.  King  Philip's  War,  110  of  my  edition. 


20 


PHILIP.— PLIMOUTH  ACCUSATIONS  OF  1671. 


[Book  UL 


until  they  come  to  five  wolves’  heads  yearly.”  These  articles  were  dated  * 
29  Sept.  1671,  and  were  signed  by 

The  mark  P of  Phillip  ; 

The  mark  T of  Wohkowpahenitt  ; 

The  mark  V of  Wuttakooseeim  ; 

The  mark  T of  Sonkanuhoo  ; 

The  mark  2.  of  Woonashum, 
alias  Nimrod  ; 

The  mark  Y o/’Woospasuck, 
alias  Captain. 

On  the  3 Nov.  following,  Philip  accompanied  Takanumma  to  Plimouth,  to 
make  his  submission,  which  he  did,  and  acknowledged,  by  a writing,  that  he 
would  adhere  to  the  articles  signed  by  Philip  and  the  others,  the  29  Sept, 
before.  Tokamona  was  brother  to  Awashonks , and,  at  this  time,  was  sachem 
of  Seconet,  or  Saconett.  He  was  afterwards  killed  by  the  Narragansets.f 

A general  disarming  of  the  neighboring  Indians  was  undertaken  durin^the 
spring  and  summer  of  1671,  and  nothing  but  trouble  could  have  been  expect- 
ed to  follow. 

That  nothing  may  be  omitted  which  can  throw  light  upon  this  important 
era  in  the  biography  of  Philip , we  will  lay  before  the  reader  all  the  unpub- 
lished information  furnished  by  the  records.]:  Having  met  in  June,  1671, 
“ The  court  [of  Plimouth]  determins  all  the  guns  in  our  hands,  that  did  be- 
long to  Philip , are  justly  forfeit;  and  do  at  the  present  order  the  dividing  of 
them,  to  be  kept  at  the  several  towns,  according  to  their  equal  proportions, 
until  October  court  next,  and  then  to  be  at  the  court’s  dispose,  as  reason  may 
appear  to  them,  and  then  to  belong  unto  the  towns,  if  not  otherwise  disposed 
of  by  the  court. 

“That  which  the  court  grounds  their  judgment  upon  is, — For  that  at  the 
treaty  at  Taunton,  Philip  and  his  council  did  acknowledge  that  they  had  been 
in  a preparation  for  war  against  us ; and  that  not  grounded  upon  any  injury 
sustained  from  us,  nor  provocation  given  by  us,  but  from  their  naughty  hearts, 
and  because  he  had  formerly  violated  and  broken  solemn  covenants  made 
and  renewed  to  us ; he  then  freely  tendered,  (not  being  in  a capacity  to  be 
kept  faithful  by  any  other  bonds,)  to  resign  up  all  his  English  arms,  for  our 
future  security  in  that  respect.  He  failed  greatly  in  the  performance  thereof, 
by  secret[ly]  conveying  away,  and  carrying  home  several  guns,  that  might  and 
should  have  been  then  delivered,  and  not  giving  them  up  since,  according  to 
his  engagement ; nor  so  far  as  is  in  his  power ; as  appears  in  that  many  guns 
are  known  still  to  be  amongst  the  Indians  that  live  by  him,  and  [he]  not  so 
much  as  giving  order  to  some  of  his  men,  that  are  under  his  immediate  com- 
mand, about  the  bringing  in  of  their  arms. 

“ In  his  endeavoring,  since  the  treaty  [at  Taunton,]  to  render  us  odious  to 
our  neighbor  colony  by  false  reports,  complaints  and  suggestions ; and  his 
refusing  or  avoiding  a treaty  with  us  concerning  those  and  other  matters  that 
are  justly  offensive  to  us,  notwithstanding  his  late  engagement,  as  well  as  for- 
mer, to  submit  to  the  king’s  authority,  and  the  authority  of  this  colony. 

“It  was  also  ordered  by  the  court  that  the  arm 3 of  the  Indians  of  Namas- 
sakett  and  Assowamsett,  that  were  fetched  in  by  Major  Winslow , and  those  that 
were  with  him,  are  confiscated,  and  forfeit,  from  the  said  Indians,  for  the 
grounds  above  expressed ; they  being  in  a compliance  with  Phillipe  in  his 
late  plot : And  yet  would  neither  by  our  governor’s  order,  nor  by  PhUlipe's 
desire,  bring  in  their  arms,  as  was  engaged  by  the  treaty ; and  the  said  guns 
are  ordered  by  the  court  to  the  major  and  his  company  for  their  satisfaction, 
in  that  expedition. 

“ This  court  have  agreed  and  voted  ” to  send  “some  ” forces  to  “ Saconett  to 
fetch  in  ” the  arms  among  the  Indians  there. 


* There  is  no  date,  but  the  year,  set  to  any  printed  copy  of  this  treaty.  Mr.  Hubbard  by 
mistake  omitted  it,  and  those  who  have  since  written,  have  not  given  themselves  the  pleasure 
of  recurring  to  the  records. 

t See  Church , 39.  J Plimouth  Colony  Records,  in  manuscript. 


Chap.  II.] 


PHILIP.— PLIMOUTH  ACCUSATIONS  OF  1671. 


21 


If  then,  therefore,  these  Indians  had  not  already  become  hostile,  no  one  would 
marvel  had  it  now  become  the  case.  Bows  and  arrows  were  almost  entirely 
out  of  use.  Guns  had  so  far  superseded  them,  that  undoubtedly  many  scarce 
could  use  them  with  effect,  in  procuring  themselves  game : Nor  could  it  be 
expected  otherwise,  for  the  English  had,  by  nearly  40  years’  intercourse,  ren- 
dered their  arms  far  more  necessary  to  the  existence  of  the  Indians  than  to  their 
own : hence  their  unwillingness  to  part  with  them.  Philip , it  is  said,  directed 
the  Middleborough  Indians  to  give  up  their  guns.  His  object  in  this  was  to 
pacify  the  English,  judging  that  if  war  should  begin,  these  Indians  would  join 
the  English,  or  at  least  many  of  them  ; and,  therefore,  it  affected  his  cause  but 
little  which  party  possessed  them  ; but  not  so  with  his  immediate  followers,  as 
we  have  just  seen  in  the  record. 

A council  of  war  having  convened  at  Plimouth,  23  August,  1671,  the  follow- 
ing, besides  the  matters  already  expressed,  they  took  into  consideration : Philip's 
“ entertaining  of  many  strange  Indians,  which  might  portend  danger  towards 
us.  In  special  by  his  entertaining  of  divers  Saconett  Indians,  professed  ene- 
mies to  this  colony,  and  this  against  good  counsel  given  him  by  his  friends. 
The  premises  considered  [the  council]  do  unanimously  agree  and  conclude, 
that  the  said  Phillip  hath  violated  [the]  covenant  plighted  with  this  colony  at 
Taunton  in  April  last. 

“ 2.  It  is  unanimously  agreed  and  concluded  by  the  said  council,  that  we  are 
necessarily  called  to  cause  the  said  sachem  to  make  his  personal  appearance  to 
make  his  purgation,  in  reference  to  the  premises  ; which,  in  case  of  his  refusal, 
the  council,  according  to  what  at  present  appears,  do  determin  it  necessary  to 
endeavor  his  reducement  by  force  ; inasmuch  as  the  controversy  which  hath 
seemed  to  lie  more  immediately  between  him  and  us,  doth  concern  all  the  Eng- 
lish plantations.  It  is,  therefore,  determined  to  state  the  case  to  our  neighbor 
colonies  of  the  Massachusetts  and  Rhode  Island  ; and  if,  by  their  weighty  ad- 
vice to  the  contrary,  we  are  not  diverted  from  our  present  determinations,  to 
signify  unto  them,  that  if  they  look  upon  themselves  concerned  to  engage  in  the 
case  with  us  against  a common  enemy,  it  shall  be  well  accepted  as  a neigh- 
borly kindness,  which  we  shall  hold  ourselves  obliged  to  repay,  when  Provi- 
dence may  so  dispose  that  we  have  opportunity. 

“ Accordingly,  letters  were  despatched  and  sent  from  the  council,  one  unto 
the  said  Phillip  the  said  sachem,  to  require  his  personal  appearance  at  Plymouth, 
on  the  13th  day  of  September  next,  in  reference  to  the  particulars  above  men- 
tioned against  him.  This  letter  was  sent  by  Mr.  James  Walker , one  of  the 
council,  and  he  was  ordered  to  request  the  company  of  Mr.  Roger  Williams 
and  Mr.  James  Brown , to  go  with  him  at  the  delivery  of  the  said  letter.  And 
another  letter  was  sent  to  the  governor  and  council  of  the  Massachusetts  by  the 
hands  of  Mr.  John  Freeman , one  of  our  magistrates,  and  a third  was  directed  to 
the  governor  and  council  of  Rhode  Island,  and  sent  by  Mr.  Thomas  Hinckley 
and  Mr.  Constant  Southworth,  two  other  of  our  magistrates,  who  are  ordered  by 
our  council  with  the  letter,  to  unfold  our  present  state  of  matters  relating  to  the 
premises,  and  to  certify  them,  also,  more  certainly  of  the  time  of  the  meeting 
together,  in  reference  to  engagement  with  the  Indians,  if  there  be  a going  forth, 
which  will  be  on  the  20  of  September  next. 

“ It  was  further  ordered  by  the  council,  that  those  formerly  pressed  shall 
remain  under  the  same  impressment,  until  the  next  meeting  of  the  said  coun- 
cil, on  the  13  day  of  Sept,  next,  and  so  also  until  the  intended  expedition  is 
issued,  unless  they  shall  see  cause  to  alter  them,  or  add  or  detract  from  them, 
as  occasion  may  require : And  that  all  other  matters  remain  as  they  were, 
in  way  of  preparation  to  the  said  expedition,  until  we  shall  see  the  mind  of 
God  further  by  the  particulars  forenamed,  improved  for  that  purpose. 

“ It  was  further  ordered  by  the  council,  that  all  the  towns  within  this  jurisdic- 
tion shall,  in  the  interim,  be  solicitously  careful  to  provide  for  their  safety,  by 
convenient  watches  and  wardings,  and  carrying  their  arms  to  the  meetings  on 
the  Lord’s  days,  in  such  manner,  as  will  best  stand  with  their  particulars,  and 
the  common  safety. 

“ And  in  particular  they  order,  that  a guard  shall  be  provided  for  the  safety 
of  the  governor’s  person,  during  the  time  of  the  above-named  troubles  and  ex- 
peditions. 


22 


PHILIP. — PLIMOUTII  ACCUSATIONS  OF  1671. 


[Book  III. 


“ And  the  council  were  summoned  by  the  president,  [the  governor  of  Plim- 
outh,]  to  make  their  personal  appearance  at  Plymouth,  on  the  13th  day  of 
Sept,  next,  to  attend  such  further  business  as  shall  be  then  presented  by  Provi- 
dence, in  reference  to  the  premises.  [Without  any  intermediate  entry,  the 
records  proceed :] 

“On  the  13  Sept.  1G71,  the  council  of  war  appeared,  according  to  their  sum- 
mons, but  Phillip  the  sachem  appeared  not ; but  instead  thereof  repaired  to  the 
Massachusetts,  and  made  complaint  against  us  to  divers  of  the  gentlemen  in 
place  there  ; who  wrote  to  our  governor,  by  way  of  persuasion,  to  advise  the 
council  to  a compliance  with  the  said  sachem,  and  tendered  their  help  in  the 
achieving  thereof ; declaring,  in  sum,  that  they  resented  not  his  offence  so 
deeply  as  we  did,  and  that  they  doubted  whether  the  covenants  and  engage- 
ments that  Phillip  and  his  predecessors  had  plighted  with  us,  would  plainly 
import  that  he  had  subjected  himself,  and  people,  and  country  to  us  any  further 
than  as  in  a neighborly  and  friendly  correspondency.” 

Thus,  whether  Philip  had  been  able  by  misrepresentation  to  lead  the  court 
of  Massachusetts  into  a conviction  that  his  designs  had  not  been  fairly  set  forth 
by  Plimouth,  or  whether  it  be  more  reasonable  to  conclude  that  that  body  were 
thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  whole  grounds  of  complaint,  and,  therefore, 
considered  Plimouth  nearly  as  much  in  error  as  Philip , by  assuming  authority 
not  belonging  to  them,  is  a case,  we  apprehend,  not  difficult  to  be  settled  by  the 
reader.  The  record  continues : — 

“ The  council  having  deliberated  upon  the  premises,  despatched  away  letters, 
declaring  their  thankful  acceptance  of  their  kind  proffer,  and  invited  the  com- 
missioners of  the  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut,  they  [the  latter]  then  being 
there  in  the  Bay,  [Boston,]  and  some  other  gentlemen  to  come  to  Plymouth  and 
afford  us  their  help:  And,  accordingly,  on  the  24  of  Sept.  1671,  Mr.  John  Win- 
throp , Gov.  of  Connecticut,  Maj.  Gen.  Leverett,  Mr.  Thos.  Danforth , Capt.  Wm. 
Davis,  with  divers  others,  came  to  Plimouth,  and  had  a fair  and  deliberate 
hearing  of  the  controversy  between  our  colony  and  the  said  sachem  Phillip , he 
being  personally  present ; there  being  also  competent  interpreters,  both  English 
and  Indians.  At  which  meeting  it  was  proved  by  sufficient  testimony  to  the 
conviction  of  the  said  Phillip,  and  satisfaction  of  all  that  audience,  both  [to]  the 
said  gentlemen  and  others,  that  he  had  broken  his  covenant  made  with  our 
colony  at  Taunton  in  April  last,  in  divers  particulars : as  also  carried  very  un- 
kindly unto  us  divers  ways. 

“1.  In  that  he  ” had  neglected  to  bring  in  his  arms,  although  “ competent 
time,  yea  his  time  enlarged  ” to  do  it  in,  as  before  stated.  “ 2.  That  he  had 
carried  insolently  and  proudly  towards  us  on  several  occasions,  in  refusing  to 
come  down  to  our  court  (when  sent  for)  to  have  speech  with  him,  to  procure 
a right  understanding  of  matters  in  difference  betwixt  us.” 

This,  to  say  the  least,  was  a wretchedly  sorry  complaint.  That  an  independ- 
ent chief  should  refuse  to  obey  his  neighbors  whenever  they  had  a mind  to 
command  him,  of  the  justness  of  whose  mandates  he  was  not  to  inquire,  surely 
calls  for  no  comment  of  ours.  Besides,  did  Philip  not  do  as  he  agreed  at 
Taunton  ? — which  was,  that  in  case  of  future  troubles,  both  parties  should  lay 
their  complaints  before  Massachusetts,  and  abide  by  their  decision  P 

The  3d  charge  is  only  a repetition  of  what  was  stated  by  the  council  of  war, 
namely,  harboring  and  abetting  divers  Indians  not  his  own  men,  but  “ vaga- 
bonds, our  professed  enemies,  who  leaving  their  own  sachem  were  harbored 
by  him.” 

The  4th  has  likewise  been  stated,  which  contains  the  complaint  of  his  going 
to  Massachusetts,  “ with  several  of  his  council,  endeavoring  to  insinuate  him- 
self into  the  magistrates,  and  to  misrepresent  matters  unto  them,”  which  amounts 
to  little  else  but  an  accusation  against  Massachusetts,  as,  from  what  has  been 
before  stated,  it  seems  that  the  “ gentlemen  in  place  there  ” had,  at  least  in  part, 
been  convinced  that  Philip  was  not  so  much  in  fault  as  their  friends  of  Plim- 
outh had  pretended. 

“5.  That  he  had  shewed  great  incivility  to  divers  of  ours  at  several  times;  in 
special  unto  Mr.  James  Broivn,  who  was  sent  by  the  court  on  special  occasion, 
as  a messenger  unto  him ; and  unto  Hugh  Cole  at  another  time,  &c. 

“ The  gentlemen  forenamed  taking  notice  of  the  premises,  having  fully  heard 


PHILIP. 


23 


Chap.  II.] 

what  the  said  Phillip  could  say  for  himself,  having  free  liberty  so  to  do  without 
interruption,  adjudged  that  he  had  done  us  a great  deal  of  wrong  and  injury, 
(respecting  the  premises,)  and  also  abused  them  by  carrying  lies  and  false 
stories  to  them,  and  so  misrepresenting  matters  unto  them ; and  they  persuaded 
him  to  make  an  acknowledgment  of  his  fault,  and  to  seek  for  reconciliation, 
expressing  themselves,  that  there  is  a great  difference  between  what  he  asserted 
to  the  government  in  the  Bay,  and  what  he  could  now  make  out  concerning 
his  pretended  wrongs ; and  such  had  been  the  wrong  and  damage  that  he  had 
done  and  procured  unto  the  colony,  as  ought  not  to  be  borne  without  compe- 
tent reparation  and  satisfaction  ; yea,  that  he,  by  his  insolencies,  had  (in  proba- 
bility) occasioned  more  mischief  from  the  Indians  amongst  them,  than  had 
fallen  out  in  many  years  before  ; they  persuaded  him,  therefore,  to  humble  him- 
self unto  the  magistrates,  and  to  amend  his  ways,  if  he  expected  peace  ; and 
that,  if  he  went  on  in  his  refractory  way,  he  must  expect  to  smart  for  it.” 

The  commissioners  finally  drew  up  the  treaty  of  which  we  have  before  spo- 
ken, and  Philip  and  his  counsellors  subscribed  it;  and  thus  ended  the  chief 
events  of  1671. 

A very  short  time  before  the  war  of  1675  commenced,  the  governor  of 
Massachusetts  sent  an  ambassador  to  Philip , to  demand  of  him  why  he  would 
make  war  upon  the  English,  and  requested  him,  at  the  same  time,  to  enter  into 
a treaty.  The  sachem  made  him  this  answer : — 

“ Your  governor  is  hut  a subject  of  King  Charles  * * * § of  England.  I shall  not 
treat  with  a subject  I shall  treat  of  peace  only  with  the  king , my  brother.  When 
he  comes , I am  ready f 

This  is  literal,  although  we  have  changed  the  order  of  the  words  a little,  and 
is  worthy  of  a place  upon  the  same  page  with  the  speech  of  the  famous  Porus} 
when  taken  captive  by  Alexander.  j: 

We  meet  with  nothing  of  importance  until  the  death  of  Sassamon,  in  1674, 
the  occasion  of  which  was  charged  upon  Philip , and  was  the  cause  of  bringing 
about  the  war  with  him  a year  sooner  than  he  had  expected.  This  event  pre- 
maturely discovered  his  intentions,  which  occasioned  the  partial  recantation  of 
the  Narragansets,  who,  it  is  reported,  were  to  furnish  4000  men,  to  be  ready  to 
fall  upon  the  English  in  1676.  Concert,  therefore,  was  wanting  ; and  although 
nearly  all  the  Narragansets  ultimately  joined  against  the  English,  yet  the  pow- 
erful effect  of  a general  simultaneous  movement  was  lost  to  the  Indians. 
Philip's  own  people,  many  of  whom  were  so  disconcerted  at  the  unexpected 
beginning  of  the  war,  continued  some  time  to  waver,  doubting  which  side  to 
show  themselves  in  favor  of;  and  it  was  only  from  their  being  without  the 
vicinity  of  the  English,  or  unprotected  by  them,  that  determined  their  course, 
which  was,  in  almost  all  cases,  in  favor  of  Philip.  Even  the  praying  Indians, 
had  they  been  left  to  themselves,  would,  no  doubt,  many  of  them,  have  declared 
in  his  favor  also,  as  a great  many  really  did. 

Until  the  execution  of  the  three  Indians,  supposed  to  be  the  murderers  of 
Sassamon,  no  hostility  was  committed  by  Philip  or  his  warriors.  About  the 
time  of  their  trial,  he  was  said  to  be  marching  his  men  “ up  and  down  the 
country  in  arms,”  but  when  it  was  known  that  they  were  executed,  he  could 
no  longer  restrain  many  of  his  young  men,  who,  having  sent  their  wives  and 
children  to  Narraganset,  upon  the  24th  of  June,  provoked  the  people  of  Swan- 
sey,  by  killing  their  cattle,  and  other  injuries, § until  they  fired  upon  them  and 


* Charles  II.,  whose  reign  was  from  1660  to  1676. 

t Old  Indian  Chronicle,  68. 

f The  conqueror  asked  him  how  he  would  be  treated,  who,  in  two  words,  replied,  “ Like  a 
king.”  Being  asked  if  he  had  no  other  request  to  make,  he  said,  “ No.  Every  thing  is 
comprehended  in  that.”  (Plutarch’s  Life  of  Alexander.)  We  could  wish,  that  the  English 
conquerors  had  acted  with  as  much  magnanimity  towards  the  Indians,  as  Alexander  did 
towards  those  he  overcame.  Porus  was  treated  as  he  had  desired. 

§ “ In  the  mean  time  King  Philip  mustered  up  about  500  of  his  men,  and  arms  them  com- 
pleat ; and  had  gotten  about  8 or  900  of  his  neighboring  Indians,  and  likewise  arms  them  com- 
pleat ; (i.  e.  guns,  powder  and  bullets ;)  but  how  many  he  hath  engaged  to  be  of  his  party, 
is  unknown  to  any  among  us.  The  last  spring,  several  Indians  were  seen  in  small  parties, 
about  Rehoboth  and  Swansey,  which  not  a little  affrighted  the  inhabitants.  Who  demanding 
the  reason  of  them,  wherefore  it  was  so  ? Answer  was  made,  That  they  were  only  on  their 
own  defence,  for  they  understood  that  the  English  intended  to  cut  them  off.  About  the  20th 


24 


PHILIP— BEGINS  THE  WAR  OF  1675. 


[Book  III. 


killed  one,  which  was  a signal  to  commence  the  war,  and  what  they  had  de- 
sired ; for  the  superstitious  notion  prevailed  among  the  Indians,  that  the  party 
who  fired  the  first  gun  would  be  conquered.*  They  had  probably  been  made 
to  believe  this  by  the  English  themselves. 

It  was  upon  a fast  day  that  this  great  drama  was  opened.  As  the  people 
were  returning  from  meeting,  they  were  fired  upon  by  the  Indians,  when  one 
was  killed  and  two  wounded.  Two  others,  going  for  a surgeon,  were  killed 
on  their  way.  hi  another  part  of  the  town,  six  others  were  killed  the  same 
day.  Swansey  was  in  the  midst  of  Philip's  country,  and  his  men  were  as  well 
acquainted  with  all  the  walks  of  the  English  as  they  were  themselves. 

It  is  not  supposed  that  Philip  directed  this  attack,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  it 
has  been  said  that  it  was  against  his  wishes.  But  there  can  be  no  doubt  of  his 
hostility  and  great  desire  to  rid  his  country  of  the  white  intruders ; for  had  he 
not  reason  to  say, 

“Exarsere  ignes  animo;  subit  ira,  cadenfem 
Ulcisci  patriam,  et  sceleratas  sumere  poenas  1 ” 

The  die  was  cast.  No  other  alternative  appeared,  but  to  ravage,  bum  and 
destroy  as  fast  as  was  in  his  power.  There  had  been  no  considerable  war  for 
a long  time,  either  among  themselves  or  with  the  English,  and,  therefore,  nu- 
merous young  warriors  from  the  neighboring  tribes,  entered  into  his  cause 
with  great  ardor ; eager  to  perform  exploits,  such  as  had  been  recounted  to 
them  by  their  sires,  and  such  as  they  had  long  waited  an  opportunity  to  achieve. 
The  time,  they  conceived,  had  now  arrived,  and  their  souls  expanded  in  pro- 
portion to  the  greatness  of  the  undertaking.  To  conquer  the  English ! to  lead 
captive  their  haughty  lords ! must  have  been  to  them  thoughts  of  vast  magni- 
tude, and  exhilarating  in  the  highest  degree. 

Town  after  town  fell  before  them,  and  when  the  English  forces  marched  in 
one  direction,  they  were  burning  and  laying  waste  in  another.  A part  of 
Taunton,  Middleborough,  and  Dartmouth,  in  the  vicinity  of  Pocasset,  upon 
Narraganset  Bay,  soon  followed  the  destruction  of  Swansey,  which  was  burnt 
immediately  after  the  24th  of  June,  on  being  abandoned  by  the  inhabitants. 

Though  now  in  great  consternation,  the  people  of  Swansey  and  its  vicinity 
did  not  forget  to  make  known  their  distressed  situation  by  sending  runners  with 
the  utmost  despatch  to  Boston  and  Plimouth  for  assistance.  “But,”  says  ouf 
chronicler  of  that  day,  “ before  any  came  to  them,  they  of  both  towns,  Reho- 
both  and  Swansey,  were  gathered  together  into  three  houses,  men,  women,  and 
children,  and  there  had  all  provisions  in  common,  so  that  they  who  had  nothing- 
wanted  nothing.  Immediately  after  notice  hereof  came  to  Boston,  drums  beat 
up  for  volunteers,  and  in  3 hours  time  were  mustered  up  about  110  men,  Capt. 
Samuel  Mosely  being  their  commander.  This  Capt.  Mosely  hath  been  an 
old  privateer  at  Jamaica,  an  excellent  soldier,  and  an  undaunted  spirit,  one 
whose  memory  will  be  honorable  in  New  England  for  his  many  eminent  ser- 
vices he  hath  done  the  public. 

“There  were  also  among  these  men,  about  10  or  12 privateers,  that  had  been 
there  some  time  before.  They  carried  with  them  several  dogs,  that  proved 
serviceable  to  them,  in  finding  out  the  enemy  in  their  swamps ; one  whereof 
would,  for  several  days  together,  go  out  and  bring  to  them  6,  8 or  10  young 
pigs  of  Kihg  Philip's  herds.  There  went  out  also  amongst  these  men,  one 
Cornelius , a Dutchman,  who  had  lately  been  condemned  to  die  for  piracy,  but 
afterwards  received  a pardon ; he,  willing  to  show  his  gratitude  therefor,  went 
out  and  did  several  good  services  abroad  against  the  enemy.” 

All  who  have  sought  after  truth  in  matters  of  this  kind,  are  well  aware  of  the 


of  June  last,  seven  or  eight  of  King  Philip’s  men  came  to  Swansey  on  the  Lord's  day,  and 
would  grind  a hatchet  at  an  inhabitant’s  house  there ; the  master  told  them,  it  was  the  sab- 
bath day,  and  their  God  would  be  very  angry  if  he  should  let  them  do  it.  They  returned 
this  answer : They  knew  not  who  his  God  was,  and  that  they  would  do  it,  for  all  him,  or  his 
God  either.  From  thence  they  went  to  another  house,  and  took  away  some  victuals,  but  hurt 
no  man.  Immediately  they  met  a man  travelling  on  the  road,  kept  him  in  custody  a short 
time,  then  dismist  him  quietly  ; giving  him  this  caution,  that  he  should  not  work  on  his  God’s 
day,  and  that  he  should  tell  no  lies.”  Chronicle,  8,  9. 

* Callendar’s  Discourse  on  the  Hist,  of  R.  Island. 


PHILIP— HIS  WAR  OF  1675. 


25 


Chai  . II.] 

extreme  difficulty  of  investigation.  Twenty  persons  may  write  an  account  of 
an  affair,  to  the  passage  of  which  all  may  have  been  witnesses,  and  no  two  of 
them  agree  in  many  of  its  particulars.  The  author  of  the  tracts  which  we  cite 
under  the  name  of  The  Old  Indian  Chronicle,  wrote  his  accounts  in  Boston, 
and  we  have  no  doubt  of  his  intention  to  record  every  event  with  the  strictest 
regard  to  truth ; if  he  had  erred,  it  is  doubtless  from  his  recording  the  first  news 
of  an  event,  which  often  varies  in  point  of  fact  afterwards.  Hubbard  and  Ma- 
ther, two  contemporary  historians,  had  the  advantage  of  a comparison  of  re- 
ports, and  of  revising  their  works  in  their  passage  through  the  press;  whereas 
the  author  of  the  tracts  wrote  them  as  letters  to  a friend  in  London,  where  they 
were  immediately  printed.  With  allowances  for  these  circumstances,  as  full 
credit  should  be  given  to  his  relation,  as  to  either  of  the  others.  His  accounts 
of  the  first  events  at  Swansey  are  detailed  in  his  own  words  in  a previous  note, 
and  we  here  proceed  with  another  portion  of  his  narrative. 

“ By  this  time  the  Indians  have  killed  several  of  our  men,  but  the  first  that 
was  killed  was  June  23,  a man  at  Swansey  ; that  he  and  his  family  had  left  his 
house  amongst  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants,  and  adventuring  with  his  wife  and 
son  (about  twenty  years  old)  to  go  to  his  house  to  fetch  them  corn,  and  such 
like  things:  (he  having  just  before  sent  his  wife  and  son  away)  as  he  was  going 
out  of  the  house,  was  set  on  and  shot  by  Indians.  His  wife  being  not  far  off' 
heard  the  guns  go  off,  went  back,”  and  fell  into  their  hands.  Dishonored,  and 
afterwards  scalped  by  them,  she  immediately  died,  and  her  son  was  at  the  same 
time  scalped.  “They  also  the  next  day  [24  June]  killed  six  or  seven  men  at 
Swansey,  and  two  more  at  one  of  the  garrisons ; and  as  two  men  went  out  of 
one  of  the  garrisons  to  draw  a bucket  of  water,  they  were  shot  and  carried 
away,  and  afterwards  were  found  with  their  fingers  and  feet  cut  off,  and  the 
skin  of  their  heads  flayed  off,”  that  is,  scalped. 

“ About  1 4 days  after  that  they  sent  for  more  help  ; whereupon  the  authority 
of  Boston  made  Capt.  Thomas  Savage  the  major  general  in  that ' expedition, 
who,  with  60  horse,  and  as  many  foot,  went  out  of  Boston ; having  pressed  horses 
for  the  footmen,  and  six  carts  to  carry  provisions  with  them.”  “ They  traveled 
day  and  night  till  they  came  to  their  garrisons,  and  within  three  days  after 
marched,  horse  and  foot,  leaving  guards  in  the  garrisons,  towards  Mount  Hope, 
where  King  Philip  and  his  wife  was.  They  came  on  him  at  unawares,  so  that 
he  was  forced  to  rise  from  dinner,  and  he  and  all  with  him  fled  out  of  that,  land 
called  Mount  Hope,  up  further  into  the  country.  They  pursued  them  as  far  as 
they  could  go  for  swamps,  and  killed  15  or  16  in  that  expedition,  then  returned 
and  took  what  he  had  that  was  worth  taking,  and  spoiled  the  rest ; taking  all  his 
cattle  and  hogs  that  they  could  find,  and  also  took  possession  of  Mount  Hope, 
which  had  then  a thousand  acres  under  com,  which  is  since  cut  down  by  the 
English,  and  disposed  of  according  to  their  discretion.  Cornelius  [before  men- 
tioned] was  in  this  exploit,  and  pursued  Philip  so  hard,  that  he  got  his  cap  off 
his  head,  and  now  wears  it.” 

It  was  June  26,  that  the  English  marched  out  of  Boston  for  Swansey  ; and 
they  arrived  there  two  days  after,  namely,  June  28,  a little  before  night.* 
Twelve  men  immediately  marched  out  to  invade  Philip's  territories,  who  were 
attacked  by  about  the  same  number  of  Philip's  men.  The  invaders  were  re- 
pulsed, having  one  killed,  and  one  wounded,  and  his  horse  killed  under  him. 
Of  the  Indians  two  were  killed. 

The  next  day,  June  29,  the  Indians  appeared  boldly  in  view  of  the  English, 
and  by  their  shouts,  it  would  seem,  dared  them  to  come  out  and  fight.  Mosely 
sallied  out  at  the  head  of  a company  of  volunteers,  and  rushed  furiously  upon 
them.  They  fled  to  their  coverts,  but  even  here  made  a stand  only  for  a mo- 
ment ; for  after  one  fire  they  all  fled.  One  of  the  English,  Ensign  Savage,  was 
wounded,  the  ball  lodging  in  his  thigh,  and  another  passed  through  the  brim 
of  his  hat.f  Mosely  pursued  the  Indians  above  a mile,  and  killed  five  or  six  of 
them,  as  they  were  making  their  retreat  into  a swamp.  It  was  in  this  pursuit 
that  the  exploit  of  Cornelius  took  place,  just  related,  and  Philip  was  not  seen  at 


* Hubbard,  Narrative,  18. 

t Church,  who  was  in  this  action,  says  Savage  was  wounded  by  his  own  party  : having 
divided  themselves  into  two  wings,  in  their  confusion  one  fired  upon  the  other. 


26 


PHILIP— BATTLE  OF  PXJNKATEESET. 


fBoox  m* 


Mount  Hope  again  until  the  next  year.  The  next  day  the  English  forces  trav- 
ersed Mount  Hope  Neck,  found  Philip's  wigwam,  but  himself  and  all  his  peo- 
ple had  made  good  their  retreat.  They  found  the  heads  of  eight  of  the  English 
that  had  been  killed,  set  upon  poles,  at  Keekamuit,  which  they  took  down  and 
interred. 

On  the  morning  of  July  1,  as  Lieutenant  Oakes  was  returning  to  head-quar- 
ters at  Swansey,  having  encamped  at  Rehoboth  the  preceding  night,  he  dis- 
covered a company  of  Indians,  and  attacked  them.  How  many  were  killed  is 
not  stated,  but  two  of  Philip's  chief  captains  were  among  the  number,  one  of 
whom  was  named  Thebe,  “a  sachem  of  Mount  Hope.”  Of  the  English  one 
was  killed.  The  scalps  of  three  Indians  that  were  killed  were  taken  off  by  the 
English  and  sent  to  Boston,  which  were  the  first  taken  by  them  in  this  war.* 

At  the  solicitation  of  Benjamin  Church,  a company  of  36  men  were  put 
under  him  and  Captain  Puller , who,  on  the  8 July,  marched  down  into  Pocas- 
set  Neck.  Church,  who  was  well  acquainted  with  the  Indians,  had  urged  the 
officers  of  the  army  to  pursue  Philip  on  the  Pocasset  side,  being  fully  persua- 
ded that  there  were  no  Indians  in  Mount  Hope  Neck,  the  part  of  the  country 
they  were  taking  so  much  pains  to  guard  and  fortify  ; but  they  would  not  hear 
to  his  advice,  and  the  consequence  was,  Philip  burned  and  destroyed  the  towns 
towards  Plimouth. — But  to  return  to  the  force  under  Church  and  Fuller.  This, 
though  but  small  at  first,  was  divided  into  two.  Church  had  19  men,  and  Fuller 
the  remaining  17.  The  party  under  Church  proceeded  into  a point  of  land 
called  Punkateeset,  now  the  southerly  extremity  of  Tiverton,  where  they 
were  attacked  by  a great  body  of  Indians,  300,  as  Church  learned  afterwards, 
who  nearly  encompassed  them  ; but  after  a few  minutes  fight,  the  English  re- 
treated to  the  sea  shore,  and  thus  saved  themselves  from  immediate  destruc- 
tion. Church  gave  orders  for  a retreat  the  very  moment  he  discovered  that 
the  object  of  the  Indians  was  to  surround  them.  This  proved  their  safety, 
although,  as  they  were  now  situated,  they  could  expect  but  little  else  than 
to  sell  their  lives  at  the  price  of  a greater  number  of  their  enemies.  These 
Indians  were  well  armed,  “ their  bright  guns  glittering  in  the  sun,”  which  gave 
them  a formidable  appearance.  Thus  hemmed  in,  Church  had  a double  duty 
to  perform  ; that  of  preserving  the  spirits  of  his  famished  followers,  many  of 
whom  were  ready  to  give  up  all  for  lost,  and  erecting  defences  of  stones  to 
defend  them.  Many  were  the  hair-breadth  escapes  of  individuals  in  this  little 
band  on  this  trying  occasion.  In  the  language  of  Church , “ they  were  beset 
with  multitudes  of  Indians,  who  possessed  themselves  of  every  rock,  and 
stump,  tree  or  fence,  that  was  in  sight,”  from  which  they  fired  without  ceasing. 

Boats  had  been  appointed  to  attend  upon  the  English  in  this  expedition, 
but  they  had  grounded  on  the  Rhode  Island  shore,  and  could  not  come  to  their 
assistance  ; at  length,  however,  one  got  off,  and  came  towards  them,  which  gave 
them  hopes  of  escape,  but  these  were  of  short  duration  : the  Indians  fired  into 
it,  and  prevented  their  landing.  Church  ordered  those  in  it  to  ride  off  beyond 
musket  shot,  and  to  send  a canoe  ashore  ; but  they  dared  not  even  to  do  this. 
When  Church  saw  that,  in  a moment  of  vexation,  he  ordered  the  boat  to  be 
gone  in  a moment  or  he  would  fire  upon  it ; she  immediately  left,  and  the 
peril  of  the  English  was  greatly  increased ; for  now  the  Indians  were  en- 
couraged, and  they  fired  “ thicker  and  faster  than  before.” 

Night  was  now  almost  enshrouding  them,  their  ammunition  nearly  spent, 
and  the  Indians  had  possessed  themselves  of  a stone  house  that  overlooked 
them,  but  as  though  preserved  by  a miracle,  not  one  of  the  English  in  all  this 
time  was  wounded.  But  fortune’s  sport  was  now  nearly  ended  : a sloop  was 
discovered  bearing  down  towards  them,  and  soon  after,  Church  announced 
that  relief  was  coming,  for  that  the  vessel  was  commanded  by  “ Capt.  Gold- 
ing, whom  he  knew  to  be  a man  for  business.”  True,  it  was  Golding.  He 
sent  his  canoe  ashore,  but  it  was  so  small  that  it  would  take  but  two  at  a time 
to  the  vessel.  The  embarkation  immediately  commenced,  and  meantime 
the  Indians  plied  their  shot  with  such  effect  that  the  colors,  sails,  and  stern 
of  the  sloop  were  full  of  bullet-holes.  Church  was  the  last  man  to  embark, 


* I deduce  the  facts  in  this  sentence  from  a comparison  of  Hubbard,  20,  with  the 
Chronicle,  13. 


Chap.  II.] 


PHILIP.— POCASSET  SWAMP  FIGHT. 


27 


who,  as  he  was  retreating  backward  to  the  boat,  a ball  grazed  the  hair  of 
his  head,  two  others  struck  the  canoe  as  he  entered  it,  and  a fourth  lodged 
in  a stake,  which  accidentally  stood  just  before  “ the  middle  of  his  breast ! ” 

Thus  this  little  band,  after  a fight  of  about  six  hours,  escaped.  The  party 
under  Captain  Fuller  met  with  similar  fortune ; they  were  attacked  by  great 
numbers,  but  escaped  by  getting  possession  of  an  old  house  close  upon  the 
water’s  edge  and  were  early  taken  off  by  boats.  But  two  of  the  party  were 
wounded.  ° Some  of  the  Indians  were  killed  and  wounded  this  day,  but  how 
many  is  not  known. 

The  same  day  this  fight  took  place,  a boat’s  crew  went  from  Rhode  Island 
to  Pocasset  to  look  after  some  cattle,  and  were  fired  upon  by  the  Indians,  and 
one  of  their  number,  a servant  of  Captain  Church , was  severely  wounded. 

Some  of  the  acts  of  the  English,  in  retrospect,  do  not  discover  that  judg- 
ment the  circumstances  seem  to  have  elicited,  especially  that  in  relation  to 
the  Narragansets.  They  had  now  driven  Philip  out  of  Mount  Hope  Neck, 
and,  not  knowing  exactly  where  to  find  him,  the  forces  in  that  quarter  re- 
mained doubting  what  next  to  do.  At  this  juncture  Captain  Hutchinson 
arrived  from  Boston  with  orders  from  the  government  there,  “ for  them  to 
pass  into  Narraganset,  to  treat  with  the  sachems,  and  if  it  might  be,  to  pre- 
vent their  joining  with  Philip.”  Accordingly  they  marched  into  that  country, 
but  all  the  chief  men  and  warriors  fled  on  their  approach.  The  historical 
conclusion  is,  therefore,  that  this  act  was  viewed  by  them  as  a declaration  of 
war,  and  it  is  rational  that  they  should  have  so  considered  it ; because  the 
army  assumed  a most  hostile  attitude,  “ resolving  they  would  go  to  make 
peace  with  a sword  in  their  hands.”  Having  arrived  in  the  Narraganset 
country,  three  or  four  days  were  spent  in  finding  Indians  with  whom  to 
treat ; (for  they  could  find  none  to  fight ;)  at  length,  four  men  were  found,  whom 
the  English  styled  sachems,  and  a treaty  was  drawn  up  at  great  length  and 
signed  by  the  parties.  To  ensure  its  observance  the  following  hostages  were 
taken  into  custody  by  the  army : John  Wobequob,  Weowthim,*  Pewkes, 
and  Weenew,  “four  of  the  sachems  near  kinsmen  and  choice  friends.” 
Among  the  stipulations  of  the  treaty  we  find  these : 

The  said  sachems  shall  carefully  seize  all  and  every  of  Philip's  subjects, 
and  deliver  them  up  to  the  English,  alive  or  dead;  that  they  shall  use  all 
acts  of  hostility  against  Philip  and  his  subjects,  to  kill  them  wherever  they 
can  be  found ; that  if  they  seize  Philip , and  deliver  him  alive  to  the  English, 
they  shall  receive  40  trucking  cloth  coats  ; and  for  his  head  alone,  20  of 
said  coats ; and  for  every  subject  of  said  sachem  2 coats,  if  alive,  and  one  if 
dead.  This  treaty  is  dated  Petaquanscot , 15  July , 1675 ; 


Philip  commanded  in  person  upon  Pocasset,  where,  upon  the  18th  of  July, 
he  was  discovered  in  a “dismal  swamp.”  He  had  retired  to  this  place, 
which  is  adjacent  to  Taunton  River,  with  most  of  his  Wampanoags,  and 
such  others  as  had  joined  him,  to  avoid  falling  in  with  the  English  army, 
which  was  now  pursuing  him.  From  their  nqmbers,  the  English  were 
nearly  able  to  encompass  the  swamp,  and  the  fate  of  Philip  they  now  thought 
sealed.  On  arriving  at  its  edge,  a few  of  Philip's  warriors  showed  them- 
selves, and  the  English  rushed  in  upon  them  with  ardor,  and  by  this  feint 
were  drawn  far  into  an  ambush,  and  “about  15  were  slain.”  The  leaves 
upon  the  trees  were  so  thick,  and  the  hour  of  the  day  so  late,  that  a friend 
could  not  be  distinguished  from  a foe,  “ whereby  ’tis  verily  feared,”  says  Dr. 
Mather , “ that  [the  English  themselves]  did  sometimes  unhappily  shoot  Eng- 


In  presence  of 
Daniel  Henchman , 

Thomas  Prentice , 

. Nicholas  Paige , 

Joseph  Stanton , Interpreter. 
Henry  Hawlaws , ) [Indians, 
Pecoe  Bucow , \ probably.] 

Job  Neff. 


and  signed  by  the  marks  of 


Tawageson, 


Wampsh,  alias 


Taytson, 

Agamaug, 


CORMAN. 


Probably  the  same  called  in  another  place  Nowequa. 


28 


PHILIP.— FIGHT  AT  REHOBOTII  PLAIN. 


[Book  III. 


lishmen  instead  of  Indians.”  A retreat  was  now  ordered,  and,  considering 
Philip's  escape  impossible,  the  most  of  the  forces  left  the  place,  a few  only 
remaining,  “ to  starve  out  the  enemy.”  That  Philip's  force  was  great  at  this 
time  is  certain,  from  the  fact  that  a hundred  wigwams  were  found  near  the 
edge  of  the  swamp,  newly  constructed  of  green  bark.  In  one  of  those  the 
English  found  an  old  man,  who  informed  them  that  Philip  was  there.  He 
lost  but  few  men  in  the  encounter,  though,  it  is  said,  he  had  a brother 
killed.* 

The  idle  notion  of  building  a fort  here  to  starve  out  Philip , was  suffi- 
ciently censured  by  the  historians  of  that  day.  For,  as  Captain  Church  ex- 
presses it,  to  build  a fort  for  nothing  to  cover  the  people  from  nobody, \ was  rather 
a ridiculous  idea.  This  observation  he  made  upon  a fort’s  being  built  upon 
Mount  Hope  Neck,  some  time  after  every  Indian  had  left  that  side  of  the 
country,  and  who,  in  fact,  were  laying  waste  the  towns  before  mentioned. 

The  swamp  where  Philip  was  now  confined,  was  upon  a piece  of  country 
which  projected  into  Taunton  River,  and  was  nearly  seven  miles  in  extent. 
After  being  guarded  here  13  days,  which,  in  the  end,  was  greatly  to  his  advan- 
tage, and  afforded  him  sufficient  time  to  provide  canoes  in  which  to  make  his 
escape,  he  passed  the  river  with  most  of  his  men,  and  made  good  his  retreat 
into  the  country  upon  Connecticut  River.  In  effecting  this  retreat,  an  acci- 
dent happened  which  deprived  him  of  some  of  his  choicest  and  bravest  cap- 
tains, as  we  shall  proceed  to  relate. 

About  the  26  July,  1675,  Oneko,  with  two  of  his  brothers,  and  about  50  men, 
came  to  Boston,  by  direction  of  Uncas , his  father,  and  declared  their  desire  to 
assist  the  English  against  the  Wampanoags.  A few  English  and  three  Naticks 
were  added  to  their  company,  and  immediately  despatched,  by  way  of  Pli- 
mouth,  to  the  enemy’s  country.  This  circuitous  route  was  taken,  perhaps, 
that  they  might  have  their  instructions  immediately  from  the  governor  of 
that  colony ; Massachusetts,  at  that  time,  probably,  supposing  the  war  might 
be  ended  without  their  direct  interference.  This  measure,  as  it  proved, 
was  very  detrimental  to  the  end  in  view ; for  if  they  had  proceeded  directly 
to  Seekonk,  they  would  have  been  there  in  season  to  have  met  Philip  in  his 
retreat  from  Pocasset ; and  this  force,  being  joined  with  the  other  English 
forces,  then  in  the  vicinity,  they  in  all  probability  might  have  finished  the 
war  by  a single  fight  with  him.  At  least,  his  chance  of  escape  would  have 
been  small,  as  he  had  to  cross  a large  extent  of  clear  and  open  country, 
where  many  of  his  men  must  have  been  cut  down  in  flight,  or  fought  man 
to  man  with  their  pursuers.  Whereas  Oneko  was  encamped  at  some  dis- 
tance, having  arrived  late  the  night  before,  and  some  time  was  lost  in  rally- 
ing! after  Philip  was  discovered.  They  overtook  him,  however,  about  10 
o’clock  in  the  morning  of  the  1st  of  August,  and  a smart  fight  ensued. 
Philip  having  brought  his  best  men  into  the  rear,  many  of  them  were  slain  ; 
among  these  was  Nimrod , alias  Woonashum , a great  captain  and  counsellor, 
who  had  signed  the  treaty  at  Taunton,  four  years  before. 

From  what  cause  the  fight  was  suspended  is  unknown,  though  it  would 
seem  from  some  relations,  that  it  was  owing  to  Oneko's  men,  who,  seeing 
themselves  in  possession  of  considerable  plunder,  fell  to  loading  themselves 
with  it,  and  thus  gave  Philip  time  to  escape.  From  this  view  of  the  case, 
it  would  appear  that  the  Mohegans  were  the  chief  actors  in  the  offensive. 
It  is  said  that  the  Naticks  urged  immediate  and  further  pursuit,  which  did 
not  take  place,  in  consequence  of  the  extreme  heat  of  the  weather ; and 
thus  the  main  body  were  permitted  to  escape. 

Mr.  Newman,  of  Rehoboth,  gave  an  account  of  the  affair  in  a letter,  in 
which  he  said  that  “ 14  of  the  enemy’s  principal  men  were  slain.”  He  also 
mentioned,  in  terms  of  great  praise,  the  Naticks  and  Mohegans  under  Onejco. 

Philip  having  now  taken  a position  to  annoy  the  back  settlements  of 


* This  is  upon  the  authority  of  the  anonymous  author  of  the  “ Present  State,’9  &c.,  of 
which  we  shall  elsewhere  have  occasion  to  take  notice.  That  author  seems  to  have  con- 
founded the  fight  between  Thebe  and  Lieut.  Oakes  with  that  of  Rehoboth  Plain, 
t Hist.  Philip’s  War,  p.  6.  ed.  4to. 
i Govkin’s  MS.  Hist.  Praying  Indians. 


Chap.  II.] 


AMBUSH  AT  WIKABAUG. 


29 


Massachusetts,  his  warriors  fell  vigorously  to  the  work.  On  14  July,  five 
people  are  killed  at  Mendon,  in  Mass.,  which  is  the  first  blood  shed  in  the 
colony  in  this  war.  Those  that  were  killed  were  about  their  work  in  the 
field,  and  knew  not  their  murderers ; and  whether  they  were  killed  by 
Philip’s  men  is  unknown. 

Soon  after  the  war  began,  Massachusetts,  fearing  the  Nipmuks  might  join 
with  Philip , sent  messengers  to  treat  with  them.  The  young  Indians  were 
found  “ surly,”  but  the  old  men  were  for  a renewal  of  friendship ; but  the 
person  or  persons  sent  upon  this  business  did  not  acquit  themselves  in  a 
manner  that  gave  satisfaction  ; and  Philip , being  now  in  the  country  of  the 
Nipmuks,  it  was  concluded  by  the  authorities  of  Massachusetts  to  make  a 
further  test  of  their  intentions.  Accordingly,  on  the  28  July,  Captains 
Hutchinson  and  Wheeler , with  a company  of  20  mounted  men,  and  3 Christian 
Indians  as  pilots  and  interpreters,  viz.  Memecho , Joseph,  and  Sampson,  went 
with  some  of  the  inhabitants  of  Brookfield,  agreeably  to  appointment,  to 
meet  the  Nipmuk  sachems.  It  had  been  agreed  by  these  sachems  to 
meet  the  English  in  a treaty  at  a certain  tree  at  Quabaog  on  the  2 August, 
■on  a plain  3 miles  from  Brookfield  village.  Having  arrived  here  according 
to  agreement,  the  English  found  no  Indians  to  treat  with.  It  was  now  a 
question  with  all  but  the  Brookfield  men,  whether  or  not  they  should  pro- 
ceed to  a certain  place  where  they  believed  the  Indians  to  be ; at  length  the 
confidence  of  the  Brookfield  people  in  the  pacific  disposition  of  the  Indians, 
prevailed,  and  they  marched  on.  The  way  was  so  bad  that  they  could  march 
only  in  single  file,  as  they  approached  the  place  where  they  expected  to  find 
the  Indians,  and  when  they  came  near  Wikabaug  Pond,  between  a swamp 
on  the  left  and  a very  abrupt  and  high  hill  on  the  right,*  suddenly  2 or  300 
Indians  rose  up,  encompassed,  and  fired  upon  them.  Eight  were  killed  out- 
right, and  three  fell  mortally  wounded.  Of  the  latter  number  was  Captain 
Hutchinson , who,  though  carried  off  by  the  survivors,  died  on  the  19  August 
following.  Captain  Wheeler  had  his  horse  shot  under  him,  and  himself  was 
shot  through  the  body  ; but  his  life  was  saved  through  the  bravery  and  presence 
of  mind  of  a son  then  with  him.  This  son,  though  his  own  arm  was  broken 
by  a bullet,  seeing  the  peril  of  his  father,  dismounted  from  his  horse,  and  suc- 
ceeded in  mounting  his  father  upon  it.  A retreat  now  began,  and,  % cutting 
their  way  through  the  Indians,  the  small  remnant  of  English  got  back  to 
Brookfield,  f 

The  three  Christian  Indians  of  whom  we  have  spoken,  rendered  most 
eminent  service  on  this  day ; for  had  they  not  been  there,  there  had  been  no 
possibility  of  one  Englishman’s  escaping.  One  of  them,  George  Memecho , 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians : the  other  two,  by  skill  and  bravery,  led 
the  English,  by  an  unknown  route,  in  safety  to  Brookfield.  Yet  these  In- 
dians were  afterwards  so  badly  treated  by  the  English,  that  they  were  forced 
to  fly  to  Philip  for  protection.  Sampson  was  afterwards  killed  in  a fight  by 
the  English  Indians,  and  Joseph  was  taken  in  Plimouth  colony,  and  sold  for 
a slave,  and  sent  to  Jamaica.  He  afterwards  was  suffered  to  return,  at  the 
intercession  of  Mr.  Eliot.  Memecho  escaped  from  his  captors,  and  brought 
beneficial  intelligence  to  the  English  of  the  state  of  Philip's  affairs.  | 

The  English  having  now  arrived  at  Brookfield,  as  just  related,  the  In- 
dians pursued  them,  and  arrived  almost  as  soon ; fortunately,  however,  there 
was  barely  time  to  alarm  the  inhabitants,  who,  to  the  number  of  about  80, 
flocked  into  a garrison  house,  where,  through  persevering  efforts,  they  were 
enabled  to  maintain  themselves  until  a force  under  Major  Willard  carne 
to  their  relief,  August  4.  He  was  in  the  vicinity  of  Lancaster,  with  48  dra- 
goons and  four  friendly  Indians,  when  he  received  the  intelligence  of  the 
perilous  condition  of  Brookfield,  and  had  just  taken  up  his  line  of  march  to 
surprise  a lodge  of, Indians  not  far  from  that  place.  He  now  quickly 


* According  to  all  tradition  this  place  is  at  the  north  end  of  Wickaboag  pond,  and  the  hill 
was  a cemetery  for  the  Indians}  for  when  cultivated  afterwards  by  the  whites,  numerous  bones 
were  exhumed.  Foot’s  Hist.  Brookfield,  30. 

t Narrative  of  the  affair  by  Captain  Wheeler  himself,  p.  1 to  5. 

f Gookin’s  MS.  History  of  the  Praying  Indians.-— Joseph  and  Sampson  were  brothers, 
sons  of  “old  Robin  Petuhanit,  deceased,  a good  man.”  lb. 

3 # ; ° 


30 


BURNING  OF  BROOKFIELD. 


[Book  IIL 


changed  his  course  for  Brookfield,  distant  about  30  miles,  which,  by  a forced 
march,  he  reached  in  safety  the  night  following.  That  he  was  not  attacked 
as  he  approached  the  distressed  garrison,  is  most  extraordinary,  for  the 
hostile  Indians  are  said  to  have  guarded  every  passage  to  it ; and  there  are 
different  reasons  stated  for  that  neglect:  one  is,  that  the  guard  through 
which  the  English  passed,  suffered  them  to  proceed,  expecting  another 
guard  stationed  still  nearer  the  garrison  would  attack  them  in  front  while 
they  should  fall  on  them  in  the  rear ; another  is,  that  they  were  deceived 
as  to  the  numbers  of  the  English,  thinking  them  many  more  than  they 
really  were,  and  dared  not  attack  them.  It  would  seem,  however,  more* 
probable,  that  the  Indians  had  no  guard  at  all  at  the  point  in  which  they 
approached  at  the  time  they  arrived ; for  a drove  of  cattle,  which  had  been 
frightened  from  Brookfield  into  the  woods,  followed  the  rear  of  Willard's 
company  to  the  garrison,  and  were  not  attacked,  which  would  not  have  been 
the  case,  in  all  probability,  had  the  Indians  been  aware  of  their  approach. 

No  sooner  was  it  known  to  the  besiegers  that  relief  was  come,  but  they 
fell  with  more  fury,  if  possible,  upon  the  devoted  garrison  than  before ; 
shooting  continually  from  all  quarters  upon  it,  which  shows  that  they  had 
accidentally  let  the  reinforcement  get  into  the  garrison.  Thus  to  a most 
fortunate  circumstance  did  this  assemblage  of  English  owe  their  safety. 

At  the  very  time  Willard  arrived  at  Brookfield  the  Indians  were  con- 
triving some  machinery  to  set  the  garrison  on  fire ; and  this  may  account 
for  their  remissness  in  suffering  him  to  come  in  unmolested.  They  first 
endeavored  by  fire  arrows,  and  rags  dipped  in  brimstone  tied  to  long  poles  * 
spliced  together,  to  fire  the  garrison,  but  not  succeeding,  those  within  firing 
upon  them  often  with  such  deadly  effect,  they  next,  in  the  language  of  Mr, 
Hubbard , “ used  this  devilish  stratagem,  to  fill  a cart  with  hemp,  flax,  and 
other  combustible  matter,  and  so  thrusting  it  backward  with  poles  together 
spliced  a great  length,  after  they  had  kindled  it ; but  as  soon  as  it  had  begun 
to  take  fire,  a storm  of  rain,  unexpectedly  falling,  put  it  out.”  # 

During  this  siege  several  of  the  whites  were  wounded,  though  but  one 
w7as  killed.  Of  the  Indians  80  were  supposed  to  have  been  killed,!  but  this 
was  doubtless  setting  the  number  much  too  high,  although  they  exposed 
themselves  beyond  what  was  common  on  similar  occasions.  On  the  5 
August  they  quitted  the  place,  satisfied  they  could  not  take  it,  and  joined 
Philip , who  was  now  about  6 miles  from  the  place  where  Hutchinson  was 
ambushed. 

After  George  Memecho's  return  to  the  English,  he  gave  the  following  in- 
formation : “ Upon  Friday,  August  5,  Philip  and  his  company  came  to  us  at 
a swamp,  6 miles  from  the  swamp  where  they  killed  our  men.  Philip 
brought  with  him  about  48  men,  but  women  and  children  many  more. 
Philip's  men  were,  about  30  of  them,  armed  with  guns,  the  rest  had  bows 
and  arrows.  He  observed  there  were  about  10  of  Philip's  men  wounded. 
Philip  was  conducted  to  the  swamp  by  two  Indians,  one  of  them  [was] 
Caleb  of  Tatumasket,  beyond  Mendon.  The  Indians  told  Philip , at  his  first 
coming,  what  they  had  done  to  the  English  at  Quabaog ; then  he  presented 
and  gave  to  three  Sagamores,  viz.  John,  alias  Apequinash,  Quanansit,  and 
Mawtamps,  to  each  of  them  about  a peck  of  unstrung  wompom,  which 
they  accepted.  Philip,  as  I understood,  told  Quabaog  and  Nipmuck  Indians, 
that  when  he  first  came  towards  the  Nipmuck  country,  and  left  his  own,  he 
had  in  his  company  about  250  men,  besides  women  and  children,  including 
the  Squaw-Sachem  [ Wcetamoo ] and  her  company;  but  now  they  had  left 
him,  and  some  of  them  were  killed  and  he  was  reduced  to  40  men.  I 
heard  also  that  Philip  said  if  the  English  had  charged  upon  him  and  his 
people  at  the  swamp  in  his  own  country  [18  July]  one  or  two  days  more, 
they  had  been  all  taken,  for  their  powder  was  almost  spent.  He  also  said, 


* Captain  Wheeler  does  not  mention  the  rain,  but  says  they  succeeded  in  setting  the  house 
on  fire,  which  was  extinguished  at  great  peril  by  those  within,  who  had  two  of  their  men 
wounded. 

t Hoyt's  Indian  Wars,  101. 


FIGHT  AT  SUGARLOAF  HILL. 


Chap.  II.] 


31 


that  if  the  English  had  pursued  him  closely,”  as  he  retreated  to  the  Nip- 
muck  country,  “ he  must  needs  have  been  taken.”  * 

A considerable  number  of  partly  christianized  Indians  belonged  to  the 
neighborhood  of  Hadley,  near  which  they  had  a wooden  fort  to  protect  them 
from  any  hostile  Indians.  On  the  breaking  out  of  the  calamities  in  that 
region,  these,  with  all  other  Indians,  were  watched,  and  suspected  of  con- 
niving with  Philip , and  an  intention  of  joining  with  him.  To  test  their  pre- 
tensions, Captains  Lothrop  and  Beers , who,  with  a force  of  180  men,  were 
now  at  Hadley,  ordered  them  to  surrender  their  arms  to  them.  They  hes- 
itated to  do  so  then,  but  intimated  that  they  would  immediately ; yet  on  the 
following  night,  25  August,  they  left  their  fort  and  fled  up  the  river  to- 
wards Pecomptuk,  since  Deerfield,  to  join  Philip.  The  next  day  Lothrop 
and  Beers  pursued  and  overtook  them  near  a swamp  a short  distance  to  the 
south  of  Sugarloaf  Hill,  opposite  to  the  present  town  of  Sunderland.  The 
Indians  bravely  stood  their  ground,  and  a sharp  and  bloody  content  ensued. 
They  were  finally  routed,  having  26  of  their  number  slain,  while  the  whites 
are  reported  to  have  lost  but  10  in  killed,  and  their  number  wounded  is  not 
mentioned,  f 

A garrison  being  established  at  Northfield,  Captain  Richard  Beers , of  Water- 
town,  l with  36  men,  was  attacked  while  on  their  way  to  reinforce  it,  Sept 
3,  and  20  of  the  36  were  killed.  Robert  Pepper , of  Roxbury,  was  taken  cap- 
tive, and  the  others  effected  their  escape.  Philip's  men  had  the  advantage 
of  attacking  them  in  a place  of  their  own  choosing,  and  their  first  fire  was 
very  destructive.  Beers  retreated  with  his  men  to  a small  eminence,  and 
maintained  the  unequal  fight  until  their  ammunition  was  spent,  at  which 
time  a cart  containing  ammunition  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians,  and, 
(he  captain  being  killed,  all  who  were  able  took  to  flight.  The  hill  to  which 
the  English  fled,  at  the  beginning  of  the  fight,  was  known  afterwards  by  the 
name  of  Beers's  Mountain.  “ Here,”  says  Mr.  Hubbard , “ the  barbarous  vil- 
lains showed  their  insolent  rage  and  cruelty,  more  than  eve*  before ; cutting 
off*  the  heads  of  some  of  the  slain,  and  fixing  them  upon  poles  near  the 
highway,  and  not  only  so,  but  one,  if  not  more,  was  found  with  a chain 
hooked  into  his  under-jaw,  and  so  hung  up  on  the  bough  of  a tree,  (’tis  feared 
he  was  hung  up  alive,)  by  which  means  they  thought  to  daunt  and  discourage 
any  that  might  come  to  their  relief.” 

The  place  where  this  fight  occurred  was  within  about  two  miles  of  the  gar- 
rison at  Squakkeag,  (Northfield,)  and  the  plain  on  which  it  began  is  called 
Beers's  Plain.  Meanwhile  the  garrison  was  reduced  to  the  brink  of  ruin,  and, 
like  that  at  Brookfield,  was  saved  by  the  arrival  of  a company  of  soldiers. 
Two  days  after  Captain  Beers  was  cut  off,  Major  Treat  arrived  there  with  100 
men,  and  conveyed  the  garrison  safe  to  Hadley. 

Philip  probably  conducted  both  affairs ; this  of  Captain  Beers , and  that  of 
Captain  Thomas  Lothrop , about  to  be  related,  although  it  is  not  positively 
known  to  be  the  fact. 

Some  time  in  the  month  of  August,  “ King  Philip's  men  had  taken  a young 
lad  alive,  about  14  years  old,  and  bound  him  to  a tree  two  nights  and  two 
days,  intending  to  be  merry  with  him  the  next  day,  and  that  they  would  roast 
him  alive  to  make  sport  with  him ; but  God,  over  night,  touched  the  heart  of 
one  Indian,  so  that  he  came  and  loosed  him,  and  bid  him  run  grande , (i.  e.  run 
apace,)  and  by  that  means  he  escaped.”  § 

About  this  time,  some  English  found  a single  Indian,  an  old  man,  near 
Quabaog,  whom  they  captured.  As  he  would  not  give  them  any  information 
respecting  his  countrymen,  or,  perhaps,  such  as  they  desired,  they  pro- 
nounced him  worthy  of  death ; so  “ they  laid  him  down,  Cornelius,  the  Dutch- 
man, lifting  up  his  sword  to  cut  off  his  head,  the  Indian  lifted  up  his  hand  be- 
tween, so  that  his  hand  was  first  cut  off,  and  partly  his  head,  and  the  second 
blow  finished  the  execution.”  || 


* Hutchinson’s  Hist.  Mass.  I,  293 — 4.  n. 
f Hubbard,  Nar.  36,  37.— Chronicle,  28.— Hoyt,  102, 103. 
t Manuscript  documents. 

$ Chronicle,  25.  ]|  Manuscript  in  library  of  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 


32 


PHILIP.— LOTHROP  CUT  OFF. 


[Book  IIL 


It  was  about  this  time,  as  the  author  of  the  “ Present  State  ” relates,  that 
“ King  Philip , now  beginning  to  want  money,  having  a coat  made  all  of 
wampampeag,  (i.  e.  Indian  money,)  cuts  his  coat  to  pieces  and  distributes  it 
plentifully  among  the  Nipmoog  sachems  and  others,  as  well  as  to  the  east- 
ward as  southward,  and  all  round  about”  * * * § 

On  the  18  Sept.  Captain  Lothrop , of  Beverly,  was  sent  from  Hadley  with 
about  88  men,  to  bring  away  the  corn,  grain,  and  other  valuable  articles, 
from  Deerfield.  Having  loaded  their  teams  and  commenced  their  march 
homeward,  they  were  attacked  at  a place  called  Sugarloaf  Hill,  where  almost 
every  man  was  slain.  This  company  consisted  of  “ choice  young  men,  the 
very  flower  of  Essex  county,  ‘ none  of  whom  were  ashamed  to  speak  with  the 
enemy  in  the  gate.’”f  Eighteen  of  the  men  belonged  to  Deerfield.]:  Cap- 

tain Mosely , being  not  far  off,  upon  a scout,  was  drawn  to  the  scene  of  action 
by  the  report  of  the  guns,  and,  having  with  him  70  men,  charged  the  Indians 
with  great  resolution,  although  he  computed  their  numbers  at  1000.  He 
had  tw  o of  his  men  killed  and  eleven  wounded.  The  Indians  dared  him  to 
begin  the  fight,  and  exultingly  said  to  him,  “ Come,  Mosely , come,  you  seek  In- 
dians, you  want  Indians ; here  is  Indians  enough  for  you."  § On  this  occasion 
the  conduct  of  Mosely's  lieutenants,  Savage  and  Pickering,  are  mentioned  in 
high  terms  of  praise,  “ as  deserving  no  little  part  of  the  honor  of  that  day’s 
service.”  After  continuing  a fight  with  them,  from  eleven  o’  clock  until 
almost  night,  he  was  obliged  to  retreat.  ||  The  Indians  cut  open  the  bags  of 
wheat  and  the  feather-beds,  and  scattered  their  contents  to  the  winds.  § 
After  Mosely  had  commenced  a retreat,  Major  Treat,  with  100  English  and 
60  Mohegans,  came  to  his  assistance.  Their  united  forces  obliged  the  Indians 
to  retreat  in  their  turn.lf  The  Indians  were  said  to  have  lost,  in  the  various 
encounters,  96  men.  It  was  a great  oversight,  that  Captain  Lothrop  should 
have  suffered  his  men  to  stroll  about,  while  passing  a dangerous  defile. 
“ Many  of  the  soldiers  having  been  so  foolish  and  secure,  as  to  put  their  arms 
in  the  carts,  and  step  aside  to  gather  grapes,  which  proved  dear  and  deadly 
grapes  to  them.”  **  The  same  author  observes,  “ This  was  a black  and  fatal 
day,  wherein  there  were  eight  persons  made  widows,  and  six-and-twenty 
children  made  fatherless,  all  in  one  little  plantation  and  in  one  day ; and 
above  sixty  persons  buried  in  one  dreadful  grave  ! ” 

The  place  of  this  fight  and  ambush  is  in  the  southerly  part  of  Deerfield,  on 
which  is  now  the  village  called  Bloody  Brook,  so  named  from  this  memora- 
ble tragedy.  A brook  which  passes  through  the  village  is  crossed  by  the 
road  not  far  from  the  centre  of  it,  and  it  was  at  the  point  of  crossing  that  it 
happened,  ff 

Until  this  period  the  Indians  near  Springfield  remained  friendly,  and  re- 
fused the  solicitations  of  Philip,  to  undertake  in  his  cause.  But,  now  that 
Northfield  and  Deerfield  had  fallen  into  his  hands,  they  were  watched  closer 
by  the  whites,  whose  cause  these  great  successes  of  Philip  had  occasioned 
them  to  look  upon  as  rather  precarious.  They  therefore,  about  40  in  number, 
on  the  night  of  the  4 Oct.,  admitted  about  300  of  Philip's  men  into  their  fort, 
which  was  situated  at  a place  called  Longhill,  about  a mile  below  the  village 
of  Springfield,  and  a plan  was  concerted  for  the  destruction  of  that  place. 
But,  as  in  many  cases  afterwards,  one  of  them  number  betrayed  them.  ToTo,ft 


* Old  Ind.  Chronicle.  If  this  were  the  case,  Philip  must  have  had  an  immense  big  coat — 

yea,  even  bigger  than  Dr.  Johnson’s  great  coat,  as  represented  by  Boswell ; the  side  pockets 
of  which,  he  said,  were  large  enough  each  to  contain  one  of  the  huge  volumes  of  his  folio 
dictionary ! 

f Hubbard’s  Narrative,  38.  J These  were  the  teamsters. 

§ Manuscript  letter,  written  at  the  time. 

||  “ Whereupon,  after  having  killed  several  of  the  Indians,  he  was  forced  to  retreat,  and  con- 
tinued fighting  for  all  the  time  that  he  and  his  men  were  retreating  nine  miles.  Capt.  Mosely 
lost  out  of  his  company  9,  and  13  wounded.” — Old.  Ind.  Chron.  29.  This  author  has 
blended  the  two  accounts  of  Beers  and  Lothrop  together,  and  relates  them  as  one. 

IT  /.  Mather’s,  History  of  the  War,  12.  **  Ibid. 

ft  Last  year,  (1835),  a splendid  celebration  was  held  at  Bloody  Brook,  in  commemoration 
of  the  event,  and  an  oration  was  pronounced  by  our  Prince  of  Orators,  the  present  governor 
of  this  commonwealth,  His  Excellency  Edward  Everett,  LL.  D. 

ft  Hubbard.— Tor , Hutchinson. 

3 


PHILIP.— SURPRISE  OF  HATFIELD. 


33 


Chap.  II.] 

an  Indian  at  Windsor,  revealed  the  plot,  and  the  people  of  Springfield  had 
time  only  to  escape  into  their  garrisons.  The  whole  force  of  the  Indians 
came  like  a torrent  upon  the  place  the  next  day,  and  burnt  the  deserted 
houses  and  barns,  in  all  57  buildings.  In  this  business,  however,  some  of 
theft  number  were  killed  # by  the  people  in  the  garrisons ; but  it  is  not  known 
how  many.  They  would  have  succeeded  against  the  lives  of  the  English  as 
well  as  against  their  property,  had  not  a force  arrived  about  the  same  time 
for  their  relief 

Animated  by  his  successes,  Philip  aimed  his  next  blow  at  the  head-quar- 
ters of  the  whites  in  this  region.  With  7 or  800  of  his  men  he  fell  upon 
Hatfield  on  the  19  Oct.,  which,  had  it  not  been  well  provided  with  men,  would 
have  shared  the  fate  of  Springfield ; but  Captain  Mosely  and  Captain  Poole , 
with  their  companies,  jvere  in  the  place,  and  Captain  Samuel  Appleton  was  at 
Hadley  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river ; and  against  such  commanders  they 
could  hardly  have  expected  success.  However,  they  made  a bold  attempt 
on  all  sides  at  once  ; but  their  greatest  force  fell  on  the  point  where  Captain 
Appleton  commanded.  His  sergeant  was  mortally  wounded  by  his  side,  and 
a bullet  passed  through  the  hair  of  his  own  head;  “by  that  whisper  telling 
him,”  says  Hubbard , “ that  death  was  very  near,  but  did  him  no  other  harm. 
Night  coming  on,  it  could  not  be  discerned  what  loss  the  enemy  sustained ; 
divers  were  seen  to  fall,  some  run  through  a small  river,  [now  called  Mill 
River,]  others  cast  their  guns  into  the  water,  (it  being  their  manner  to  ven- 
ture as  much  to  recover  the  dead  bodies  of  their  friends,  as  to  defend  them 
when  alive.)”  And  thus  they  were  driven  from  the  place,  after  killing  but 
three,  and  wounding  10  of  the  whites,  and  burning  a small  number  of 
buildings.  They  had,  before  their  attack  on  the  town,  killed  three  belonging 
to  some  scouts,  and  seven  others  of  Captain  Mosely's  men.  This  was  among 
their  last  important  efforts  on  the  Connecticut  River  before  retiring  to  the 
country  of  the  Narragansets. 

The  Nipmuck  sachems  had  well  contrived  their  attack  on  Hatfield;  having 
made  fires  in  the  woods  about  seven  miles  from  it,  to  draw  out  the  soldiers, 
for  whom  they  had  prepared  ambushes ; but  only  ten  of  Mosely' s men  were 
sent  out  to  learn  the  cause  of  the  fires.  These  were  all  cut  off  except  one, 
according  to  the  Chronicle,  but  according  to  Hubbard,  seven  only  were 
killed.  The  Indians  probably  supposed  the  main  body  was  cut  off,  and 
therefore  proceeded  directly  to  the  assault  of  the  town,  where  a new  force 
had  just  arrived ; and  hence  they  met  with  a brave  resistance  and  final  defeat.f 

The  Narragansets  had  not  yet  heartily  engaged  in. the  war,  though  there  is 
no  doubt  but  they  stood  pledged  so  to  do.  Therefore,  having  done  all  that 
could  be  expected  upon  the  western  frontier  of  Massachusetts,  and  conclu- 
ding that  his  presence  among  his  allies,  the  Narragansets,  was  necessary  to 
keep  them  from  abandoning  his  cause,  Philip  was  next  known  to  be  in  their 
country. 

An  army  of  1500  English  was  raised  by  the  three  colonies,  Massachusetts, 
Plimouth,  and  Connecticut,  for  the  purpose  of  breaking  down  the  power  of 
Philip  among  the  Narragansets.  They  determined  upon  this  course,  as  they 
had  been  assured  that,  the  next  spring,  that  nation  would  come  with  all  their 
force  upon  them.  It  was  not  known  that  Philip  was  among  them  when  this 
resolution  was  taken,  and  it  was  but  a rumor  that  they  had  taken  part  with 
him.  It  was  true,  that  they  had  promised  to  deliver  up  all  the  Wampanoags, 
who  should  flee  to  them,  either  alive  or  dead  ; but  it  is  also  true,  that  those 
who  made  this  promise,  had  it  not  in  their  power  to  do  it ; being  persons, 
chiefly  in  subordinate  stations,  who  had  no  right  or  authority  to  bind  any  but 
themselves.  And,  therefore,  as  doubtless  was  foreseen  by  many,  none  of 
Philip’s  people  were  delivered  up,  although  many  were  known  to  have  been 
among  them.  Thus,  in  few  words,  have  we  exhibited  the  main  grounds  of 
the  mighty  expedition  against  the  Narragansets  in  the  winter  of  1675. 

* A pewter  platter  is  still  exhibited  in  Springfield  with  a hole  through  the  middle  of  it,  made 
by  a ball  from  the  garrison  at  this  time.  An  Indian  had  taken  it  from  one  of  the  deserted 
houses,  and  wore  it  before  his  breast  as  a shield.  Thus  shielded,  he  ventured  towards  the 
, garrison,  and  was  shot.  Hoyt,  110. 

f Old  Indian  Chronicle,  36,  37. 


34 


PHILIP.— NARRAGANSET  SWAMP  FIGHT. 


[Boqjc  III 


Upon  a small  island,  in  an  immense  swamp,  in  South  Kingston,  Rhode 
Island,  Philip  hud  fortified  himself,  in  a manner  superior  to  what  was  com- 
mon among  his  countrymen.  Here  he  intended  to  pass  the  winter,  with  the 
chief  of  his  friends.  They  had  erected  about  500  wigwams  of  a superior 
construction,  in  which  was  deposited  a great  store  of  provisions.  Baskets 
and  tubs  of  corn  * * * § were  piled  one  upon  another,  about  the  inside  of  them, 
which  rendered  them  bullet  proof.  It  was  supposed  that  about  3000  persons 
had  here  taken  up  their  residence. 

But,  to  be  more  particular  upon  the  situation  of  “ the  scene  of  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  Narragansets,”  we  will  add  as  follows  from  the  notes  of  a gen- 
tleman lately  upon  the  spot,  for  the  express  purpose  of  gaining  information. 
“ What  was  called  The  Island  is  now  an  upland  meadow,  a few  feet  higher 
than  the  low  meadow  with  which  it  is  surrounded.  The  island,  by  my  esti- 
mate, contains  from  three  to  four  acres.  One  fourth  of  a mile  west,  is  the 
Usquepaug ; a small  stream  also  at  a short  distance  on  the  east.”  The  cele- 
brated island  on  which  the  fort  was  built  is  now  in  the  farm  of  J.  G.  Clark, 
Esq.  a descendant  of  John  Clark , of  R.  I.  and  about  30  rods  west  of  the  line 
of  the  “ Pettyswamscot  Purchase.”  Water  still  surrounds  it  in  wet  seasons. 
It  was  cleared  by  the  father  of  the  present  possessor  about  1780,  and,  although 
improved  from  that  time  to  the  present,  charred  corn  and  Indian  implements 
are  yet  ploughed  up.f 

President  Stiles , in  his  edition  of  Church’s  History  of  Philip’s  War, 
states  that  the  Narraganset  fort  is  seven  miles  nearly  due  west  from  the 
South  Ferry.  This  agrees  with  data  furnished  by  Mr.  Ely,  in  stating  the 
returning  march  of  the  English  army.  Pine  and  cedar  were  said  to  have 
been  the  former  growth.!  An  oak  300  years  old,  standing  upon  the  island, 
was  cut  down  in  1782,  two  feet  in  diameter,  11  feet  from  the  ground.  From 
another,  a bullet  was  cut  out,  surrounded  by  about  100  annuli , at  the  same 
time.  The  bullet  was  lodged  there,  no  doubt,  at  the  time  of  the  fight.  We 
will  now  return  to  our  narrative  of  the  expedition  to  this  place  in  Decem- 
ber, 1675. 

After  nearly  a month  from  their  setting  out,  the  English  army  arrived  in 
the  Narraganset  country,  and  made  their  head-quarters  about  18  miles  from 
Philip's  fort.  They  had  been  so  long  upon  their  march,  that  the  Indians 
were  well  enough  apprized  of  their  approach,  and  had  made  the  best  ar- 
rangements in  their  power  to  withstand  them.  The  army  had  already  suf- 
fered much  from  the  severity  of  the  season,  being  obliged  to  encamp  in  the 
open  field,  and  without  tents  to  cover  them ! 

The  19th  of  December,  1675,  is  a memorable  day  in  the  annals  of  New 
England.  Cold,  in  the  extreme, — the  air  filled  with  snow, — the  English 
were  obliged,  from  the  low  state  of  their  provisions,  to  march  to  attack 
Philip  in  his  fort.  Treachery  hastened  his  ruin.  One  of  his  men,  by  hope 
of  reward,  betrayed  his  country  into  their  hands.  This  man  had,  probably, 
lived  among  the  English,  as  he  had  an  English  name.  He  was  called  Peter, § 
and  it  was  by  accident  that  himself,  with  thirty-five  others,  had  just  before 
fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  fortunate  Captain  Mosely.  No  Englishman  was 
acquainted  with  the  situation  of  Philip's  fort ; and,  but  for  their  pilot,  Peter , 
there  is  very  little  probability  that  they  could  have  even  found,  much  less 
effected  any  thing  against  it.  For  it  was  one  o’clock  on  that  short  day  of 
the  year,  before  they  arrived  within  the  vicinity  of  the  swamp.  There  was 
but  one  point  where  it  could  be  assailed  with  the  least  probability  of  suc- 
cess ; and  this  was  fortified  by  a kind  of  block-house,  directly  in  front  of 
the  entrance,  and  had  also  flankers  to  cover  a cross  fire.  Besides  high  pal- 
isades, an  immense  hedge  of  fallen  trees,  of  nearly  a rod  in  thickness, 


* 500  bushels,  says  Dr.  /.  Mather.  Hollow  trees,  cut  off  about  the  length  of  a barrel,  were 
used  by  the  Indians  for  tubs.  In  such  they  secured  their  corn  and  other  grains. 

t MS.  communication  of  Reverend  Mr.  Ely,  accompanied  by  a drawing  of  the  island.  Its 
shape  is  very  similar  to  the  shell  of  an  oyster.  Average  rectangular  lines  through  it  measure, 
one  35  rods,  another  20. 

t Holmes’s  Annals,  i.  376. 

§ The  name  of  Peter  among  the  Indians  was  so  common,  that  it  is  perhaps  past  determina- 
tion who  this  one  was.  Mr.  Hubbard  calls  him  a fugitive  from  the  Narragansets. 


35 


Chap.  II.]  PHILIP.— NARRAGANSET  SWAMP  FIGHT. 

surrounded  it,  encompassing  an  area  of  about  five  acres.  Between  the 
fort  and  the  main  land  was  a body  of  water,  over  which  a great  tree  had 
been  felled,  on  which  all  must  pass  and  repass,  to  and  from  it.  On  coming 
to  this  place,  the  English  soldiers,  as  many  as  could  pass  upon  the  tree, 
which  would  not  admit  two  abreast,  rushed  forward  upon  it,  but  were  swept 
off  in  a moment  by  the  fire  of  Philip's  men.  Still,  the  English  soldiers,  led 
by  their  captains,  supplied  the  places  of  the  slain.  But  again  and  again 
were  they  swept  from  the  fatal  avenue.  Six  captains  and  a great  many  men 
had  fallen,  and  a partial,  but  momentary,  recoil  from  the  face  of  death  took  place. 

Meanwhile,  a handful,  under  the  fortunate  Mosely , had,  as  miraculous  as 
it  may  seem,  got  within  the  fort.  These  were  contending  hand  to  hand 
with  the  Indians,  and  at  fearful  odds,  when  the  cry  of  “ They  run  ! they 
run ! " brought  to  their  assistance  a considerable  body  of  their  fellow-soldiers. 
They  were  now  enabled  to  drive  the  Indians  from  their  main  breastwork, 
and  their  slaughter  became  immense.  Flying  from  wigwam  to  wigwam — 
men,  women  and  children,  indiscriminately,  were  hewn  down,  and  lay  in 
heaps  upon  the  snow.  Being  now  masters  of  the  fort,  at  the  recommenda- 
tion of  Mr.  Church , who  led  the  second  party  that  entered  the  fort,  General 
Winslow  was  about  to  quarter  the  army  in  it  for  the  present,  which  offered 
comfortable  habitations  to  the  sick  and  wounded,  besides  a plentiful  supply 
of  provisions.  But  one  of  the  captains  * and  a surgeon  opposed  the  meas- 
ure ; probably  from  the  apprehension  that  the  woods  was  full  of  Indians, 
who  would  continue  their  attacks  upon  them,  and  drive  them  out  in  their 
turn.  There  was,  doubtless,  some  reason  for  this,  which  was  strengthened 
from  the  fact  that  many  English  were  killed  after  they  had  possessed 
themselves  of  the  fort,  by  those  whom  they  had  just  dispossessed  of  it. 
Notwithstanding,  had  Church's  advice  been  followed,  perhaps  many  of  the 
lives  of  the  wounded  would  have  been  saved ; for  he  was  seldom  out  in  his 
judgment,  as  his  continued  successes  proved  afterwards. 

After  fighting  three  hours,  the  English  were  obliged  to  march  18  miles, 
before  the  wounded  could  be  dressed,  and  in  a most  dismal  and  boisterous 
night.  Eighty  English  were  killed  in  the  fight,  and  150  wounded,  many  of 
whom  died  afterwards.  The  shattered  army  left  the  ground  in  considerable 
haste,  leaving  eight  of  their  dead  in  the  fort. 

Philip,  and  such  of  his  warriors  as  escaped  unhurt,  fled  into  a place  of 
safety,  until  the  enemy  had  retired  ; when  they  returned  again  to  the  fort. 
The  English,  no  doubt,  apprehended  a pursuit,  but  Philip , not  knowing 
their  distressed  situation,  and,  perhaps,  judging  of  their  loss  from  the  few 
dead  which  they  left  behind,  made  no  attempt  to  harass  them  in  their 
retreat.  Before  the  fight  was  over,  many  of  the  wigwams  were  set  on  fire. 
Into  these,  hundreds  of  innocent  women  and  children  had  crowded  them- 
selves, and  perished  in  the  general  conflagration ! And,  as  a writer  of  that 
day  expresses  himself,  “ no  man  knoweth  how  many.”  The  English  learned 
afterwards,  from  some  that  fell  into  their  hands,  that  in  all  about  700 
perished,  f 

The  sufferings  of  the  English,  after  the  fight,  are  almost  without  a par- 
allel in  history.  The  horrors  of  Moscow  will  not  longer  be  remembered. 
The  myriads  of  modern  Europe,  assembled  there,  bear  but  small  propor- 


* Probably  Mosely,  who  seems  always  to  have  had  a large  share  in  the  direction  of  all  af- 
fairs when  present. 

f There  is  printed  in  Hutchinson's  Hist.  Mass.  i.  300.  a letter  which  gives  the  particulars  of 
the  Narraganset  fight.  I have  compared  it  with  the  original,  and  find  it  correct  in  the  main 
particulars.  He  mistakes  in  ascribing  it  to  Major  Bradford,  for  it  is  signed  by  James  Oliver, 
one  of  the  Plimouth  captains.  Hutchinson  copied  from  a copy,  which  was  without  signature. 
He  omits  a passage  concerning  Tift,  or  Tiffe,  who,  Oliver  says,  confirmed  his  narrative. 
That  man  had  “ married  an  Indian,  a Wompanoag — and,  says  Oliver,  he  shot  20  times  at  us 
in  the  swamp — was  taken  at  Providence,  [by  Captain  Fenner, ] Jan.  I4th — brought  to  us  the 
16th — executed  the  18th  ; a sad  wretch.  He  never  heard  a sermon  but  once  this  14  years  5 he 
never  heard  of  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ.  His  father  going  to  recall  him,  lost  his  head,  and 
lies  unburied.”  Hubbard  says,  (Narrative,  59,)  that  “he  was  condemned  to  die  the  death  of 
a traitor,”  and  traitors  of  those  days  were  quartered.  “ As  to  his  religion,  he  was  found  as 
ignorant  as,  an  heathen,  which,  no  doubt,  caused  the  fewer  tears  to  be  shed  at  his  funeral.” 
A sorrowful  record ! 


PHILIP. 


36 


[Book  III. 


tlon  to  the  number  of  their  countrymen,  compared  with  that  of  the  army 
of  New  England  and  theirs,  at  the  fight  in  Narraganset. 

Colonel  Church,  then  only  a volunteer,  was  in  this  fight,  and  we  will  hear 
a few  of  his  observations.  By  this  time,  the  English  people  in  the  fort  had 
begun  to  set  fire  to  the  wigwams  and  houses,  which  Mr.  Church  labored 
hard  to  prevent ; they  told  him  they  had  orders  from  the  general  to  burn 
them ; he  begged  them  to  forbear  until  he  had  discoursed  the  general.” 
Then,  hastening  to  him,  he  urged,  that  “the  wigwams  were  musket-proof, 
being  all  lined  with  baskets  and  tubs  of  grain,  and  other  provisions,  suffi- 
cient to  supply  the  whole  army  until  the  spring  of  the  year ; and  every 
wounded  man  might  have  a good  warm  house  to  lodge  in;  which,  other- 
wise, would  necessarily  perish  with  the  storms  and  cold.  And,  moreover, 
that  the  army  had  no  other  provision  to  trust  unto  or  depend  upon ; that  he 
knew  that  Plymouth  forces  had  not  so  much  as  one  biscuit  left.”  The  gen- 
eral was  for  acceding  to  Church's  proposition,  but  a captain  and  a doctor 
prevented  it,  as  we  have  before  observed ; the  former  threatening  to  shoot 
the  general’s  horse  under  him,  if  he  attempted  to  march  in,  and  the  latter 
said,  Church  should  bleed  to  death  like  a dog,  (he  having  been  badly  wounded 
on  entering  the  fort,)  before  he  would  dress  his  wounds,  if  he  gave  such 
advice.  Church  then  proceeds : “ And,  burning  up  all  the  houses  and  pro- 
visions in  the  fort,  the  army  returned  the  same  night  in  the  storm  and  cold. 
And,  I suppose,  every  one  that  is  acquainted  with  the  circumstances  of  that 
night’s  march,  deeply  laments  the  miseries  that  attended  them ; especially 
the  wounded  and  dying  men.  But  it  mercifully  came  to  pass  that  Capt. 
Andrew  Belcher  arrived  at  Mr.  Smith's,  [in  Narraganset,]  that  very  night  from 
Boston,  with  a vessel  loaden  with  provisions  for  the  army,  who  must  other- 
wise have  perished  for  want.”  * 

After  the  English  army  had  gone  into  quarters  at  Wickford,  the  Connecticut 
troops  returned  home,  which  was  considered  very  detrimental  to  the  service 
by  the  other  colonies ; and  soon  after  a reinforcement  of  1000  men  was  as- 
sembled at  Boston  and  ordered  to  the  assistance  of  their  countrymen.  In 
their  march  to  Narraganset  in  the  beginning  of  Jan.  1676,  they  suffered  intol- 
erably from  the  cold ; no  less  than  11  men  were  frozen  to  death,  and  many 
others  were  taken  sick  by  reason  of  their  exposure  in  that  severe  season. 

Meanwhile  the  Indians  had  sent  deputies  to  the  commander-in-chief  to  treat 
of  peace ; but  it  was  judged  that  they  were  insincere  in  their  overtures,  and  no 
terms  were  settled.  While  matters  were  thus  progressing,  Philip  removed  his 
provisions,  women  and  children  to  a strong  place  protected  by  rocks,  in  a 
swamp,  about  20  miles  from  the  late  battle-ground  in  Narraganset,  into 
the  country  of  the  Nipmuks.  At  length,  the  weather  having  become  mild,  and 
the  Connecticut  forces  returned,  together  with  a body  of  Mohegans  under 
Uncas,  it  was  resolved  to  suprise  Philip  in  his  rocky  fortress.  Accordingly 
the  army,  consisting  now  of  1600  men,  marched  out  on  this  enterprise.  On 
its  approach,  the  Indians  abandoned  their  position  and  fled  farther  northward. 
They  were  pursued  a small  distance,  and  about  60  or  70  of  them  killed  and 
taken,  (probably  women  and  children.)  The  army  soon  after  returned  home, 
and  was  chiefly  disbanded. 

On  27  Jan.,  while  the  army  was  pursuing  the  main  body  of  the  Indians, 
a party  of  about  300  attacked  Mr.  William  Carpenter's  plantation,  and  attempted 
to  burn  his  house,  which  they  set  on  fire,  but  those  within  succeeded  in  put- 
ting it  out.  In  the  skirmish,  one  of  their  number  was  killed,  and  two  of  the 
whites  were  wounded.  The  assaulting  party  collected  and  drove  off  from 
this  place  180  sheep,  50  large  cattle,  and  15  horses,  and  from  a Mr.  Harris 
another  drove  of  cattle,  and  killed  his  negro  servant.]- 

Soon  after  this,  Philip,  with  many  of  his  followers,  left  that  part  of  the 


* 11  Our  wounded  men,  (in  number  about  150,)  being  dressed,  were  sent  into  Rhode  Island, 
as  the  best  place  for  their  accommodation ; where,  accordingly,  they  were  kindly  received 
by  the  governor  and  others,  only  some  churlish  Quakers  were  not  free  to  entertain  them,  until 
compelled  by  the  governor.  Of  so  inhumane,  peevish  and  untoward  a disposition  are  these 
Nabals,  as  not  to  vouchsafe  civility  to  those  that  had  ventured  their  lives,  and  received  dangerous 
wounds  in  their  defence.”  Old  7nd.  Chronicle,  74. 
t Old  Indian  Chronicle,  58,  59. — Hubbard , 59. 


Chap.  II.] 


PHILIP.— MEDFIELD  ATTACKED. 


37 


country,  and  resided  in  different  places  upon  Connecticut  River.  Some  report 
that  he  took  up  his  residence  near  Albany,  and  that  he  solicited  the  Mohawks 
to  aid  him  against  the  English,  but  without  success. 

The  story  of  the  foul  stratagem  said  to  have  been  resorted  to  by  Philip 
for  this  object,  is,  if  true,  the  deepest  stain  upon  his  character.  According 
to  one  of  the  historians  # of  the  war,  it  was  reported  at  Boston,  in  the  end  of 
June  or  beginning  of  July,  1676,  that  “ those  Indians  who  are  known  by  the 
name  of  Mauquawogs,  (or  Mohawks,  i.  e.  man-eaters,)  had  lately  fallen  upon 
Philip , and  killed  40  of  his  men.  And  if  the  variance  between  Philip  and 
the  Mauquawogs  came  to  pass,  as  is  commonly  reported  and  apprehended, 
there  was  a marvellous  finger  of  God  in  it.  For  we  hear  that  Philip  being 
this  winter  entertained  in  the  Mohawks’  country,  made  it  his  design  to  breed 
a quarrel  between  the  English  and  them ; to  effect  which,  divers  of  our 
returned  captives  do  report,  that  he  resolved  to  kill  some  scattering  Mohawks, 
and  then  to  say  that  the  English  had  done  it ; but  one  of  these,  whom  he 
thought  to  have  killed,  was  only  wounded,  and  got  away  to  his  countrymen, 
giving  them  to  understand  that  not  the  English,  but  Philip , had  killed  the 
men  that  were  murdered ; so  that,  instead  of  bringing  the  Mohawks  upon 
the  English,  he  brought  them  upon  himself.” 

The  author  of  the  anonymous  “ Letters  to  London  ” has  this  passage  f 
concerning  Philip's  visit  to  the  Mohawks.  “ King  Philip  and  some  of  these 
northern  Indians,  being  wandered  up  towards  Albany,  the  Mohucks  marched 
out  very  strong,  in  a warlike  posture,  upon  them,  putting  them  to  flight,  and 
pursuing  them  as  far  as  Hassicke  River,  which  is  about  two  days’  march  from 
the  east  side  of  Hudson’s  River,  to  the  north-east,  killing  divers,  and 
bringing  away  some  prisoners  with  great  pride  and  triumph,  which  ill  suc- 
cess on  that  side,  where  they  did  not  expect  any  enemy,  having  lately  en- 
deavored to  make  up  the  ancient  animosities,  did  very  much  daunt  and  dis- 
courage the  said  northern  Indians,  so  that  some  hundreds  came  in  and  sub- 
mitted themselves  to  the  English  at  Plimouth  colony,  and  Philip  himself  is 
run  skulking  away  into  some  swamp  with  not  above  ten  men  attending  him.” 

Although  Philip  was  supposed  to  be  beyond  the  frontier  by  some,  and  by 
others  to  be  “ snugly  stowed  away  in  some  swamp,”  yet  his  warriors,  whether 
directed  by  him  in  person  or  not,  is  immaterial,  as  every  thing  was  done 
against  the  English  that  could  well  be  under  such  broken  circumstances  as 
he  now  labored.  On  the  10  Feb.  1676,  they  surprised  Lancaster  with  com- 
plete success,  the  particulars  of  which  we  shall  fully  narrate  in  our  next 
chapter.  Eleven  days  after,  (21  Feb.)  about  300  Indians  attacked  Medfield, 
and  in  spite  of  200  soldiers  stationed  there  to  guard  it,  burnt  about  50  houses, 
killed  18  of  its  inhabitants,  and  wounded  20  others.  Among  the  slain  were 
Lieutenant  Adams  and  his  wife : the  latter  was  killed  accidentally  by  Cap- 
tain Jacob.  She  was  in  bed  in  a chamber,  under  which  was  a room  occupied 
by  the  soldiers ; as  Captain  Jacob  was  about  to  leave  the  house,  his  gun  went 
off,  the  ball  from  which  passed  through  the  chamber  floor  and  killed  her. 

The  Indians  managed  this  attack  with  their  usual  skill ; having  placed  some 
of  their  number  prepared  with  fire  implements  in  various  parts  of  the  town, 
they  set  the  houses  on  fire,  “ as  it  were,”  says  Major  Gookin,  “ in  one  instant 
of  time.”  And  as  the  people  issued  out  of  them,  parties  lay  ready  and  shot 
them  down.  As  soon  as  the  whites  were  mustered  to  oppose  them,  they 
retired  over  the  bridge  towards  Sherburne,  and  set  it  on  fire,  so  that  the  sol- 
diers could  not  pursue  them.  In  the  pride  of  their  success,  they  now  wrote 
a letter  to  the  whites,  and  stuck  it  up  on  a post  of  the  bridge.  It  reads, 

“ Know  by  this  paper , that  the  Indians  that  thou  hast  provoked  to  wrath  and 
anger  will  war  this  21  years  if  you  will.  There  are  many  Indians  yet.  We  come 
300  at  this  time.  You  must  consider  the  Indians  lost  nothing  but  their  life.  You 
must  lose  your  fair  houses  and  cattle.% 

On  the  13  March,  the  entire  town  of  Groton,  consisting  of  40  houses, 
was  burnt,  except  one  garrison, § by  shots  from  which  several  Indians  were 
said  to  have  been  killed. 


* Dr.  I.  Mather,  Brief  Hist.  38.  \ Chronicle,  99. 

\ Goofcin’s  MS.  Hist.  Praying  Indians. — The  above  letter  was  doubtless  written  by  some 
of  the  Christian  Indians  who  had  joined  Philip. 

$ In  our  Chronicle,  80,  it  is  said  that  Groton  was  burnt  on  tb*  *4$  Major  Willard’s 


38 


rHILIP.— SUDBURY  FIGHT. 


[Book  III, 


Philip  had  for  some  time  directed  matters  with  such  address  that  his 
enemies  could  not  tell  where  or  how  to  meet  him,  or  whether  he  actually 
were  in  the  vicinity  of  the  frontiers  or  not.  But  there  can  be  little  doubt  of 
his  special  agency  and  direction  in  all  the  important  enterprises.  On  the  18 
March,  Northampton  was  assaulted,  but  not  with  quite  as  good  success  as 
was  anticipated  by  the  besiegers ; for  they  lost  eleven  men,  while  the  whites 
had  but  three  killed  and  six  wounded. 

On  the  27  March,  a large  body  of  300  Indians,  as  was  supposed,  were 
discovered  encamped  not  far  from  Marlborough,  which  they  had  burnt  the 
day  before.  A company  of  men  belonging  to  that  town,  attached  themselves 
to  a number  of  soldiers  under  one  Lieutenant  Jacobs , who,  falling  upon  them 
in  the  night  while  they  were  asleep  in  their  wigwams,  killed  and  wounded 
about  40  of  them,  without  any  loss  to  themselves. 

The  Indians  seem  to  have  resolved  that  this  midnight  assassination  should 
not  go  long  unrequited,  and  events  so  determined,  as  what  we  are  about  to 
relate  will  fully  exemplify.  On  the  morning  of  the  20  April,  the  largest 
body  of  Indians  which  had  at  any  time  appeared,  attacked  Sudbury,  and 
before  resistance  could  be  made,  set  fire  to  several  buildings,  which  were 
consumed.  The  inhabitants,  however,  made  a brave  stand,  and  were  soon 
joined  by  some  soldiers  from  Watertown,  under  Captain  Hugh  Mason;  and 
the  Indians  retreated  over  the  bridge,  and  were  prevented  from  doing  any 
further  mischief  during  the  day,  against  Sudbury. 

Some  of  the  people  of  Concord  hearing  of  the  distress  at  Sudbury,  sallied 
forth  for  its  protection.  As  they  approached  a garrison  house,  they  discovered 
a few  Indians,  and  pursued  them.  These,  as  it  proved,  were  a decoy,  and 
they  soon  found  themselves  ambushed  on  every  side.  They  fought  with 
desperation,  but  were  all,  except  one,  cut  off,  being  eleven  in  number.  This 
affair  took  place  immediately  after  Captain  Wadsworth  had  marched  from 
Sudbury  with  70  men  to  strengthen  the  garrison  at  Marlborough ; and  the 
news  of  the  situation  of  the  place  he  had  just  left  reached  his  destination  as 
soon  as  he  did  ; and  although  he  had  marched  all  the  day  and  night  before,  and 
his  men  almost  exhausted  with  fatigue,  yet,  taking  Captain  Brocklebank  and 
about  ten  men  from  the  garrison  at  Marlborough,  he  marched  directly  back 
for  Sudbury.  On  the  morning  of  the  21st,  they  arrived  within  about  a mile 
and  a half  of  the  town,  near  where  a body  of  about  500  Indians  had  pre^ 
pared  an  ambush  behind  the  hills.  From  thence  they  sent  out  two  or  three 
of  their  party,  who  crossed  the  march  of  the  English,  and,  being  discovered 
by  them,  affected  to  fly  through  fear,  to  decoy  them  into  a pursuit.  This 
stratagem  succeeded,  and  with  great  boldness  the  Indians  began  the  attack. 
For  some  time  the  English  maintained  good  order,  and,  having  retreated  to 
an  adjacent  hill,  lost  but  five  men  for  near  four  hours.  Meantime  the  Indians 
had  lost  a great  number,  which  so  increased  their  rage  that  they  resolved  to 
put  in  practice  another  stratagem,  which  it  seems  they  had  not  before  thought 
of.  They  immediately  set  the  woods  on  fire  to  windward  of  the  English, 
which  spread  with  great  rapidity,  owing  to  an  exceeding  high  wind  and 
the  dryness  of  the  grass  and  other  combustibles.  This  stratagem  likewise 
succeeded,  even  better  than  the  first ; that,  although  it  served  to  bring  on  the 
attack,  was  near  proving  fatal  to  its  originators,  but  this  was  crowned* *  with 
complete  success.  The  fury  of  the  flames  soon  drove  the  English  from  their 
advantageous  position,  which  gave  the  Indians  an  opportunity  to  fall  upon 
them  with  their  tomahawks ! Many  were  now  able  to  fall  upon  one,  and 
resistance  fast  diminished.  All  but  about  twenty  were  killed  or  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  conquerors ; among  the  former  were  the  two  captains ; some 
of  those  that  escaped  took  shelter  in  a mill  not  far  off,  and  were  saved  by 
the  arrival  of  a few  men  under  Captain  Prentice , and  a company  under 
Captain  Croivell.  Both  of  these  officers  and  their  men  very  narrowly  es- 
caped the  fate  of  Wadsworth .*  As  the  former  was  about  to  fall  into  a -fatal 


house  was  burnt  first,  and  that  “ afterwards  they  destroyed  65  more  there,  leaving  but  six 
houses  standing  in  the  whole  town." 

* “ So  insolent  were  the  Indians  grown  upon  their  first  success  against  Captain  Wadsworth , 
that  they  sent  us  word,  to  provide  store  of  good  cheer  j for  they  intended  to  dine  with  us  [at 
Boston]  on  the  election  day.”  Chronicle,  95. 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


39 


Chap.  II.] 

snare,  he  was  rescued  by'a  company  from  a garrison  ; and  as  the  latter  ap- 
proached Sudbury,  he  saved  himself  by  pursuing  an  unexpected  route  ; and, 
though  attacked,  he  succeeded  in  fighting  his  way  through  the  Indians  with 
a loss  only  of  six  or  seven  of  his  men.  Captain  Crowell's  arrival  at  this  time 
was  accidental,  though  fortunate  ; being  on  his  return  from  Quabaog,  whither 
he  had  been  sent  to  reinforce  that  garrison.* * * §  With  this  great  achievement 
ended  the  chief  operations  in  Massachusetts ; and  we  have  now  to  return 
towards  Plimouth. 

When  success  no  longer  attended  Philip  in  Massachusetts,  those  of  his 
allies  whom  he  had  seduced  into  the  war,  upbraided  and  accused  him  of 
bringing  all  their  misfortunes  upon  them  ; that  they  had  no  cause  of  war 
against  the  English,  and  had  not  engaged  in  it  but  for  his  solicitations ; and 
many  of  the  tribes  scattered  themselves  in  different  directions.  With  all 
that  would  follow  him,  as  a last  retreat,  Philip  returned  to  Pokanoket.  The 
Pecomptuck  or  Deerfield  Indians  were  among  the  first  who  abandoned  his 
cause,  and  many  of  the  other  Nipmucks  and  Narragansets  soon  followed 
their  example. 

On  the  11th  of  July,  he  attempted  to  surprise  Taunton,  but  was  repulsedf. 
His  camp  was  now  at  Matapoiset.  The  English  came  upon  him  here,  under 
Captain  Church,  who  captured  many  of  his  people,  but  he  escaped  over 
Taunton  River,  as  he  had  done  a year  before,  but  in  the  opposite  direction, 
and  screened  himself  once  more  in  the  woods  of  Pocasset.  He  used  many 
stratagems  to  cut  off  Captain  Church , and  seems  to  have  watched  and  fol- 
lowed him  from  place  to  place,  until  the  end  of  this  month ; but  he  was 
continually  losing  one  company  of  his  men  after  another.  Some  scouts 
ascertained  that  he,  and  many  of  his  men,  were  at  a certain  place  upon 
Taunton  River,  and,  from  appearances,  were  about  to  repass  it.  His  camp 
was  now  at  this  place,  and  the  chief  of  his  warriors  with  him.  Some  sol- 
diers from  Bridgewater  fell  upon  them  here,  on  Sunday,  July  30,  and  killed 
ten  warriors ; but  Philip , having  disguised  himself,  escaped.:):  His  uncle, 
Akkompoin , was  among  the  slain,  and  his  own  sister  taken  prisoner. 

The  late  attempt  by  Philip  upon  Taunton  had  caused  the  people  of  Bridge- 
water  to  be  more  watchful,  and  some  were  continually  on  the  scout.  Some 
time  in  the  day,  Saturday,  29  July,  four  men,  as  they  were  ranging  the  woods, 
discovered  one  Indian,  and,  rightly  judging  there  were  more  at  hand,  made 
all  haste  to  inform  the  other  inhabitants  of  Bridgewater  of  their  discovery. 
Comfort  IVillis  and  Joseph  Edson  were  “ pressed  ” to  go  “ post  ” to  the  govern- 
or of  Plimouth,  at  Marshfield,  who  “went  to  Plimouth  with  them,  the 
next  day,  [30  July,]  to  send  Captain  Church  with  his  company.  And  Captain 
Church  came  with  them  to  Monponset  on  the  sabbath,  and  came  no  further 
that  day,  he  told  them  he  would  meet  them  the  next  day.”  Here  Willis  and 
Edson  left  him,  and  arrived  at  home  in  the  evening.  Upon  hearing  of  the 
arrival  of  Church  in  their  neighborhood,  21  men  “ went  out  on  Monday,  sup- 
posing to  meet  with  Captain  Church ; but  they  came  upon  the  enemy  and 
fought  with  them,  and  took  17  of  them  alive,  and  also  much  plunder.  And 
they  all  returned,  and  not  one  of  them  fell  by  the  enemy ; and  received  no 
help  from  Church This  account  is  given  from  an  old  manuscript,  but  who 
its  author  was  is  not  certain.^  Church's  account  differs  considerably  from  it. 
He  says,  that  on  the  evening  of  the  same  day  he  and  his  company  marched 
from  Plimouth,  “ they  heard  a smart  firing  at  a distance  from  them,  but  it 


* Old  Indian  Chronicle  79,  92,  93 .—Hubbard,  80 .—Gookin’s  MS.  Hist.— A son  of  Captain 
Wadsworth  caused  a monument  to  be  erected  upon  the  place  of  this  fight,  with  an  inscription 
upon  it,  which  time  has  discovered  to  be  erroneous  in  some  of  its  historical  particulars.  It 
was  recently  standing  to  the  west  of  Sudbury  causeway,  about  a quarter  of  a mile  from  the 
great  road  that  leads  from  Boston  to  Worcester.  Hoyt,  122 i' Holmes,  i.  380. 

t A captive  negro  made  his  escape  from  Philip’s  men,  and  gave  notice  of  their  intention  ; 
<*  whereupon  the  inhabitants  stood  upon  their  guard,  and  souluiers  were  timously  sent  in  to 
them  for  their  relief  and  defence.”  Prevalency  of  Prayer,  8. 

| “ ’Tis  said  that  he  had  newly  cut  off  his  hair,  that  he  might  not  be  known.”  Hubbard, 
Nar.  101. 

§ It  is  published  by  Mr.  Mitchell,  in  his  valuable  account  of  Bridgewater,  and  supposed  to  have 
been  written  by  Comfort  Willis,  named  above.  See  1 Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  vii.  157. 


40  .LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP.  [Book  III. 

being  near  night,  and  the  firing  of  short  continuance,  they  missed  the  place, 
and  went  into  Bridgewater  town.” 

On  the  1 August,  the  intrepid  Church  came  upon  Philip's  head-quarters, 
killed  and  took  about  130  of  his  people,  Philip  himself  very  narrowly  escap- 
ing. Such  was  his  precipitation,  that  he  left  all  his  wampum  behind,  and  liis 
wife  and  son  fell  into  the  hands  of  Church. 

No  sooner  had  the  story  of  the  destruction  of  the  Indians  begun  to  attract 
attention,  (which,  however,  was  not  until  a long  time  after  they  had  been 
destroyed,)  much  inquiry  was  made  concerning  the  fate  of  this  son  of  the 
famous  Metacomet ; and  it  was  not  until  considerable  time  had  elapsed,  that 
it  was  discovered  that  he  was  sold  into  slavery!  It  is  gratifying  to  learn 
what  did  become  of  him,  although  the  knowledge  of  the  fact  must  cause  pain 
in  every  humane  breast ; not  more  for  the  lot  of  young  Metacomet , than  for 
the  wretched  depravity  of  the  minds  of  those  who  advised  and  executed  the 
decree  of  slavery  upon  him. 

Great  numbers  of  Philip's  people  were  sold  for  slaves  in  foreign  countries. 
In  the  beginning  of  the  war  Captain  Mosely  captured  80,  who  were  confined 
at  Plimouth.  In  September  following,  178  were  put  on  board  a vessel  com- 
manded by  Captain  Sprague , who  sailed  from  Plimouth  with  them  for  Spain. 

Church * relates  the  attack  of  Aug.  1 upon  the  flying  chief  as  follows: — 
“Next  morning,  [after  the  skirmish  in  which  Ahkompoin  was  killed,]  Capt. 
Church  rrioved  very  early  with  his  company,  which  was  increased  by  many  of 
Bridgewater  that  listed  under  him  for  that  expedition,  and,  by  their  piloting, 
he  soon  came,  very  still,  to  the  top  of  the  great  tree  which  the  enemy  had 
fallen  across  the  river;  and  the  captain  spied  an  Indian  sitting  upon  the 
stump  of  it,  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  and  he  clapped  his  gun  up,  and  had 
doubtless  despatched  him,  but  that  one  of  his  own  Indians  called  hastily  to 
him  not  to  fire,  for  he  believed  it  was  one  of  his  own  men ; upon  which  the 
Indian  upon  the  stump  looked  about,  and  Capt.  Church's  Indian,  seeing  his 
face,  perceived  his  mistake,  for  he  knew  him  to  be  Philip ; clapped  up  his 
gun  and  fired,  but  it  was  too  late ; for  Philip  immediately  threw  himself  off* 
the  stump,  leaped  down  a bank  on  the  side  of  the  river,  and  made  his  escape. 
Capt.  Church , as  soon  as  possible,  got  over  the  river,  and  scattered  in  quest  of 
Philip  and  his  company,  but  the  enemy  scattered  and  fled  every  way ; but  he 
picked  up  a considerable  many  of  their  women  and  children,  among  which 
were  Philip's  wife  and  son  of  about  nine  years  old.”  The  remainder  of  the 
day  was  spent  in  pursuing  the  flying  Philip , who,  with  his  Narragansets,  was 
still  formidable.  They  picked  up  many  prisoners,  from  whom  they  learned 
the  force  of  those  of  whom  they  were  in  pursuit.  At  night,  Church  was  under 
obligation  to  return  to  his  men  he  had  left,  but  commissioned  IAghtfoot , cap- 
tain, to  lead  a party  on  discovery.  IAghtfoot  returned  in  the  morning  with 
good  success,  having  made  an  important  discovery,  and  taken  13  prisoners. 
Church  immediately  set  out  to  follow  up  their  advantage.  He  soon  came 
where  they  had  made  fires,  and  shortly  after  overtook  their  women  and  chil- 
dren, who  “ were  faint  and  tired,”  and  who  informed  them  “ that  Philip,  with 
a great  number  of  the  enemy,  were  a little  before.”  It  was  almost  sunset 
when  they  came  near  enough  to  observe  them,  and  “ Philip  soon  came  to  a 
stop,  and  fell  to  breaking  and  chopping  wood,  to  make  fires ; and  a great 
noise  they  made.”  Church,  concentrating  his  followers,  formed  them  into  a 
circle,  and  set  down  “ without  any  noise  or  fire.”  Their  prisoners  showed 
great  signs  of  fear,  but  were  easily  put  in  confidence  by  the  conciliatory  con- 
duct of  Church.  Thus  stood  matters  in  Church's  camp  through  the  night  of 
the  2 August,  1676.  At  dawn  of  day,  he  told  his  prisoners  they  must  remain 
still  where  they  were,  until  the  fight  was  over,  (for  he  now  had  every  reason 
to  expect  a severe  one  shortly  to  follow,)  “ or,  as  soon  as  the  firing  ceased, 
they  must  follow  the  tracks  of  his  company,  and  come  to  them.  (An  Indian 
is  next  to  a bloodhound  to  follow  a track.)  ” f 

It  being  now  light  enough  to  make  the  onset,  Church  sent  forward  two 
soldiers  to  learn  Philip's  position.  Philip,  no  less  wary,  had,  at  the  same 
time,  sent  out  two  spies,  to  see  if  any  were  in  pursuit  of  him.  The  re- 


Hist,  Philip's  War,  38,  ed.  4to. 


f Ibid.  39. 


Chap.  II.] 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


41 


spective  spies  of  the  two  famous  chiefs  gave  the  alarm  to  both  camps  at  the 
same  time ; but,  unhappily  for  Philip , his  antagonist  was  prepared  for  the 
event,  while  he  was  not.  “ All  fled  at  the  first  tidings,  [of  the  spies,]  left 
their  kettles  boiling,  and  meat  roasting  upon  their  wooden  spits,  and  run 
into  a swamp  with  no  other  breakfast,  than  what  Capt.  Church  afterwards 
treated  them  with.”  Church  sent  his  lieutenant,  Mr.  Isaac  Howland , on  one 
side  of  the  swamp,  while  himself  ran  upon  the  other,  each  with  a small 
party,  hoping,  as  the  swamp  was  small,  to  prevent  the  escape  of  any.  Ex- 
pecting that  when  Philip  should  discover  the  English  at  the  farther  extremi- 
ty of  the  swamp,  he  would  turn  back  in  his  own  track,  and  so  escape  at  the 
same  place  he  entered,  Church  had,  therefore,  stationed  an  ambush  to  entrap 
him  in  such  an  event.  But  the  wariness  of  Philip  disappointed  him.  He, 
thinking  that  the  English  would  pursue  him  into  the  swamp,  had  formed  an 
ambush  for  them  also,  but  was,  in  like  manner,  disappointed.  He  had,  at 
the  same  time,  sent  forward  a band  of  his  warriors,  who  fell  into  the  hands  of 
Church  and  Howland.  They,  at  first,  attempted  to  fly,  and  then  offered  re- 
sistance ; but  Church  ordered  Matthias  * * * § to  tell  them  the  impracticability  of 
such  a step.  He  accordingly  called  to  them,  and  said,  11  If  they  fired  one  gun 
they  were  all  dead  men.”  This  threat,  with  the  presence  of  the  English  and 
Indians,  so  amazed  them,  that  they  suffered  “ the  English  to  come  and  take 
the  guns  out  of  their  hands,  when  they  were  both  charged  and  cocked.” 
Having  secured  these  with  a guard,  armed  with  the  guns  just  taken  from 
them,  Church  presses  through  the  swamp  in  search  of  Philip , towards  thu 
end  at  which  that  chief  had  entered.  Having  waited  until  he  had  no  hopes 
of  ensnaring  Captain  Church , Philip  now  moved  on  after  the  company  he 
had  sent  forward,  and  thus  the  two  parties  met.  The  English  had  the  ad- 
vantage of  the  fir#  discovery,  and,  covered  by  trees,  made  the  first  fire. 
Philip  stood  his  ground  for  a time,  and  maintained  a desperate  fight ; but,  a 
main  body  of  his  warriors  having  been  captured,  which,  by  this  time,  he 
began  to  apprehend,  as  they  did  not  come  to  his  aid,  he,  therefore,  fled  back 
to  the  point  where  he  entered  the  swamp,  and  thus  fell  into  a second  am- 
bush. Here  the  English  were  worsted,  having  one  of  their  number  slain, 
viz.  Thomas  Lucas , f of  Plimouth : thus  escaped,  for  a few  days,  Philip  and 
some  of  his  best  captains : such  were  Tuspaquin  and  Tatoson.  This  was 
August  the  3d,  and  Philip’s  numbers  had  decreased,  since  the  1st,  173,  by 
the  exertions  of  Church.  J 

Philip , having  now  but  few  followers  left,  was  driven  from  place  to  place, 
and  lastly  to  his  ancient  seat  near  Pokanoket.  The  English,  for  a long  time, 
had  endeavored  to  kill  him,  but  could  not  find  him  off  his  guard ; for  he 
was1  always  the  first  who  was  apprized  of  their  approach.  He  having  put  to 
death  one  of  his  own  men  for  advising  him  to  make  peace,  this  man’s 
brother,  whose  name  was  Alderman,  fearing  the  same  fate,  deserted  him, 
and  gave  Captain  Church  an  account  of  his  situation,  and  offered  to  lead  him 
to  his  camp.  Early  on  Saturday  morning,  12  Aug.,  Church  came  to  the 
swamp  where  Philip  was  encamped,  and,  before  he  was  discovered,  had 
placed  a guard  about  it,  so  as  to  encompass  it,  except  a small  place.  He 
then  ordered  Captain  Golding  § to  rush  into  the  swamp,  and  fall  upon  Philip 
in  his  camp;  which  he  immediately  did — but  was  discovered  as  he  ap- 
proached, and,  as  usual,  Philip  was  the  first  to  fly.  Having  but  just  awaked 
from  sleep,  and  having  on  but  a part  of  his  clothes,  he  fled  with  all  his 
might.  Coming  directly  upon  an  Englishman  and  an  Indian,  who  composed 
a part  of  the  ambush  at  the  edge  of  the  swamp,  the  Englishman’s  gun  missed 
fire,  but  Mderman,  the  Indian,  whose  gun  was  loaded  with  two  balls,  “ sent 


* One  of  Church’s  Indian  soldiers,  but  of  whom  he  makes  no  mention. 

f An  improvident  fellow,  given  to  intoxication,  and,  from  Church’s  expression  about  his 
being  killed,  “ not  being  so  careful  as  he  might  have  been,”  it  leaves  room  to  doubt  whether 
he  were  not,  at  this  time,  under  the  effects  of  liquor.  He  had  been  often  fined,  and  once 
whipped,  for  getting  drunk,  beating  his  wife  and  children,  defaming  the  character  of  deceased 
magistrates,  and  other  misdemeanors. 

X Church,  41.  In  the  account  of  Tatoson,  Church’s  narrative  is  continued. 

§ Captain  Roger  Goulden , of  R.  I.  Plimouth  granted  him  100  acres  of  land  on  Pocasset, 
in  1676,  for  his  eminent  services.  Plim.  Records. 

4# 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


42 


[Book  III. 


one  through  his  heart,  and  another  not  above  two  inches  from  it.  He  fell 
upon  his  face  in  the  mud  and  water,  with  his  gun  under  him.” 

u Cold,  with  the  beast  he  slew,  he  sleeps ; 

O'er  him  no  filial  spirit  weeps  j 

* ****** 

Even  that  he  lived,  is  for  his  conqueror’s  tongue  j 
By  foes  alone  his  death-song  must  be  sung  j 
No  chronicles  but  theirs  snail  tell 
Ilis  mournful  doom  to  future  times  j 
May  these  upon  his  virtues  dwell, 

And  in  his  fate  forget  his  crimes." — Sprague. 

The  name  of  the  man  stationed  with  Alderman  was  Caleb  Cook ,* * * §  who  had 
shared  in  many  of  Church's  hazardous  expeditions  before  the  present.  See- 
ing that  he  could  not  have  the  honor  of  killing  Philip,  he  was  desirous  if 
possible  of  having  a memento  of  the  mighty  exploit.  He  therefore  prevailed 
upon  Alderman  to  exchange  guns  with  him.  This  gun  was  kept  in  the  family 
until  the  present  century,  when  the  late  Isaac  Lothrop,  Esq.  of  Plimouth  ob- 
tained the  lock  of  it  from  Mr.  Sylvanus  Cook,  late  of  Kingston.  Sylvanus 
was  great-grandson  of  Caleb,  f The  stock  and  barrel  of  the  gun  are  still  re- 
tained by  the  descendants  of  the  name  of  Cook.  { There  is  a gun-lock  shown 
in  the  library  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  said  to  be  the  same  which  Alderman 
used  in  shooting  Philip.  This  Alderman  was  a subject  of  Weetamoo , who,  in 
the  commencement  of  this  war,  went  to  the  governor  of  Plimouth,  and  de-r 
sired  to  remain  in  peace  with  the  English,  and  immediately  took  up  his  resi- 
dence upon  an  island,  remote  from  the  tribes  engaged  in  it.  But,  after  Philip 
had  returned  to  his  own  country,  Alderman,  upon  some  occasion,  visited 
him.  It  was  at  this  time  that  he  learned  the  fate  of  his  brother  before 
spoken  of ; or  he  may  have  been  killed  in  his  presence.  This  caused  his 
flight  to  the  English,  which  he  thought,  probably,  the  last  resort  for  ven- 
geance. He  “ came  down  from  thence,  says  Church , (where  Philip's  camp 
now  was,)  on  to  Sand  Point  over  against  Trips,  and  hollow’d,  and  made 
signs  to  be  fetch’d  over”  to  the  island.  He  was  immediately  brought  over, 
and  gave  the  information  desired.  Captain  Church  had  but  just  arrived  upon 
Rhode  Island,  and  was  about  eight  miles  from  the  upper  end,  where  Alder - 
man  landed.  He  had  been  at  home  but  a few  minutes,  when  “ they  spy’d 
two  horsemen  coming  a great  pace,”  and,  as  he  prophesied,  “ they  came  with 
ty dings.”  Major  Sanford  and  Capt.  Golding  were  the  horsemen,  “ who 
immediately  ask’d  Capt.  Church  what  he  would  give  to  hear  some  news  of  Philip. 
He  reply’d,  That  was  what  he  wanted."  The  expedition  was  at  once  entered 
upon,  and  Alderman  went  as  their  pilot.  But  to  return  to  the  fall  of  Philip : — 
“ By  this  time,”  continues  Church , “ the  enemy  perceived  they  were  way- 
laid on  the  east  side  of  the  swamp,  tacked  short  about,”  and  were  led  out  of 
their  dangerous  situation  by  the  great  Captain  Annawon.  “The  man  that 
had  shot  down  Philip  ran  with  all  speed  to  Capt.  Church,  and  informed  him 
of  his  exploit,  who  commanded  him  to  be  silent  about  it,  and  let  no  man 
more  know  it  until  they  had  drove  the  swamp  clean ; but  when  they  had 
drove  the  swamp  through,  and  found  the  enemy  had  escaped,  or  at  least  the 
most  of  them,  and  the  sun  now  up,  and  so  the  dew  gone  that  they  could  not 
easily  track  them,  the  whole  company  met  together  at  the  place  where  the 
enemy’s  night  shelter  was,  and  then  Capt.  Church  gave  them  the  news  of 
Philip's  death.  Upon  which  the  whole  army§  gave  three  loud  huzzas. 
Capt.  Church  ordered  his  body  to  be  pulled  out  of  the  mire  on  to  the  upland. 
So  some  of  Capt.  Church's  Indians  took  hold  of  him  by  his  stockings,  and 


* Baylies,  in  his  N.  Plimouth,  ii.  168,  says  his  name  was  Francis,  but  as  he  gives  no  author- 
ity, we  adhere  to  older  authority. 

+ This  Caleb  Cook  was  son  of  Jacob,  of  Plimouth,  and  was  born  there,  29  Mar.  1651.  He 
had  two  or  more  brothers  ; Jacob,  born  14  May,  1653,  and  Francis,  5 Jan.  1663 — 4.  Hence 
it  is  not  probable  that  Francis  was  a soldier  at  this  time,  as  he  was  only  in  his  13th  year. 

\ Col.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  iv.  63. 

§ Eighteen  English  and  twenty-two  Indians  constituted  his  army  a week  before  ; but  we 
know  not  how  many  were  at  the  taking  of  Philip,  though  we  may  suppose  about  the  same 
number.  Hence  this  expedition  cost  tne  colony  £9. 


Drawn  by  J.  Neilscm. 


Eng/by  AH  .Durand. 


SEAT  OF  HI©  rii'nr, 


Chap.  II.] 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


43 


some  by  his  small  breeches,  being,  otherwise  naked,  and  drew  him  through 
the  mud  into  the  upland ; and  a doleful,  great,  naked  dirty  beast,  he  looked 
like.”  Captain  Church  then  said,  “ Forasmuch  as  he  has  caused  many  an  Eng - 
ashman’s  body  to  lie  unburied  and  rot  above  ground , not  one  of  his  bones  shall  be 
buried ! ” 

With  the  great  chief,  fell  five  of  his  most  trusty  followers,  one  of  whom 
was  his  chief  captain’s  son,*  and  the  very  Indian  who  fired  the  first  gun  at 
the  commencement  of  the  war. 

“ Philip  having  one  very  remarkable  hand,  being  much  scarred,  occasioned 
by  the  splitting  of  a pistol  in  it  formerly,  Capt.  Church  gave  the  head  and 
that  hand  to  Alderman , the  Indian  who  shot  him,  to  show  to  such  gentlemen 
as  would  bestow  gratuities  upon  him ; and  accordingly  he  got  many  a 
penny  by  it.”  f 

The  barbarous  usage  of  beheading  and  quartering  traitors  was  now  exe- 
cuted upon  the  fallen  Philip.  Church , “ calling  his  old  Indian  executioner, 
bid  him  behead  and  quarter  him.  Accordingly,  he  came  with  his  hatchet, 
and  stood  over  him,  but  before  he  struck,  he  made  a small  speech,  directing 
it  to  Philip,”  saying,  “ You  have  been  a very  great  man,  and  have  made  many  a 
man  afraid  of  you  ; but  so  big  as  you  be  I will  now  chop  your  ass  for  you”  He 
then  proceeded  to  the  execution  of  his  orders. 

His  head  was  sent  to  Plimouth,  where  it  was  exposed  upon  a gibbet  for 
20  years,  and  one  of  his  hands  to  Boston,  where  it  was  exhibited  in  savage 
triumph,  and  his  mangled  body  was  denied  the  right  of  sepulture.  It  having 
been  quartered,  was  hung  upon  four  trees,  and  there  left  as  a monument  of 
shocking  barbarity. 

Church  and  his  company  returned  to  the  island  the  same  day,  and  arrived 
with  the  prisoners  at  Plimouth  two  days  after,  namely,  Tuesday,  August  15, 
“ ranging  through  all  the  woods  in  their  way.”  They  now  “ received  their 
premium,  which  was  30  shillings  per  head,”  for  all  enemies  killed  or  taken, 
“instead  of  all  wages,  and  Philip's  head  went  at  the  same  price.”  This 
amounted  to  only  four  and  sixpence  a-piece , “ which  was  all  the  reward  they 
had,  except  the  honor  of  killing  Philip” 

Having  in  the  year  1824  visited  the  memorable  retreat  of  the  Wampanoag 
sachems,  we  can  give  the  reader  some  idea  of  its  situation.  There  is  a 
natural  angular  excavation,  in  an  almost  perpendicular  rock,  about  6 or  7 feet 
from  its  base,  where  it  is  said  Philip  and  some  of  his  chief  men  were  sur- 
prised on  the  morning  of  the  12  August.  We  have  in  the  Life  of  Massasoit 
described  Mount  Hope,  and  it  is  at  the  north  part  of  it  that  the  high  rock  is 
situated ; variously  estimated  from  30  to  50  feet  in  height,  and  is  nearly  2 
miles  from  the  village  of  Bristol.  From  the  seat,  or  throne  of  King  Philip, 
as  some  have  called  it,  a fine  view  of  Mount  Hope  Bay  opens  upon  us.  Near 
the  foot  of  the  rock  is  a fine  spring  of  water,  known  to  this  day  by  the 
name  of  Philip's  Spring. 

Mr.  Alden,  the  curious  collector  of  epitaphs,  says  “ the  late  Lieut.  Gov. 
Bradford,  [who  died  at  Bristol  in  1808,]  in  early  life,  knew  an  aged  squaw, 
who  was  one  of  Philip's  tribe,  was  well  acquainted  with  this  sagamore  in 
her  youthful  days,  and  had  often  been  in  his  wigwam.  The  information, 
through  her,  is,  therefore,  very  direct,  as  to  the  identical  spot,  where  he  fixed 
his  abode.  It  was  a few  steps  south  of  Capt.  James  De  Wolfe's  summer 
house,  near  the  brow  of  a hill,  but  no  vestige  of  the  wigwam  remains. 
The  eastern  side  of  this  hill  is  very  steep,  vastly  more  so  than  that  at  Horse 
Neck,  down  which  the  intrepid  Putnam  trotted  his  sure-footed  steed,  in  a 
manner  worthy  of  a knight  of  the  tenth  century.”  “When  Church's  men 
were  about  to  rush  upon  Philip,  he  is  said  to  have  evaded  them  by  spring- 
ing from  his  wigwam  as  they  were  entering  it,  and  rolling,  like  a hogshead, 
down  the  precipice,  which  looks  towards  the  bay.  Having  reached  the 
lower  part  of  this  frightful  ledge  of  rocks,  without  breaking  his  bones,  he 
got  upon  his  feet,  and  ran  along  the  shore  in  a north-eastern  direction,  about 
100  rods,  and  endeavored  to  screen  himself  in  a swamp,  then  a quagmire, 
but  now  terra  firma.” 


Very  probably  a son  of  Uncompoin , or  Woonashum. 


f Philip's  War. 


44 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


[Book  III. 


How  much  of  the  above  is  apocryphal  is  uncertain,  but  that  a part  of  it 
is  I have  no  doubt.  That  Philip's  camp  was  near  the  top  of  Mount  Hope  at 
the  time  he  was  surprised,  is  contrary  to  rational  conclusion,  but  seems 
rather  to  have  been  fixed  there  by  the  imagination  of  some  one,  for  the 
pleasure  it  might  afford  them  in  contemplating  the  manner  of  the  chief’s 
escape  by  rolling  down  a rugged  precipice. 

During  the  bloody  contest,  the  pious  fathers  wrestled  long  and  often  with 
their  God,  in  prayer,  that  he  would  prosper  their  arms  and  deliver  their 
enemies  into  their  hands ; and  when,  upon  stated  days  of  prayer,  the  Indians 
gained  advantage,  it  was  looked  upon  as  a rebuke  of  Providence,  and  ani- 
mated them  to  greater  sincerity  and  fervor  ; and  on  the  contrary,  when  their 
arms  prevailed  upon  such  days,  it  was  viewed  as  an  immediate  interposition 
in  their  favor.  The  philosophic  mind  will  be  shocked  at  the  expressions  of 
some,  very  eminent  in  that  day  for  piety  and  excellence  of  moral  life.  Dr. 
Increase  Mather,* * * § **  in  speaking  of  the  efficacy  of  prayer,  in  bringing  about  the 
destruction  of  the  Indians,  says,  “Nor  could  they  [the  English]  cease  crying 
to  the  Lord  against  Philip,  until  they  had  prayed  the  bullet  into  his  heart.” 
And  in  speaking  of  the  slaughter  of  Philip’s  people,  at  Narraganset,  he  says, 
“ We  have  heard  of  two-and-twenty  Indian  captains,  slain  all  of  them,  and 
brought  down  to  hell  in  one  day.”  Again,  in  speaking  of  a chief  who  had 
sneered  at  the  English  religion,  and  who  had,  “ withal,  added  a most  hideous 
blasphemy,  immediately  upon  which  a bullet  took  him  in  the  head,  and 
dashed  out  his  brains,  sending  his  cursed  soul  in  a moment  amongst  the 
devils,  and  blasphemers,  in  hell  forever.”  f 

The  low  and  vulgar  epithets];  sneeringly  cast  upon  the  Indians  by  their 
English  contemporaries  are  not  to  be  attributed  to  a single  individual,  but  to 
the  English  in  general. § It  is  too  obvious  that  the  early  historians  viewed 
the  Indians  as  inferior  beings,  and  some  went  so  far  as  hardly  to  allow  them 
to  be  human. 

Like  Massasoit,  Philip  always  opposed  the  introduction  of  Christianity 
among  his  people.  When  Mr.  Eliot  urged  upon  him  its  great  importance, 
he  said  he  cared  no  more  for  the  gospel  than  he  did  for  a button  upon  his 
coat.  ||  This  does  not  very  well  agree  with  the  account  of  Mr.  Gookin, 
respecting  Philip's  feelings  upon  religious  maiters;  at  least,  it  shows  that 
there  was  a time  when  he  was  willing  to  listen  to  such  men  as  the  excellent 
and  benevolent  Gookin.  In  speaking  of  the  Wampanoags,  he  says,  “ There 
are  some  that  have  hopes  of  their  greatest  and  chiefest  sachem,  named  Philip, 
living  at  Pawkunnawkutt.  Some  of  his  chief  men,  as  I hear,  stand  well 
inclined  to  hear  the  gospel : and  himself  is  a person  of  good  understanding 
and  knowledge  in  the  best  things.  I have  heard  him  speak  very  good  words, 
arguing  that  his  conscience  is  convicted:  but  yet,  though  his  will  is  bowed  to 
embrace  Jesus  Christ,  his  sensual  and  carnal  iusts  are  strong  bands  to  hold 
him  fast  under  Satan's  dominions.”  IT  And  Dr.  Mather  adds,  “ It  was  not  long, 
before  the  hand  which  now  writes,  [1700,]  upon  a certain  occasion  took  off 
the  jaw  from  the  exposed  skull  of  that  blasphemous  leviathan;  and  the  re- 
nowned Samuel  Lee  hath  since  been  a pastor  to  an  English  congregation, 
sounding  and  showing  the  praises  of  heaven,  upon  that  very  spot  of  ground, 
where  Philip  and  his  Indians  were  lately  worshipping  of  the  devil.”  ## 

The  error  that  Philip  was  grandson  to  Massasoit,  is  so  well  known  to  be 
such,  that  it  would  hardly  seem  to  have  required  notice,  but  to  inform  the 


* In  his  “ Prevalency  of  Prayer,”  page  10.  t Ibid,  page  7. 

I Such  as  dogs,  wolves , blood-hounds,  demons,  devils-incarnate,  caitiffs,  hell-hounds,  jiends, 

monsters,  beasts,  &c.  Occasional  quotations  will  show  what  authors  have  used  these. 

§ The  author  of  “ Indian  Tales  ” has  fathered  all  he  could  think  of  upon  Mr.  Hubbard.  He 
may  be  called  upon  to  point  out  the  passage  in  that  valuable  author’s  works  where  he  has 
called  one  or  any  of  the  Indians  “ hell-hounds.”  Such  loose,  gratuitous  expressions  will  not 
do  at  the  bar  of  history. 

||  Magnalia. 

II  1 Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  i.  200. 

**  Mr.  Lee  was  taken  f>y  the  French  in  a voyage  to  England,  and  carried  into  their  country, 
where  he  died,  in  1691.  This  event,  it  was  thought,  hastened  his  end.  Perhaps  the  sur- 
viving natives  did  not  attribute  the  disaster  to  his  usurping  their  territory,  and  teaching  a 
religion  they  could  not  believe  j but  might  they  not  with  equal  propriety  ? 


Chap.  II  ] 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


45 


reader  of  its  origin.  The  following  passage  from  John  Josselyn's  work  * * * § 
will,  besides  proving  him  to  be  the  author  of  the  error,  at  least  the  first  writer 
that  so  denominates  him,  furnish  some  valuable  information.  Speaking  of 
the  Indians  in  general,  he  says,  “Their  beads  are  then*  money  ; of  these, 
there  are  two  sorts,  blue  beads  and  white  beads ; the  first  is  their  gold,  the 
last  their  silver.  These  they  work  out  of  certain  shells,  so  cunningly,  that 
neither  Jew  nor  Devil  can  counterfeit,  f They  drill  them  and  string  them, 
and  make  many  curious  works  with  them,  to  adorn  the  persons  of  their  sag- 
amores and  principal  men,  and  young  women,  as  belts,  girdles,  tablets,  borders 
for  their  women’s  hair,  bracelets,  necklaces,  and  links  to  hang  in  their  ears. 
Prince  Philip , a little  before  I came  for  England,  [1671,]  coming  to  Boston, 
had  a coat  on  and  buskins  set  thick  with  these  beads,  in  pleasant  wild  works, 
and  a broad  belt  of  the  same ; his  accoutrements  were  valued  at  £20.  The 
English  merchant  giveth  them  10s.  a fathom  for  their  white,  and  as  much 
more,  or  near  upon,  for  their  blue  beads.”  “ The  roytelet  now  of  the  Pocan- 
akets  is  prince  Philip , alias  Metacon,  the  grandson  of  Massasoit .”  \ 

While  Mrs.  Rowlandson  was  a captive  in  the  wilderness  with  the  allies  of 
Philip , she  mentions  meeting  with  him ; and  although  she  speaks  often  with 
bitterness  of  the  Indians  in  general,  yet  of  him  nothing  of  that  nature  appears 
in  her  journal.  The  party  she  was  with  visited  Philip  on  the  west  side  of 
the  Connecticut,  about  five  miles  above  Northfield,  then  called  Squakeag. 
Having  arrived  at  the  point  of  crossing,  Mrs.  Rowlandson  says,  “ We  must  go 
over  the  river  to  Philip's  crew.  When  I was  in  the  canoe,  I could  not  but  be 
amazed  at  the  numerous  crew  of  pagans  that  were  on  the  bank  on  the  other 
side.”  She  was  much  afraid  they  meant  to  kill  her  here,  but,  being  assured 
to  the  contrary,  become  more  resigned  to  her  fate.  “Then  came  one  of 
them,  (she  says,)  and  gave  me  two  spoonfuls  of  meal  (to  comfort  me,)  and 
another  gave  me  half  a pint  of  peas,  which  was  worth  more  than  many 
bushels  at  another  time.  Then  I went  to  see  King  Philip ; he  bade  me  come 
in  and  sit  down  ; and  asked  me  whether  I would  smoke  it;  (a  usual  compli- 
ment now  a days,  among  the  saints  and  sinners ;)  but  this  no  ways  suited 
me.”  § 

“During  my  abode  in  this  place,  Philip  spake  to  me  to  make  a shirt  for 
his  boy,  which  I did ; for  which  he  gave  me  a shilling.”  “ Afterward  he 
asked  me  to  make  a cap  for  his  boy,  for  which  he  invited  me  to  dinner ; I 
went,  and  he  gave  me  a pancake,  about  as  big  as  two  fingers  ; it  was  made 
of  parched  wheat,  beaten  and  fried  in  bears’  grease ; but  I thought  I never 
tasted  pleasanter  meat  in  my  life.”  |j 

It  is  extremely  gratifying  to  hear  any  testimony  in  favor  of  the  humanity 
of  a chief  who  in  his  time  was  so  much  execrated.  To  say  the  least  of 
Philip's  humanity,  it  was  as  great  towards  captives,  so  far  as  we  have  any 
knowledge,  as  was  that  of  any  of  the  English  to  the  captive  Indians. 

As  the  Indians  were  returning  from  their  recesses  upon  the  Connecticut, 
(in  what  is  now  New  Hampshire  and  Vermont,)  towards  Wachuset,  “having 
indeed  my  life,  (says  Mrs.  Rowandson,)  but  little  spirit,  PhiUp , who  was  in  the 
company,  came  up,  and  took  me  by  the  hand,  and  said,  ‘ Two  weeks  more  and 
you  shall  he  mistress  again.'  I asked  him  if  he  spoke  true  : he  said,  ‘ Yes,  and 
quickly  you  shall  come  to  your  master  II  again,'  who  had  been  gone  from  us 
three  weeks.”  ## 

In  bringing  our  account  of  this  truly  great  man  towards  a close,  we  must 
not  forget  to  present  the  reader  with  a specimen  of  the  language  in  which  he 
spoke.  The  following  is  the  Lord’s  prayer  in  Wampanoag : — 

Noo-shun  kes-uk-qut , qut-tian-at-am-unch  koo-we-su-onk,  kuk-ket-as-soo-tam- 
oonk  pey-au-moo-utch,  kut-te-nan-tam-oo-onk  ne  nai,  ne-ya-ne  ke-suk-qut 


* Account  of  two  Voyages  to  New  England,  142,  143. 

t Of  this  he  was  misinformed.  There  was  much  spurious  wampum,  which  became  a sub- 
ject of  legislation.  See  Hazard’s  Hist.  Col.  vol.  ii. 

t Account  of  two  Voyages  to  New  England,  146.  He  is  also  called  grandson  of  Massa- 
soit, in  the  work  entitled  Present  State  of  New  England,  in  respect  to  the  Indian  War,  fol. 
London,  1676  ; the  author  of  that  work  doubtless  copied  from  Josselun. 

§ Narrative  of  her  Captivity , 38,  39.  ||  Ibid.  40. 

*il  Quinnapin.  See  his  Life.  **  Narrative  of  Mrs.  Rowlandson,  63. 


46  LIVES  OF  PHILIP'S  CHIEF  CAPTAINS.— NANUNTENOO.  [Book  III. 

kah  oh-ke-it.  As-sa-ma-i-in-ne-an  ko-ko-ke-suk-o-da-e  nut-as-e-suk-ok-ke  pe- 
tuk-qun-neg.  Kah  ah-quo-an-tam-a-i-in-ne-an  num-match-e-se-ong-an-on-ash , 
rw-wutch-e  ne-na-wun  ivonk  nut-ah-quo-an-lam-au-o-un-non-og  nish-noh  pasuk 
noo-na-mon-tuk-quoh-ivho-nan , kah  ahque  sag-kom-pa-gin-ne-an  en  qutch-e-het - 
tu-ong-a-nit , qut  poh-qua-ivus-sin-ne-an  ivutch  match-i-tut.* * * § 

Since  we  are  upon  curiosities,  the  following  may  very  properly  be  added. 
There  is  to  be  seen  in  the  library  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Society  a large  skimmer, 
which  some  have  mistaken  for  a bowl,  cut  out  of  the  root  of  ash,  that  will 
hold  about  two  quarts.  On  this  article  is  this  historical  inscription,  in  gilt 
letters : “ A trophy  from  the.  wigtoam  of  King  Philip  ; when  he  was  slain  in 
1676,  by  Richard  ; presented,  by  Ebenezer  Richard,  his  grandson .”  \ 


CHAPTER  HI. 

JVES  OF  PHILIP’S  CHIEF  CAPTAINS. 

Nanuntenoo — Reasons  for  his  aiding  Philip — His  former  name — Meets  the  English 
and  Indians  under  Captain  Peirse — Fights  and  destroys  his  whole  company  at  Paw- 
tucket— Incidents  relating  to  that  fight — Notice  of  Captain  Peirse — Nanuntenoo  sur- 
prised and  taken — His  magnanimity — Speech  to  his  captors — Is  executed,  and  his 
body  burnt  — Cassassinnamon  — Catapazet  — Monopoide  — Anna  won  — His  escape 
from  the  sioamp  when  Philip  was  killed — Captain  Church  sent  out  to  capture  him — 
Discovers  his  retreat — Takes  him  prisoner — His  magnanimous  behavior — His 
speech  to  Church — Presents  him  with  Philip's  ornaments — Description  of  them — 
Church  takes  Annawon  to  Plimouth,  where  he  is  put  to  death — Quinnapin — His 
connections  and  marriage — At  the  capture  of  Lancaster — Account  of  his  wives — 
Weetamoo — He  is  taken  and  shot — To spaquin — His  sales  of  lands — His  opera- 
tions in  Philip's  War — Surrenders  himself and  is  put  to  death — Refections  upon 
his  executioners — Tatoson — Early  notices  of — Captures  a garrison  in  Plim- 
outh— Trial  and  execution  of  Keweenam — Totoson  dies  of  a broken  heart — Bar- 
row  cruelly  murdered — Tyasks. 

NANUNTENOO,  son  of  Miantunnomoh , “was  chief  sachem  of  all  the 
Narragansets,  and  heir  of  all  his  father’s  pride  and  insolency,  as  well  as  of 
his  malice  against  the  English.” | Notwithstanding  this  branding  character, 
drawn  by  a contemporary,  we  need  only  look  into  the  life  of  Miantunnomoh , 
to  find  excuse  for  “ malice  and  insolency  ” tenfold  more  than  was  contained 
in  the  breast  of  Nanuntenoo. 

The  English  had  cut  to  pieces  the  women  and  children  of  his  tribe,  burned 
them  to  death  in  their  wigwams,  and  left  their  mangled  bodies  bleaching  in 
the  wintry  blast ! The  swamp  fight  of  the  19  Dec.  1675,  could  not  be  for- 
gotten ! Nanuntenoo  escaped  from  this  scene,  but  we  cannot  doubt  that  he 
acquitted  himself  agreeably  to  the  character  we  have  of  him. 

The  first  name  by  which  he  was  known  to  the  English  was  Canonchet , 
though,  like  others,  his  name  was  written  with  many  variations.  In  1674,  he 
was  styled  “chief  surviving  sachem  of  Narraganset,”  and  in  a deed  in  which 
he  was  so  styled  his  name  is  written  “ Nawnawnoantonneiv  alias  Quananchit, 
eldest  son  now  living  of  Miantomomio .”  § He  had  been  in  Boston  the  Octo- 
ber before  the  war,  upon  a treaty,  at  which  time  he  received,  among  other 
presents,  a silver-laced  coat.  Dr.  Mather  says,  speaking  of  the  Narragansets, 
“ their  great  sachem  called  Quanonchet , was  a principal  ringleader  in  the 
Narraganset  war,  and  had  as  great  an  interest  and  influence,  as  can  be  said  of 


* Eliot’s  Indian  Bible,  Luke  xi.  2 — 4 >. 

t No  mention  is  made  to  whom,  or  when  it  was  presented.  It  does  not  appear  to  us  to  be 
of  such  antiquity  as  its  inscription  pretends ; and  the  truth  of  which  may  very  reasonably  be 
questioned,  in  this  particular,  when  the  more  glaring  error  of  the  name  of  the  person  said  to 
have  killed  Philip,  is  staring  us  in  the  face. 

^ Hubbard , 67. — Mr.  Oiamixon  cadis  him  “ the  mighty  sachem  of  Narraganset.” — Brit. 
Empire. 

§ Potter’s  Hist.  Narraganset,  Coll.  R.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  172. 


Chap.  III.]  NANUNTENOO. — PAWTUCKET  FIGHT.  47 


any  among  the  Indians and  that,  “when  he  was  taken  and  slain,  it  was  an 
amazing  stroke  to  the  enemy.”  f 

The  name  of  Canonchet  stands  first  to  the  treaty,  to  which  we  have  just 
alluded,  which  was  entered  into  at  Boston,  18  Oct.  1675.  By  that  treaty,  the 
Narragansets  agreed  to  deliver  to  the  English  in  10  days,  “all  and  euery  one 
of  the  said  Indians,  whether  belonging  vnto  Philip , the  Pocasset  Sqva,  or  the 
Saconett  Indians,  Quabaug,  Hadley,  or  any  other  sachems  or  people  that 
haue  bin  or  are  in  hostillitie  with  the  English,  or  any  of  their  allies  or  abet- 
tors.” | The  names  to  the  treaty  are  as  lollows : 


Witnesses. 
Richard  Smith, 
James  Browne, 
Samuel  Gorton,  Jr. 
Interpreters . 


John  Nowhenett’s  X rnark, 
Indian  interpreter. 


“ Quananchett’s  V mark , 
sachem  in  behalf  of  himself  and  Conanacus  and  the  Old 
Queen  and  Pomham  and  Quaunapeen,  (seal) 
Manatannoo  counceller  his  -f- 
mark , and  Cannonacus  in  his  behalf  (seal) 
Ahanmanpowett’s  -\-mark , 


counceller  and  his  (seal) 
Cornman,  cheiffe  counceller  to 
Ninnegrett,  in  his  behalfe , and  a seal  (S.)” 


The  Indians  having  carried  their  whirlwind  of  war  to  the  very  doors  of 
Plimouth,  caused  the  sending  out  of  Captain  Peirce , (or  as  his  name  is  uni- 
formly in  the  records,  Peirse,)  to  divert  them  from  these  ravages,  and  destroy 
as  many  of  them  as  he  was  able.  He  had  a large  company,  consisting  of  70 
men,  20  of  whom  were  friendly  Indians.  With  these,  no  doubt,  Peirse 
thought  himself  safe  against  any  power  of  the  Indians  in  that  region. 

Meanwhile  this  most  valiant  chief  captain  of  the  N arragansets,  JYanunte - 
noo,§  learning,  we  presume,  by  his  spies,  the  direction  the  English  were  tak- 
ing assembled  his  warriors  at  a crossing  place  on  Pawtucket  River,  at  a 
point  adjacent  to  a place  since  called  Attleborough-  Gore , and  not  far  distant 
from  Pawtucket  falls.  It  is  judged  that  JYanuntenoo  was  upon  an  expedition 
to  attack  Plimouth,  or  some  of  the  adjacent  towns,  for  his  force  was  estimated 
at  upwards  of  300  men. 

On  arriving  at  this  fatal  place,  some  of  JYanuntenoo's  men  showed  them- 
selves retiring,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  This  stratagem  succeed- 
ed,— Peirse  followed.  ||  No  sooner  was  he  upon  the  western  side,  than  the 
warriors  of  JYanuntenoo , like  an  avalanche  from  a mountain,  rushed  down 
upon  him ; nor  striving  for  coverts  from  which  to  fight,  more  than  their  foes, 
fought  them  face  to  face  with  the  most  determined  bravery. 

A part  of  JYanuntenoo' s force  remained  on  the  east  side  of  the  river,  to  pre- 
vent the  retreat  of  the  English,  which  they  most  effectually  did,  as  in  the 
event  will  appear.  When  Captain  Peirse  saw  himself  hemmed  in  by  num- 
bers on  every  side,  he  drew  up  his  men  upon  the  margin  of  the  river,  in  two 
ranks,  back  to  back, 11  and  in  this  manner  fought  until  nearly  all  his  men  were 
slain.  Peirse  had  timely  sent  a messenger  to  Providence  for  assistance,  and 
although  the  distance  could  not  have  been  more  than  six  or  eight  miles,  from 
some  inexplicable  cause,  no  succor  arrived  ; and  Mr.  Hubbard**  adds,  “As 
Solomon  saith,  a faithful  messenger  is  as  snow  in  harvest.” 

This  dreadful  fight  was  on  Sunday,  26  March,  1676,  vHien,  as  Dr.  Mather 
says,  “Capt.  Peirse  was  slain  and  forty  and  nine  English  with  him,  and  eight, 
(or  more,)  Indians,  who  did  assist  the  English.”  The  Rev.  Mr.  JYeioman  of 
Rehoboth  wrote  a letter  to  Plimouth,  dated  the  day  after  the  slaughter,  in 


* Brief  Hist.  26.  ’ f Prevalency  of  Prayer,  11. 

f It  may  be  seen  at  large  in  Hazard’s  Collections,  i.  536,  537. 

§ That  JYanuntenoo  commanded  in  person  in  the  fight  with  the  force  under  Capt.  Peirse  haS 
been  a question  5 indeed,  our  only  authority  is  not  very  explicit  upon  the  matter,  ( Hubbard , 
Postscript  7.)  who  observes  that  when  Denison  surprised  him,  he  “was,  at  that  moment, 
divertizing  himself  with  the  recital  of  Capt.  Peirse’ s slaugh,  surprized  by  his  men  a few  days 
before.” 

||  Dr.  Mather  (Brief  Hist.  24.)  says,  “a  small  number  of  the  enemy  who  in  desperate 
subtlety  ran  away  from  them,  and  they  went  limping  to  make  the  English  believe  they  were 
lame,”  and  thus  effected  their  object. 

IT  Deane’s  Hist.  Scituate,  121.  **  Narrative,  64. 


48 


NANUNTENOO.— PAWTUCKET  FIGHT. 


[Book  III. 


which  he  says,  “52  of  our  English,  and  11  Indians,”  were  slain.*  The  com- 
pany was,  no  doubt,  increased  by  some  who  volunteered  as  they  marched 
through  the  country,  or  by  such  as  were  taken  for  pilots. 

JYanuntenoo’s  victory  was  complete,  but,  as  usual  on  such  occasions,  the 
English  consoled  themselves  by  making  the  loss  of  the  Indians  appear  as 
large  as  possible.  Dr.  Mather  says,  that  some  Indians  that  were  afterwards 
taken  confessed  they  lost  140,  which,  no  doubt,  is  not  far  from  the  truth,  f 

An  Englishman,  and  perhaps  the  only  one  who  escaped  from  this  disas- 
trous fight,  was  saved  by  one  of  the  friendly  Indians  in  this  manner : The 
friendly  Indian  being  taken  for  a Narraganset,  as  he  was  pursuing  with  an 
uplifted  tomahawk  the  English  soldier,  no  one  interfered,  seeing  him  pursue 
an  unarmed  Englishman  at  such  great  advantage.  In  this  manner,  covering 
themselves  in  the  woods,  they  escaped. 

A friendly  Indian,  being  pursued  by  one  of  JVanunenoo's  men,  got  behind 
the  roots  of  a fallen  tree.  Thus  screened  by  the  earth  raised  upon  them,  the 
Indian  that  pursued  waited  for  him  to  run  from  his  natural  fort,  knowing  he 
would  not  dare  to  maintain  it  long.  The  other  soon  thought  of  an  expe- 
dient, which  was  to  make  a port-hole  in  his  breast- work,  which  he  easily  did 
by  digging  through  the  dirt.  When  he  had  done  this,  he  put  his  gun 
through,  and  shot  his  pursuer,  then  fled  in  perfect  safety. 

Another  escaped  in  a manner  very  similar.  In  his  flight  he  got  behind  a 
large  rock.  This  afforded  him  a good  shelter,  but  in  the  end  he  saw  nothing 
but  certain  death,  and  the  longer  he  held  out  the  more  misery  he  must  suffer. 
In  this  deplorable  situation,  he  bethought  himself  to  try  the  following  device. 
Putting  his  cap  upon  his  gun,  he  raised  it  very  gradually  above  the  rock,  as 
though  to  discover  the  position  of  his  enemy : it  had  the  desired  effect — he 
fired  upon  it.  The  one  behind  the  rock  now  rushed  upon  him,  before  he 
could  reload  his  gun,  and  despatched  him.  Thus,  as  Mr.  Hubbard  says,  “ it  is 
worth  the  noting,  what  faithfulness  and  courage  some  of  the  Christian  Indians 
showed  in  this  fight.”  That  this  most  excellent  author  did  not  approve  of  the 
severity  exercised  towards  those  who  appeared  friendly,  is  abundantly  proved 
by  his  writings.  In  another  place  he  says,  “ Possibly  if  some  of  the  English 
had  not  been  too  shy  in  making  use  of  such  of  them  as  were  well  affected  to 
their  interest,  they  never  need  have  suffered  so  much  from  their  enemies.” 

A notice  may  be  reasonably  expected  of  the  unfortunate  Captain  Michael 
Peirse , of  Scituate.  He  was  one  of  those  adventurous  spirits  “ who  never 
knew  fear,”  and  who  sought  rather  than  shrunk  from  dangers.  He  was,  like 
his  great  antagonist,  in  the  Narraganset  fight ; and  in  1673,  when  the  govern- 
ment of  Plimouth  raised  a force  to  go  against  the  Dutch,  who  had  encroached 
upon  them  in  Connecticut,  he  was  appointed  ensign  in  one  of  the  companies. 
He  resided  in  several  places  before  going  to  Plimouth.  Mr.  Deane , in  his 
History  of  Scituate , gives  a genealogical  account  of  his  family,  from  which  we 
learn  that  he  had  a second  wife,  and  several  sons  and  daughters.  Of  what 
family  he  was,  there  is  no  mention.!  He  possessed  considerable  estate,  and 
made  his  will  on  engaging  in  the  war  with  the  Indians. 

The  “sore  defeat”  of  Captain  Peirse , and  the  tide  of  the  Indians’  successes 
about  this  time,  caused  the  United  Colonies  to  send  out  almost  their  whole 
strength. 

Nanuntenoo  came  down  from  the  country  upon  Connecticut  River,  early  in 
March,  for  the  purpose  of  collecting  seed  corn  to  plant  such  ground  as  the 
English  had  been  driven  from,  and  to  effect  any  other  object  he  might  meet 
with.  Whether  he  had  effected  the  first-named  object  before  falling  in  with 
Peirse , we  are  not  able  to  state ; but  certain  it  is,  that  he  was  but  few  days  after 
encamped  very  near  the  ground  where  the  fight  had  been,  and  was  there  fallen 


* See  the  letter  giving  the  names  of  the  company  in  Deane’s  Scituate,  122,  123. 
t Mr.  Hubbard’s  account  is  the  same. 

f In  the  Records  of  Plimouth,  under  date  March,  1669,  there  is  this  entry 
Peirse  of  Scittuate”  was  presented  at  the  court  for  vnseemly  carriages  towards  Sarah.  JWtcfwis 
of  Scittuate,”  and  “ forasmuch  as  there  appeared  but  one  testimony  to  the  p'sentment,  and 
that  the  testimony  was  written  and  not  read  vnto  the  deponant,  the  court  saw  cause  to  remit 
the  said  p’sentment.,, 


Chap.  III.]  NAN UNTEN 00. — HIS  CAPTURE  AND  DEATH. 


49 


upon  at  unawares,  when  but  a few  of  his  men  were  present,  and  there  taken 
prisoner. 

Nanuntenoo  was  nearly  as  much  dreaded  as  Philip  himself,  and  consequently 
his  capture  caused  great  rejoicing  among  his  enemies,  and  requires  to  be  par- 
ticularly related. 

Four  volunteer  companies  from  Connecticut  began  their  march  into  flu* 
enemy’s  country  the  next  -day  after  Pawtucket  fight.  Among  the  captains 
of  these  companies,  George  Denison  of  Southerton  was  the  most  conspicuous. 
The  others  were  commanded  by  James  Avery,  John  Staunton , and  Major  Palms , 
who  also  had  the  chief  command.  With  these  were  three  companies  of 
Indians;  one  led  by  One fco,  composed  of  Mohegans  ; one  of  Pequots,  by  Cas- 
sasinnamon ; and  the  other  of  Nianticks,  by  Catapazet ; in  all  about  80. 

When  this  formidable  army  came  near  to  Nanuntenoo's  camp,  on  the  first 
week  in  April,  1676,  “they  met  with  a stout  Indian  of  the  enemie’s,  whom  they 
presently  slew,  and  two  old  squaws,”  who  informed  them  of  the  situation  of 
Nanuntenoo.  At  the  same  time,  their  own  scouts  brought  the  same  intelligence. 
The  news  of  the  enemy’s  approach  reached  the  chief  in  his  tent  when  but 
seven  of  his  men  were  about  him  ; the  rest  were  probably  in  the  neighborhood 
attending  to  their  ordinary  affairs.  And  although  he  had  stationed  two  senti- 
nels upon  an  adjacent  hill,  to  give  him  timely  notice  if  any  appeared,  their 
surprise  was  so  great,  at  the  sudden  approach  of  the  English,  that,  in  their 
fright,  they  ran  by  their  sachem’s  wigwam,  “ as  if  they  wanted  time  to  tell 
what  they  saw.”  Seeing  this,  the  sachem  sent  a third,  to  learn  the  cause  of 
the  flight  of  the  two  first,  but  he  fled  in  the  same  manner ; and  lastly  he  sent 
two  more,  one  of  which,  “ either  endued  with  more  courage,  or  a better  sense 
of  his  duty,  informed  him  in  great  haste  that  all  the  English  army  was  upon 
him  : whereupon,  having  no  time  to  consult,  and  but  little  to  attempt  an  escape, 
and  no  means  to  defend  himself,  he  began  ” * to  fly  with  all  speed.  Running 
with  great  swiftness  around  the  hill,  to  get  out  of  sight  upon  the  opposite  side, 
he  was  distinguished  by  his  wary  pursuers,  and  they  immediately  followed 
him  with  that  eagerness  their  important  object  was  calculated  to  inspire. 

The  pursuers  of  the  flying  chief  were  Catapazet  and  his  Nianticks,  “and  a 
few  of  the  English  lightest  of  foot.”  Seeing  these  were  gaining  upon  him,  he 
first  cast  off  his  blanket,  then  his  silver-laced  coat,  and  lastly  his  belt  of  peag. 
On  seeing  these,  a doubt  no  longer  remained  of  its  being  Nanuntenoo , which 
urged  them,  if  possible,  faster  in  the  chase.  There  was  in  the  company  of 
Catapazet , one  Monopoide , a Pequot,  who  outran  all  his  companions,  and  who, 
gaining  upon  Nanuntenoo , as  he  fled  upon  the  side  of  the  river,  obliged  him  to 
attempt  to  cross  it  sooner  than  he  intended.  Nevertheless,  but  for  an  accident 
in  his  passage,  he  would  doubtless  have  effected  his  escape.  As  he  was  wa- 
ding through  the  river,  his  foot  slipped  upon  a stone,  which  brought  his  gun 
under  water.  Thus  losing  some  time  in  recovering  himself,  and  also  the  use 
of  his  gun,  it  probably  made  him  despair  of  escaping ; for  Monopoide  came 
up  and  seized  upon  him,  “ within  30  rods  of  the  river  side.” 

Nanuntenoo , having  made  up  his  mind  to  surrender,  made  no  resistance, 
although  he  was  a man  of  great  physical  strength,  of  superior  stature,  ancl 
acknowledged  bravery ; and  the  one  who  seized  upon  him  very  ordinary  in 
that  respect.  One  of  the  first  Englishmen  that  came  up  was  Robert  Staunton , 
a young  man,  who  presumed  to  ask  the  captured  chief  some  questions.  He 
appeared  at  first  to  regard  the  young  man  with  silent  indignity,  but  at  length, 
casting  a disdainful  look  upon  his  youthful  face,  “ this  manly  sachem,”  said,  in 
broken  English,  “YOU  MUCH  CHILD!  NO  UNDERSTAND  MATTERS 
OF  WAR!  LET  YOUR  BROTHER  OR  CHIEF  COME,  HIM  I WILL 
ANSWER.”  And,  adds  Mr.  Hubbard , he  “ was  as  good  as  his  word : acting 
herein,  as  if,  by  a Pythagorean  metempsychosis,  some  old  Roman  ghost  had 
possessed  the  body  of  this  western  pagan.  And,  like  Attilius  Regulus,\  he 


* This  elegant  passage  of  Mr.  Hubbard  brings  to  our  mind  that  inimitable  one  of 
Clamgero , in  his  account  of  the  woful  days  of  the  Mexicans  : “ They  had  neither  arms  to 
repel  the  multitude  and  fury  of  their  enemies,  strength  to  defend  themselves,  nor  space  to 
tight  uj>on ; the  ground  of  the  city  was  covered  with  dead  bodies,  and  the  w’ater  of  every 
c.i.ch  and  canal  purpled  with  blood.  Hist.  Mexico,  iii.  73. 

t rus  Attilius  Regulus,  a Roman  consul  and  general,  taken  prisoner  by  the  Cartha-. 


50 


NANUNTENOO. 


[Book  IIT. 


wouljd  not  accept  of  his  own  life,  when  it  was  tendered  him.”  This  tender  of 
life  to  JYanuntenoo  was,  no  doubt,  upon  the  condition  of  his  obtaining  the  sub- 
mission of  his  nation.  He  met  the  idea  with  indignation;  and  when  the 
English  told  him  that  he  should  be  put  to  death  if  he  did  not  comply,  in  the 
most  composed  manner  he  replied,  that  killing  him  would  not  end  the  war. 
Some  of  his  captors  endeavored  to  reflect  upon  him,  by  telling  him,  that  he 
had  said  he  would  bum  the  English  in  their  houses,  and  that  he  had  boasted, 
in  defiance  of  his  promise  last  made  to  the  English,  which  was  to  deliver  the 
Wampanoags  to  them,  that  he  would  not  deliver  up  a Wampanoag  or  the  paring 
of  a Wampanoag's  nail.  To  this  he  only  replied,  “ OTHERS  WERE  AS 
FORWARD  FOR  THE  WAR  AS  MYSELF,  AND  I DESIRE  TO  HEAR 
NO  MORE  ABOUT  IT.” 

Had  the  English  not  burned  his  people  in  their  houses  ? Did  they  ever 
deliver  up  any  that  had  committed  depredations  upon  the  Narragansets  ? No! 
— Who,  then,  will  ask  for  an  excuse  for  the  magnanimous  JYanuntenoo  ? So 
indignant  was  he  at  their  conduct,  that  he  would  hear  nothing  about  peace ; 
“refusing  to  send  an  old  counsellor  of  his  to  make  any  motion  that  way,”  on 
a promise  of  life  if  he  would  so. 

Under  the  eye  of  Denison , JYanuntenoo  was  taken  to  Stonington,  where, 
by  the  “advice  of  the  English  commanders,  he  was  shot.”  His  head  was 
cut  off  and  carried  to  Hartford,  and  his  body  consumed  by  fire.  The  English 
prevailed  upon  some  of  each  tribe  of  their  allies,  viz.  Pequots,  Mohegans  and 
Nianticks,  to  be  his  executioners,  “ thereby  the  more  firmly  to  engage  the 
said  Indians  against  the  treacherous  Narragansets.”* *  “Herein,”  says 
another  writer  f of  that  day,  “ the  English  dealt  wisely,  for  by  this  means  the 
three  Indian  nations  are  become  abominable  to  the  other  Indians.”  And  a 
respectable  writer  \ of  our  own  times  says,  “ It  may  be  pleasing  to  the  reader 
to  be  informed  ” of  the  fate  of  JYanuntenoo  ! 

When  it  was  announced  to  the  noble  chief  that  he  must  be  put  to  death, 
he  was  not  in  the  least  daunted,  and  all  he  is  reported  to  have  said  is  this : — 
“ I LIKE  IT  WELL  ; I SHALL  DIE  BEFORE  MY  HEART  IS  SOFT, 
OR  HAVE  SAID  ANY  THING  UNWORTHY  OF  MYSELF  ” With 
JYanuntenoo,  fe\\  into  the  hands  of  the  English  43  others.  § 

The  author  of  the  anonymous  “ Letters  to  London  ” [|  says  the  Indians  were 
“commanded  by  that  famous  but  very  bloudy  and  cruel  sachem,  Quononshot, 
otherwise  called  JViyantonomy ,”  whose  “carriage  was  strangely  proud  and 
lofty  after  he  was  taken  ; being  examined  why  he  did  foment  that  war,  which 
would  certainly  be  the  destruction  of  him  and  all  the  heathen  Indians  in 
the  country,  &c.,  he  would  make  no  other  reply  to  any  interrogatories,  but 
this  : that  he  was  born  a prince,  and  if  princes  came  to  speak  with  him  he 
would  answer,  but  none  present  being  such,  he  thought  himself  obliged,  in 
honor,  to  hold  his  tongue  ; ” arid  that  he  said  he  would  rather  die  than 
remain  a prisoner,  and  requested  that  Oneko  might  put  him  to  death,  as  he 
was  of  equal  rank.  “ Yet  withall  threatened,  he  had  2000  men,  [who]  would 
revenge  his  death  severely.  Wherefore  our  forces,  fearing  an  escape,  put  the 
stoutest  men  to  the  sword,  but  preserved  Myantonomy  till  they  returned  to 
Stoneington ; where  our  Indian  friends,  and  most  of  the  English  soldiers, 
declaring  to  the  commanders  their  fear  that  the  English  should,  upon  con- 
ditions, release  him,  and  that  then  he  would,  (though  the  English  might 


ginians,  251  years  B.  C.  They  sent  him  to  Rome  to  use  his  endeavors  to  effect  a peace,  by 
his  solemn  promise  to  return  within  a given  period.  The  most  excruciating  tortures  awaited 
him,  should  he  not  execute  his  mission  according  to  his  instructions.  When  arrived  at  Rome, 
he  exhorted  his  countrymen  to  hold  out,  and  maintain  the  war  against  the  Carthaginians, 
stating  their  situation,  and  the  great  advantages  that  would  accrue.  He  knew  what  would 
be  his  fate  on  returning  to  Carthage,  and  many  a noble  Roman  besought  him  not  to  return, 
and  thus  sacrifice  his  life  ; but  he  would  not  break  his  promise,  even  with  his  barbarous  ene- 
mies. This  is  what  is  meant  by  not  accepting  his  own  life  when  tendered  him.  He  returned, 
and,  if  history  be  true,  no  Indian  nation  ever  tortured  a prisoner,  beyond  what  the  Cartha- 
ginians inflicted  upon  Marcus  Attilius  Regulus.  See  Echard’s  Roman  Hist.  i.  188—9. 

* Hubbard.  t I.  Mather.  J Deane,  Hist.  Scituate,  124. 

§ Manuscript  letter  in  Hist.  Library.  Both  Hubbard  and  Mather  say  44 ; perhaps  they  in- 
cluded Nanuntenoo. 

||  Elsewhere  cited  as  The  Old  Indian  Chronicle. 


Chap.  1II-1 


ANNAWON. 


51 


have  peace  with  him,)  be  very  pernicious  to  those  Indians  that  now  assisted 
us,  the  said  Indians,  (on  these  considerations,  and  the  mischiefs  and  mur- 
thers  he  had  done  during  this  war,)  permitted  to  put  him  to  death  * And  that 
all  might  share  in  the  glory  of  destroying  so  great  a prince,  and  come  under 
the  obligation  of  fidelity,  each  to  other,  the  Pequods  shot  him,  the  Mohegins 
cut  off  his  head  and  quartered  his  body,  and  the  jYinnicrofts  men  made  the 
lire  and  burned  his  quarters,  and,  as  a token  of  their  love  and  fidelity  to  the 
English,  presented  his  head  to  the  council  at  Hartford!  ” 

AjYjYA  IVON  was  a Wampanoag,  and  one  of  Philip's  most  famous  coun- 
sellors and  captains.  He  was  his  fast  friend,  and  resisted  as  long  as  there 
was  a beam  of  hope ; and  when  at  last  every  chance  of  success  had  failed, 
he  gave  himself  up  in  the  most  heroic  manner,  as  will  appear  in  the  follow- 
ing account. 

At  the  swamp,  when  Philip  was  killed,  he  escaped  with  most  of  his  men, 
as  has  been  related,  by  his  thoroughly  understanding  the  situation  of  his 
enemies.  “Perceiving  (says  Church)  they  were  waylaid  on  the  east  side  of 
the  swamp,  tacked  short  about.  One  of  the  enemy,  who  seemed  to  be  a 
great  surly  old  fellow,  hallooed  with  a loud  voice,  and  often  called  out,  I-oo- 
tash , I-oo-tash.  Captain  Church  called  to  his  Indian  Peter , f and  asked  him 
who  that  was  that  called  so.  He  answered  that  it  was  old  Annawon,  Philip's 
great  captain,  calling  on  his  soldiers  to  stand  to  it,  and  fight  stoutly.” 

“Captain  Church  had  been  but  little  while  at  Plimouth,  [after  the  death 
of  Philip,]  before  a post  from  Rehoboth  came  to  inform  the  governor  that 
old  Tlnnawon,  Philip's  chief  captain,  was  with  his  company  ranging  about 
their  woods,  and  was  very  offensive  and  pernicious  to  Rehoboth  and 
Swansey.  Captain  Church  was  immediately  sent  for  again,  and  treated  with 
to  engage  in  one  expedition  more.  He  told  them  their  encouragement  was 
so  poor,  he  feared  his  soldiers  would  be  dull  about  going  again.  But  being 
a hearty  friend  to  the  cause,  he  rallies  again,  goes  to  Mr.  Jabez  Howland,  his 
old  lieutenant,  and  some  of  his  soldiers  that  used  to  go  out  with  him,  told 
them  how  the  case  was  circumstanced,  and  that  he  had  intelligence  of  old 
Annawon's  walk  and  haunt,  and  wanted  hands  to  hunt  him.  They  did  not 
want  much  entreating,  but  told  him  they  would  go  with  him  as  long  as 
there  was  an  Indian  left  in  the  woods.  He  moved  and  ranged  through  the 
woods  to  Pocasset.” 

In  the  early  part  of  this  expedition,  some  of  Captain  Church's  Indian 
scouts  captured  a number  of  Annawon's  company,  but  from  whom  they 
could  learn  nothing  of  the  old  chief,  only  that  he  did  not  lodge  “ twice  in  a 
place.” 

“ Now  a certain  Indian  soldier,  that  Captain  Church  had  gained  over  to 
be  on  his  side,  prayed  that  he  might  have  liberty  to  go  and  fetch  in  his 
father,  who,  he  said,  was  about  four  miles  from  that  place,  in  a swamp,  with 
no  other  than  a young  squaw.  Captain  Church  inclined  to  go  with  him, 
thinking  it  might  be  in  his  way  to  gain  some  intelligence  of  Annawon ; and 
so  taking  one  Englishman  and  a few  Indians  with  him,  leaving  the  rest 
there,  he  went  with  his  new  soldier  to  look  his  father.  When  he  came  to 
the  swamp,  he  bid  the  Indian  go  and  see  if  he  could  find  his  father.  He 
was  no  sooner  gone,  but  Captain  Church  discovered  a track  coming  down 
out  of  the  woods,  upon  which  he  and  his  little  company  lay  close,  some  on 
one  side  of  the  track,  and  some  on  the  other.  They  heard  the  Indian 
soldier  making  a howling  for  his  father,  and  at  length  somebody  answered 
him  ; but  while  they  were  listening,  they  thought  they  heard  somebody  com- 
ing towards  them.  Presently  they  saw  an  old  man  coming  up,  with  a gun 
on  his  shoulder,  and  a young  woman  following  in  the  track  which  they  lay 
by.  They  let  them  come  between  them,  and  then  started  up  and  laid  hold 
of  them  both.  Captain  Church  immediately  examined  them  apart,  telling 
them  what  they  must  trust  to  if  they  told  false  stories.  He  asked  the  young 
woman  what  company  they  came  from  last.  She  said  from  Captain  Anna- 
won's.  He  asked  her  how  many  were  in  company  with  him  when  she  left 


* This  seems  to  us  the  most  probable  account  of  the  affair  of  all  we  have  seen, 
j The  son  of  Aioashonks , it  is  supposed. 


ANNAWON. 


[Book  III- 


him.  She  said  ‘fifty  or  sixty.’  He  asked  her  how  many  miles  it  was  to  the 
place  where  she  left  him.  She  said  she  did  not  understand  miles,  but  he  was 
up  in  Squannaconk  swamp.  The  old  man,  who  had  been  one  of  Philip's 
council,  upon  examination,  gave  exactly  the  same  account.”  On  being 
asked  whether  they  could  get  there  that  night,  answered,  “ If  we  go  pres- 
ently, and  travel  stoutly,  we  may  get  there  by  sunset.”  The  old  man  said 
he  was  of  Annawon' s company,  and  that  Annawon  had  sent  him  down  to 
find  some  Indians  that  were  gone  down  into  Mount  Hope  neck  to  kill  pro- 
visions. Captain  Church  let  him  know  that  that  company  were  all  his 
prisoners. 

The  Indian  who  had  been  permitted  to  go  after  his  father,  now  returned 
with  him  and  another  man.  Captain  Church  was  now  at  great  loss  what  he 
should  do.  He  was  unwilling  to  miss  of  so  good  an  opportunity  of  giving 
a finishing  blow  to  the  Indian  power.  He  had,  as  himself  says,  but  “ half  a 
dozen  men  beside  himself,”  and  yet  was  under  the  necessity  of  sending 
some  one  back  to  give  Lieutenant  Howland , whom  he  left  at  the  old  fort  in 
Pocasset,  notice,  if  he  should  proceed.  But,  without  wasting  time  in  pon- 
dering upon  what  course  to  pursue,  he  put  the  question  to  his  men, 
“ whether  they  would  willingly  go  with  him  and  give  Annawon  a visit.” 
All  answered  in  the  affirmative,  but  reminded  him  “ that  they  knew  this 
Captain  Annaioon  was  a great  soldier ; that  he  had  been  a valiant  captain 
under  Asuhmequin , [ JVoosamequin,]  Philip's  father;  and  that  he  had  been 
Philip's  chieftain  all  this  war.”  And  they  further  told  Captain  Church , (and 
these  men  knew  him  well,)  that  he  was  “a  very  subtle  man,  of  great  resolu- 
tion, and  had  often  said  that  he  would  never  be  taken  alive  by  the  English.” 

They  also  reminded  him  that  those  with  Annaicon  were  “ resolute  fellows, 
some  of  Philip's  chief  soldiers,”  and  very  much  feared  that  to  make  the 
attempt  with  such  a handful  of  soldiers,  would  be  hazardous  in  the  extreme. 
But  nothing  could  shake  the  resolution  of  Captain  Church , who  remarked 
to  them,  “ that  he  had  a long  time  sought  for  Annawon , but  in  vain,”  and 
doubted  not  in  the  least  but  Providence  would  protect  them.  All  with  one 
consent  now  desired  to  proceed. 

A man  by  the  name  of  Cook,*  belonging  to  Plimouth,  was  the  only 
Englishman  in  the  company,  except  the  captain.  Captain  Church  asked 
Mr.  Cook  what  his  opinion  of  the  undertaking  was.  He  made  no  other  reply 
than  this : “I  am  never  afraid  of  going  any  where  when  you  are  with  me.” 
The  Indian  who  brought  in  his  father  informed  Captain  Church , that  it  was 
impossible  for  him  to  take  his  horse  with  him,  which  he  had  brought  thus 
far.  He  therefore  sent  him  and  his  father,  with  the  horse,  back  to  Lieuten- 
ant Howland , and  ordered  them  to  tell  him  to  take  his  prisoners  immediately 
to  Taunton,  and  then  to  come  out  the  next  morning  in  the  Rehoboth  road, 
where,  if  alive,  he  hoped  to  meet  him. 

Things  being  thus  settled,  all  were  ready  for  the  journey.  Captain  Church 
turned  to  the  old  man,  whom  he  took  with  the  young  woman,  and  asked 
him  whether  he  would  be  their  pilot.  He  said,  “You  having  given  me  my 
life,  I am  under  obligations  to  serve  you.”  They  now  marched  for  Squan- 
naconk. In  leading  the  way,  this  old  man  would  travel  so  much  faster  than 
the  rest,  as  sometimes  to  be  nearly  out  of  sight,  and  consequently  might 
have  escaped  without  fear  of  being  recaptured,  but  he  was  true  to  his  word, 
and  would  stop  until  his  wearied  followers  came  up. 

Having  travelled  through  swamps  and  thickets  until  the  sun  was  setting, 
the  pilot  ordered  a stop.  The  captain  asked  him  if  he  had  made  any  dis- 
covery. He  said,  “ About  that  hour  of  the  day,  Annawon  usually  sent  out 
his  scouts  to  see  if  the  coast  was  clear,  and  as  soon  as  it  began  to  grow 
dark  the  scouts  returned,  and  then  we  may  move  securely.”  When  it  was 
sufficiently  dark,  and  they  were  about  to  proceed,  Captain  Church  asked  the 
old  man  if  he  would  take  a gun  and  fight  for  him.  He  bowed  very  low, 
and  said,  “I  pray  you  not  to  impose  such  a thing  upon  me  as  to  fight  against 
Captain  Annawon , my  old  friend,  but  I will  go  along  with  you,  and  be  helpful 
to  you,  and  will  lay  hands  on  any  man  that  shall  offer  to  hurt  you.”  They 


* Caleb,  doubtless,  who  was  present  at  the  time  Philip  was  killed. 


Chap.  HI.]  ANNAWON.— HIS  CAPTURE  AND  DEATH.  53 

had  proceeded  but  a short  space,  when  they  heard  a noise,  which  they 
concluded  to  be  the  pounding  of  a mortar.  This  warned  them  that  they 
were  in  the  vicinity  of  Annawon's  retreat.  And  here  it  will  be  very  proper 
to  give  a description  of  it.  It  is  situated  in  the  south-easterly  comer  of 
Rehoboth,  about  eight  miles  from  Taunton  Green,  a few  rods  from  the  road 
which  leads  to  Providence,  and  on  the  south-easterly  side  of  it.  If- a straight 
line  were  drawn  from  Taunton  to  Providence,  it  would  pass  very  nearly 
over  this  place.  Within  the  limits  of  an  immense  swamp  of  nearly  3000 
acres,  there  is  a small  piece  of  upland,  separated  from  the  main  only  by  a 
brook,  which  in  some  seasons  is  dry.  This  island,  as  we  may  call  it,  is 
nearly  covered  with  an  enormous  rock,  which  to  this  day  is  called  Annawon1 s 
Rock.  Its  south-east  side  presents  an  almost  perpendicular  precipice,  and 
rises  to  the  height  of  25  or  30  feet.  The  north-west  side  is  very  sloping, 
and  easy  of  ascent,  being  at  an  angle  of  not  more  than  35  or  40°.  A more 
gloomy  and  hidden  recess,  even  now,  although  the  forest  tree  no  longer 
waves  over  it,  could  hardly  be  found  by  any  inhabitant  of  the  wilderness. 

When  they  arrived  near  the  foot  of  the  rock,  Captain  Church , with  two 
of  his  Indian  soldiers,  crept  to  the  top  of  it,  from  whence  they  could  see 
distinctly  the  situation  of  the  whole  company,  by  the  light  of  their  fires. 
They  were  divided  into  three  bodies,  and  lodged  a short  distance  from  one 
another.  Annawori’s  camp  was  formed  by  felling  a tree  against  the  rock, 
with  bushes  set  up  on  each  side. 

“ He  passed,  in  the  heart  of  that  ancient  wood — 
******* 

Nor  paused,  till  the  rock  where  a vaulted  bed 
Had  been  hewn  of  old  for  the  kingly  dead 

Arose  on  his  midnight  way  ” — Hemans. 

With  him  lodged  his  son,  and  others  of  his  principal  men.  Their  guns 
were  discovered  standing  and  leaning  against  a stick  resting  on  two  crotches, 
safely  covered  from  the  weather  by  a mat.  Over  their  fires  were  pots  and 
kettles  boiling,  and  meat  roasting  upon  their  spits.  Captain  Church  was 
now  at  some  loss  how  to  proceed,  seeing  no  possibility  of  getting  down  the 
rock  without  discovery,  which  would  have  been  fatal.  He  therefore  creeps 
silently  back  again  to  the  foot  of  the  rock,  and  asked  the  old  man,  their 
pilot,  if  there  was  no  other  way  of  coming  at  them.  He  answered,  “ No 
and  said  that  himself  and  all  others  belonging  to  the  company  were  ordered 
to  come  that  way,  and  none  could  come  any  other  without  danger  of  be- 
ing shot. 

The  fruitful  mind  of  Church  was  no  longer  at  loss,  and  the  following  strata- 
gem was  put  in  successful  practice.  He  ordered  the  old  man  and  the  young 
woman  to  go  forward,  and  lead  the  way,  with  their  baskets  upon  their  backs, 
and  when  Annawon  should  discover  them,  he  would  take  no  alarm,  knowing 
them  to  be  those  he  had  lately  sent  forth  upon  discovery.  “ Captain  Church 
and  his  handful  of  soldiers  crept  down  also,  under  the  shadow  of  those  two 
and  their  baskets.  The  captain  himself  crept  close  behind  the  old  man,  with 
his  hatchet  in  his  hand,  and  stepped  over  the  young  man’s  head  to  the  arms. 
The  young  Annawon  discovering  him,  whipped  his  blanket  over  his  head,  and 
shrunk  up  in  a heap.  The  old  Captain  Annawon  started  up  on  his  breech, 
and  cried  out  ‘ Howoh ! ’ which  signified,  ‘Welcom.’”*  All  hope  of  escape 
was  now  fled  forever,  and  he  made  no  effort,  but  laid  himself  down  again  in 
perfect  silence,  while  his  captors  secured  the  rest  of  the  company.  For  he 
supposed  the  English  were  far  more  numerous  than  they  were,  and  before  he 
was  undeceived,  his  company  were  all  secured. 


* It  is  a curious  fact,  that  among  the  tribes  of  the  west,  the  same  word  is  used  to  signify 
approbation  : thus,  when  a speech  had  been  made  to  some  in  that  region,  which  pleased 
them,  at  the  end  of  each  paragraph  they  would  exclaim,  u Hoah ! Hoah!  ” — Weld’s  Travels 
in  America. 

The  fact  becomes  still  more  curious  when  we  find  the  same  word  used  yet  farther  west — 
even  on  the  North-west  Coast,  and  with  very  nearly  the  same  signification.  See  Dixon's 
Voyage,  189,  4to.  London,  1789.  In  this  work  it  is  spelt  Whoah.  See,  also,  Burney’s 
Voyages,  i.  346,  and  Colden’s  Five  Nations,  ii.  95. 

5 * 


♦54 


ANNA  WON, 


fftooK  II?, 


One  circumstance  much  facilitated  this  daring  project.  It  has  been  before 
mentioned,  that  they  heard  the  pounding  of  a mortar,  on  their  approach. 
This  continued  during  their  descent  down  the  rock.  A squaw  was  pounding 
' green  dried  corn  for  their  supper,  and  when  she  ceased  pounding,  to  turn 
the  com,  they  ceased  to  proceed,  and  when  she  pounded  again,  they  moved. 
This  was  the  reason  they  were  not  heard  as  they  lowered  themselves  down, 
from  crag  to  crag,  supported  by  small  bushes  that  grew  from  the  seams 
of  the  rock.  The  pounded  corn  served  afterwards  for  a supper  to  the 
captors. 

Annawon  would  not  have  been  taken  at  this  time  but  for  the  treachery 
of  those  of  his  own  company.  And  well  may  their  Lucan  exclaim,  as  did 
the  Roman , 

“ A race  renowned,  the  world’s  victorious  lords, 

Turned  on  themselves  with  their  own  hostile  swords. — Rowds  Trans . 

The  two  companies  situated  at  a short  distance  from  the  rock  knew  not  the 
fate  of  their  captain,  until  those  sent  by  Church  announced  it  to  them.  And, 
to  prevent  their  making  resistance,  they  were  told,  that  Captain  Chikrch  had 
encompassed  them  with  his  army,  and  that  to  make  resistance  would  be 
immediate  death ; but  if  they  all  submitted  peaceably,  they  should  have  good 
quarter.  “ Now  they  being  old  acquaintance,  and  many  of  them  relations,” 
readily  consented : delivering  up  their  guns  and  hatchets,  they  were  all  con- 
ducted to  head-quarters. 

“ Things  being  thus  far  settled,  Captain  Church  asked  Annawon  what 
he  had  for  supper,  ‘ for,’  said  he,  ‘ I am  come  to  sup  with  you.’  ” Annawon 
replied,  “ Taubut ,”  with  a “ big  voice,”  and,  looking  around  upon  his  women, 
ordered  them  to  hasten  and  provide  Captain  Church  and  his  company  some 
supper.  He  asked  Captain  Church  “whether  he  would  eat  cow  beef  or 
horse  beef.”  Church  said  he  would  prefer  cow  beef.  It  was  soon  ready, 
and,  by  the  aid  of  some  salt  he  had  in  his  pocket,  he  made  a good  meal. 
And  here  it  should  be  told,  that  a small  bag  of  salt  (which  he  carried  in 
his  pocket)  was  the  only  provision  he  took  with  him  upon  this  expedition. 

When  supper  was  over,  Captain  Church  set  his  men  to  watch,  telling  them 
if  they  would  let  him  sleep  two  hours,  they  should  sleep  all  the  rest  of  the 
night,  he  not  having  slept  any  for  36  hours  before ; but  after  laying  a half 
hour,  and  feeling  no  disposition  to  sleep,  from  the  momentous  cares  upon  his 
mind, — for,  as  Dr.  Young  says  in  the  Revenge, 

“ The  dead  alone,  in  such  a night,  can  rest, — ” 

he  looked  to  see  if  his  watch  were  at  their  posts,  but  they  were  all  fast  asleep. 
Annawon  felt  no  more  like  sleeping  than  Church , and  they  lay  for  some  time 
looking  one  upon  the  other.  Church  spoke  not  to  Annawon , because  he 
could  not  speak  Indian,  and  thought  Annawon  could  not  speak  English,  but  it 
now  appeared  that  he  could,  from  a conversation  they  held  together.  Church 
had  laid  down  with  Annawon  to  prevent  his  escape,  of  which,  however,  he 
did  not  seem  much  afraid,  for  after  they  had  laid  a considerable  time,  Annawon 
got  up  and  walked  away  out  of  sight,  which  Church  considered  was  on  a 
common  occasion;  but  being  gone  some  time,  “he  began  to  suspect  some 
ill  design.”  He  therefore  gathered  all  the  guns  close  to  himself,  and  lay  as 
close  as  he  possibly  could  under  young  Annawon’s  side,  that  if  a shot  should 
be  made  at  him,  it  must  endanger  the  life  of  young  Annawon  also.  After 
laying  a while  in  great  suspense,  he  saw,  by  the  light  of  the  moon,  Annawon 
coming  with  something  in  his  hands.  When  he  had  got  to  Captain  Church, 
he  knelt  down  before  him,  and,  after  presenting  him  what  he  had  brought, 
spoke  in  English  as  follows : — “ Great  captain , you  have  killed  Philip,  and  con- 
quered his  country.  For  I believe  that  I and  my  company  are  the  last  that  war 
against  the  English,  so  suppose  the  war  is  ended  by  your  means , and  therefore 
these  things  belong  unto  you.”  He  then  took  out  of  his  pack  a beautifully 
wrought  belt,  which  belonged  to  Philip.  It  was  nine  inches  in  breadth,  and 
of  such  length,  as  when  put  about  the  shoulders  of  Captain  Church,  it 
reached  to  his  ankles.  This  was  considered,  at  that  time,  of  great  value, 


QUINNAPIN. 


Chap.  III.] 


• 5> 


being  embroidered  all  over  with  money,  that  is,  wampumpeag,*  of  various 
colors,  curiously  wrought  into  figures  of  birds,  beasts  and  flowers.  A second 
belt,  of  no  less  exquisite  workmanship,  was  next  presented,  which  belonged 
also  to  Philip.  This,  that  chief  used  to  ornament  his  head  with  ; from  the 
back  part  of  which  flowed  two  flags,  which  decorated  his  back.  A third  was 
a smaller  one,  with  a star  upon  the  end  of  it,  which  he  wore  upon  his  breast. 
All  three  were  edged  with  red  hair,  which,  Annawon  said,  was  got  in  the 
country  of  the  Mohawks.  These  belts,  or  some  of  them,  it  is  believed,  re- 
main, at  this  day,  the  property  of  a family  in  Swansey.  He  next  took  from 
his  pack  two  horns  of  glazed  powder,  and  a red  cloth  blanket.  These,  it 
appears,  were  all  that  remained  of  the  effects  of  the  great  chief.  He  told 
Captain  Church  that  those  were  Philip's  royalties,  which  he  was  wont  to  adorn 
himself  with,  when  he  sat  in  state,  and  he  thought  himself  happy  in  having 
an  opportunity  to  present  them  to  him. 

The  remainder  of  the  night  they  spent  in  discourse,  in  which  Annaivon 
« gave  an  account  of  what  mighty  success  he  had  had  formerly  in  wars 
against  many  nations  of  Indians,  when  he  served  Asuhmequin , Philip's 
father.” 

Morning  being  come,  they  took  up  their  march  for  Taunton.  In  the  way 
they  met  Lieutenant  Howland , according  to  appointment,  at  his  no  small  sur- 
prise. They  lodged  at  Taunton  that  night.  The  next  day  “ Capt.  Church 
took  old  Annawon,  and  half  a dozen  Indian  soldiers,  and  his  own  men,  and 
went  to  Rhode  Island ; the  rest  were  sent  to  Plimouth,  under  Lieutenant 
Howland. 

Annawon,  it  is  said,  had  confessed  “that  he  had  put  to  death  several  of  the 
English,  that  had  been  taken  alive ; ten  in  one  day,  and  could  not  deny  but 
that  some  of  them  had  been  tortured  ;”f  and  therefore  no  mercy  was  to  be 
expected  from  those  into  whose  hands  he  had  now  fallen.  His  captor,  Captain 
Church , did  not  mean  that  he  should  have  been  put  to  death,  and  had  en- 
treated hard  for  him ; but  in  his  absence  from  Plimouth,  not  long  after,  he 
was  remorselessly  executed.  We  shall  again  have  occasion  to  advert  to  the 
execution  of  Annawon,  and  shall  now  pass  to  consider  the  events  in  the  life 
of  a sachem  of  nearly  equal  interest. 

QUUVJYAPLY  was  by  birth  a noble  Narraganset,  being  the  son  of  Cogina - 
quan,  otherwise  Conjanaquond,  who  was  nephew  to  Canonicus.  Therefore 
Miantunnomoh  was  uncle  to  Quinnapin,  and  Canonicus  was  his  great  uncle. 

We  find  his  name  spelled  in  almost  every  possible  way,  and  for  the 
amusement  of  the  reader  will  offer  a few  of  them — Quanopin,  Quonopin , 
Qunnapin,  Quannopin,  Quenoquin,  Panoquin,  Sowagonish,  and  Quanepin. 
His  name  has  also  been  confounded  with  that  of  Quaiapen,  the  “ old  queen  ” 
of  Narraganset. 

In  1672,  Quinnapin  confirmed,  by  a writing,  the  sale  of  a tract  of  land  pre- 
viously granted  by  Coginaquan,  his  father. 

This  sachem  took  part  with  the  Wampanoags  in  Philip's  war,  and  from 
the  punishment  which  the  English  executed  upon  him,  on  his  falling  into 
their  hands,  we  may  suppose  he  acted  well  his  part  in  that  war,  although  but 
little  is  recorded  of  him  by  the  historians  of  that  period.  From  Mrs.  Row- 
landson's account  of  him,  we  must  conclude  he  was  not  wanting  in  attentions 
to  the  fair  sex,  as  he  had  certainly  three  wives,  one  of  whom  was  a sister  of 
Wootonekanuske ; consequently  he  was,  according  to  the  English  method  of 
calculating  relationships,  brother-in-law  to  the  famous  Metacomet  himself. 

Quinnapin  was  one  of  the  chiefs  who  directed  the  attack  on  Lancaster, 
the  10  Feb.  1675,  O.  S.,  and  he  purchased  Mrs.  Rowlandson  from  a Naragan- 
set  Indian  who  had  seized  her  when  she  came  out  of  the  garrison,  among 
the  captives  of  that  place.  And  it  was  this  circumstance  which  caused  her 
to  notice  him  in  her  Narrative.  $ Wettimore,  whom  she  mentions  in  the  follow- 
ing extract,  as  his  wife,  we  have  said,  was  Weetamoo,  the  “ queen  of  Pocasset.” 

In  the  winter  of  1676,  when  the  Narragansets  were  at  such  “ great  straits,” 
from  the  loss  of  their  provisions,  in  the  great  swamp  fight,  (“  corn  being  two 


* An  Iroquois  word  signifying  a muscle.  Gordon’s  Hist.  Pennsylvania,  page  598. 
f Hubbard , Nar.  108.  f Mr.  Willard's  edition  of  it,  (p.  25.)  Lancaster,  1828. 


56 


QUINN  A PIN. 


[Book  III. 


shillings  a,,  pint  with  them,”)  the  English  tried  to  bring  about  a peace  with 
them  ; but  their  terms  were  too  hard,  or  some  other  cause  prevented.  “ Ca- 
nonchet  and  Panoquin  said  they  would  fight  it  out,  to  the  last  man,  rather 
than  they  would  become  servants  to  the  English.”*  A truly  noble  resolution, 
and  well  worthy  of  the  character  we  have  of  Canonchet. 

“My  master  (says  Mrs.  Rowlandson)  had  three  squaws,  living  sometimes 
with  one  and  sometimes  with  another.  Onux , this  old  squaw  at  whose  wig- 
wam I was,  and  with  whom  my  master  [ Quinnapin ] had  been  these  three 
weeks.  Another  was  Wettimore , with  whom  I had  lived  and  served  all  this 
while.  A severe  and  proud  dame  she  was ; bestowing  every  day  in  dressing 
herself  near  as  much  time  as  any  of  the  gentry  of  the  land — powdering  her 
hair  and  painting  her  face,  going  with  her  necklaces,  with  jewels  in  her  ears, 
and  bracelets  upon  her  hands.  When  she  had  dressed  herself,  her  work 
was  to  make  girdles  of  wampum  and  beads.  The  third  squaw  [or  wife]  was 
a young  one,  by  whom  he  had  two  papooses.”  f 

While  the  Narragansets  and  Nipmucks  were  encamped  at  a place  on  Con- 
necticut River  at  considerable  distance  above  Northampton,  perhaps  near  as 
far  as  Bellows  Falls,  Mrs.  Rowlandson  says,  “My  master’s  maid  came  home: 
she  had  been  gone  three  weeks  into  the  Narraganset  country  to  fetch  corn, 
where  they  had  stored  up  some  in  the  ground.  She  brdught  home  about  a 
peck  and  a half  of  corn  ” / 

We  shall  relate,  in  the  Life  o f Nepanet,  the  mission  of  Mr.  Hoar  to  Philip's 
quarters  for  the  redemption  of  Mrs.  Rowlandson.  This  was  not  long  alter 
Sudbury  fight,  and  the  Indians  were  preparing  to  commemorate  it  by  a great 
dance,  “which  was  carried  on  by  eight  of  them,  (as  Mrs.  R.  relates,)  four  men 
and  four  squaws  ; my  master  and  mistress  [ Quinnapin  and  Weetamoo]  being 
two.  He  was  dressed  in  his  Holland  shirt,  with  great  stockings,  his  garters 
hung  round  with  shillings,  and  had  girdles  of  wampom  upon  his  head  and 
shoulders.  She  had  a kearsey  coat,  covered  with  girdles  of  ivampom  from 
the  loins  upward.  Her  arms,  from  her  elbows  to  her  hands,  were  covered 
with  bracelets ; there  were  handfuls  of  necklaces  about  her  neck,  and  sev- 
eral sorts  of  jewels  in  her  ears.  She  had  fine  red  stockings,  and  white  shoes, 
her  hair  powdered,  and  her  face  painted  red,  that  was  always  before  black. 
And  all  the  dancers  were  after  the  same  manner.  There  were  two  others 
singing  and  knocking  on  a kettle  for  their  music.  They  kept  hopping  up 
and  down  one  after  another,  with  a kettle  of  water  in  the  midst,  standing 
warm  upon  some  embers,  to  drink  of  when  they  were  dry.  They  held  on 
till  almost  night,  throwing  out  their  wampom  to  the  standers-by.  At  night 
I asked  them  again,  if  I should  go  home  : they  all  as  one  said,  No,  except  my 
husband  would  come  for  me.  When  we  were  lain  down,  my  master  w ent 
out  of  the  wigwam,  and  by  and  by  sent  in  an  Indian  called  James-the-printer, 
who  told  Mr.  Hoar,  that  my  master  would  let  me  go  home  to-morrow,  if  he 
would  let  him  have  one  pint  of  liquor.  Then  Mr.  Hoar  called  his  own 
Indians,  Tom  and  Peter,  and  bid  them  all  go  and  see  if  he  would  promise  it 
before  them  three  ; and  if  he  would  he  should  have  it,  which  he  did,  and  had 
it.  Philip  smelling  the  business,  called  me  to  him,  and  asked  me ‘what  I 
would  give  him,  to  tell  me  some  good  news,  and  to  speak  a good  word  for 
me,  that  I might  go  home  to-morrow  ? I told  him  I could  not  tell  what  to 
give  him,  I would  any  thing  I had,  and  asked  him  what  he  would  have.  He 
said  two  coats  and  20  shillings  in  money,  half  a bushel  of  seed  corn,  and 
some  tobacco.  I thanked  him  for  his  love,  but  I knew  that  good  news  as  well 
as  that  crafty  fox.  My  master,  after  he  had  his  drink,  quickly  came  ranting 
into  the  wigwam  again,  and  called  for  Mr.  Hoar,  drinking  to  him  and  saying 
he  was  a good  man ; and  then  again  he  would  say,  Hang  him  a rogue.  Being 
almost  drunk,  he  would  drink  to  him,  and  yet  presently  say  he  should  be 
hanged.  Then  he  called  for  me  ; I trembled  to  hear  him,  and  yet  I was  fain 
to  go  to  him,  and  he  drank  to  me,  shewing  no  incivility.  He  was  the  first 
Indian  I saw  drunk,  all  the  time  I was  among  them.  At  last  his  squaw  ran 
out,  and  he  after  her,  round  the  wigwam,  with  his  money  jingling  at  his 


* Hubbard.. 


t Narrative,  63,  64. 


Chap.  III.]  DEATH  OF  QU1NNAPIN.-TUSPAQUIN.  57 

knees,  but  she  escaped  him ; but  having  an  old  squaw,  he  ran  to  her,”*  and 
troubled  the  others  no  more  that  night. 

A day  or  two  after,  the  sagamores  had  a council,  or  general  court , as  they 
called  it,  in  which  the  giving  up  of  Mrs.  R.  was  debated.  All  seemed  to 
consent  for  her  to  go,  except  Philip,  who  would  not  come  to  the  council. 
However,  she  was  soon  dismissed,  and  some  who  were  at  first  opposed  to  her 
going,  seemed  now  to  rejoice  at  it.  They  shook  her  by  the  hand,  and  asked 
her  to  send  them  some  tobacco,  and  some  one  thing  and  some  another. 

When  the  extensive  system  of  war  carried  on  by  Philip  was  broken  in  the 
west  by  intestine  bickerings,  Quinnapin  returned  with  Philip  to  his  country 
of  the  Wampanoags.  About  the  end  of  July,  1676,  Captain  Church  learned  by 
a captive  squaw  that  Quinnapin  and  Philip  were  in  a “ great  cedar  swamp  ” 
near  Aponaganset  with  “abundance  of  Indians.”  This  news,  together  with 
a discovery  the  captain  soon  after  made,  induced  him  to  leave  that  country 
without  disturbing  so  formidable  an  enemy.  Soon  after,  Quinnapin  escaped 
from  a company  of  Bridgewater  men,  who  killed  Akkompoin,  as  he  and 
Philip's  company  were  crossing  Taunton  River.  The  next  day,  Church  pur- 
sued him,  but  he  effected  his  escape. 

Not  long  after  this,  he  was  taken,  and,  immediately  after  the  war,  25 
August,  was  shot  at  Newport  in  R.  Island.  It  appears  that  Quinnapin  had 
bad  some  difficulty  with  the  R.  Island  people,  who,  some  time  before  the 
war,  had  cast  him  into  prison  ; but  that  by  some  means  he  had  escaped, 
and  become  active  in  the  war.  He  was  reported  “a  young  lusty  sachem, 
and  a very  rogue.”  f A court-martial  was  held  at  Newport,  R.  I.,  on'  the 
24  August,  1676,  by  the  governor  and  assistants  of  that  colony,  for  the  trial 
of  Quinnapin , or  Sowagonish,  as  he  was  sometimes  called,  and  several  others. 
He  was  charged  with  adhering  to  Philip  in  the  war,  which  he  confessed, 
and  owned  he  was  in  the  Narraganset  Swamp  fight  of  December,  1675,  and 
next  in  command  to  Canonchet ; whereupon  he  was  sentenced  to  be  shot  the 
next  day.  A brother  of  his,  who  had  but  one  eye,  named  Sunkeejunasuc,  had 
i he  same  sentence  passed  upon  him.  Ashamattan,  another  brother,  was 
tried,  but  at  that  time  received  no  sentence.]; 

TUSPAQUIJY,  whose  biography  we  shall  next  pursue,  was  one  of  Philip's 
most  faithful  captains,  and  sachem  of’  Assawomset,  as  we  have  before  had 
occasion  to  notice,  in  speaking  of  John  Sassamon.  His  name  in  printed 
accounts  differs  but  little,  and  is  abbreviated  from  Watuspaquin.  Also  in  our 
life  of  Tatoson  it  was  necessary  to  speak  of  this  chief.  From  a survey  of 
the  deeds  which  he  executed  of  various  large  tracts  of  land,  it  is  evident 
his  sachemdom  was  very  extensive.  It  will  be  necessary  to  glance  at  some 
of  the  conveyances  of  Watuspaquin  for  several  reasons,  the  principal  of  which 
is,  that  the  part  he  acted  in  the  great  drama  of  1675  and  1676  may  not  be 
underrated.  His  conveyances  to  the  Reverend  John  Sassamon  and  his  family 
are  already  related. 

On  9 August,  1667,  “ Tuspequin , otherwise  called  the  Black-sachem,"  for 
£4,  sells  to  Henry  Wood  of  Pli mouth  his  right  and  title  to  the  land  on  the 
east  side  of  “Namassakett”  River, § bounded  “on  one  end”  by  the  pond 
called  Black-sachem's  Pond,  or,  in  Indian,  Wanpawcult ; on  the  other  end,  by 
a little  pond  called  Asnemscutt.  How  much  was  included  in  the  given 
bounds,  is  not  mentioned,  nor  could  we  now  by  the  description  possibly 
tell  how  far  said  tract  extended  back  from  the  river.  With  Tuspaquin , 
his  wife,  Amey,  signed  this  deed,  and  it  was  witnessed  only  by  two  English- 
men. 

On  17  July,  1669,  Tuspaquin  and  his  son  William  sell  for  £10  a tract  or 
parcel  of  land  near  “ Assowampsett,”  half  a mile  wide,  and  “ in  length  from 
said  ponds  to  Dartmouth  path.”  Besides  two  English,  Samuel  Henry,  Daniel 
and  Old  Harry  were  witnesses.  Experience  Mitchell , Henry  Sampson,  of  Dux- 
borough,  Thomas  Little,  of  Marshfield,  and  Thomas  Paine,  of  Eastham,  were 
the  purchasers. 

* Narrative,  73 — 75. 

t Captain  More’s  account  of  “The  Warr  in  N.  E.  visibly  ended,”  &c.  in  our  Indian 
Chronicle.  \ Potter’s  Narraganset,  98. 

$ He,  however,  reserved  the  right  “ to  gett  ceder  barke  in  the  swamps/7 


58 


TUSPAQUIN  .—BURNS  BRIDGE  WATER. 


[Book  III. 


June  10, 1670,  Tuspaquin -and  his  son  William,  sold  for  £6,  to  Edward  Gray , 
“in  the  behalf  of  the  court  of  Plimouth,”  “all  that  our  meddow  that  lyeth 
in  or  neare  the  town  of  Middleberry,”  on  the  west  side  of  a tract  belonging 
to  John  Alden  and  Constant  Southivorth,  “ and  is  between  Assowamsett  Pond 
and  Taunton  path,  being  in  three  parsells  vpon  three  brookes;”  also  another 
parcel  on  the  other  side  of  Taunton  path.  Witnessed  by  “ Amie ,”  the  wife 
of  Tuspaquin,  and  two  English. 

30  June,  1672,  Tuspaquin,  “sachem  of  Namassakett,  and  Mantowapuct 
alias  William  his  son,”  sell  to  Edward  Gray  and  Josias  Winslow , lands  on 
the  easterly  side  of  Assowamsett,  to  begin  where  Namasket  River  falleth 
out  of  the  pond,  and  so  south  by  the  pond ; thence  by  perishable  bounds 
to  Tuspaquin' s Pond,  and  so  home  to  the  lands  formerly  sold  to  Henry 
Wood. 

3 July,  1673,  Tuspaquin  and  his  son  William  sell  to  Benjamin  Church  of 
Duxborough,  house  carpenter,  and  John  Tompson  of  Barnstable,  lands  about 
Middleborough,  for  which  they  paid  him  £15.  It  is  described  as  “ lying  att 
and  neare  the  township  of  Middleberry,”  bounded  westerly  by  a river  called 
Monhiggen , which  runs  into  a pond  called  Quisquasett , and  so  by  a cedar 
swamp  to  Tuspaquin' s Pond ; thence  by  Henry  Wood's  land  to  a place 
called  Pochaboquett.  Nahudset  River  is  named  as  a northern  boundary  ; and 
the  two  “places”  called  Tuscomanest  and  Massapanoh  are  also  named,  like- 
wise a pond  called  Sniptuett , and  a “ river’s  mouth  called  Tuppaluett  which 
runneth  into  a pond  called  Quittuwashett."  Two  English,  Sam  Hairy , and 
Joseph  of  Namasket,  were  witnesses. 

1 November  1673,  William  Watuspaquin , Assaweta , Tobias  and  Beivat , for 
£10  sell  to  three  English  of  Barnstable  a tract  of  land  bounded  by  Que- 
taquash  Pond  northerly,  by  Quetaquash  River  easterly,  Snepetuitt  Pond,  &c. 

14  May,  1675,  the  two  Tuspaquins,  father  and  son,  “ make  over  to  John 
Tompson , Constant  Southivorth  " and  others,  of  Middleborough,  “ all  that  tract 
of  land  which  we  now  have  in  possession,  called  commonly  Assowamset 
neck  or  necks,  and  places  adjacent,”  as  a security  against  the  claims  of  others, 
&c.  of  other  lands  deeded  at  the  same  time  ; if,  therefore,  they  are  not  dis- 
v turbed  in  the  possession  of  the  former  lands  deeded,  then  they  “ are  not  to 
be  outed  of  Assawamsett  neck.”  Pottawo,  alias  Daniel , Poyman , Pagatt ,*  alias 
Joseph,  were  witnesses. 

For  the  land  deeded  they  received  £33,  “ sterling.”  It  consisted  of  uplands 
and  meadows  about  the  pond  called  JYinipoket,  Quiticus ,f  &c.,  and,  judging 
from  the  price  paid,  was,  no  doubt,  a very  large  tract. 

Thus  are  a few  of  the  acts  of  Watuspaquin  sketched  previous  to  the  war. 
We  are  now  to  trace  his  operations  in  quite  another  sphere.  In  our  opinion, 
Mr.  Hubbard  was  right  in  styling  him  “ the  next  noted  captain  to  Philip ,”  but 
erroneously  calls  Old  Tuspaquin  “ the  Black-sachem’s  son.”  He  does  not 
appear  to  have  known  of  the  son  William.  Indeed,  we  hear  nothing  of  him 
in  the  war,  but  it  is  probable  he  shared  the  fate  of  his  father. 

In  the  spring  of  1676,  Tuspaquin  was  marching  from  place  to  place  with 
•about  300  men,  and  was  doubtless  in  high  expectation  of  humbling  the 
pride  of  his  enemies,  and,  but  for  Philip's  western  disasters,  occasioned  by 
the  disaffection  of  his  Pocomptucks  and  others,  his  expectations  might  have 
been  realized.  It  was  doubtless  under  his  direction  that  19  buildings  in 
Scituate  were  burnt  on  20  April ; and  on  the  8 May,  had  not  a shower  pre- 
vented, most,  if  not  all,  the  houses  in  Bridgewater  would  have  shared  the 
same  fate.  Tuspaquin  was  known  to  have  led  his  men  in  this  attack.^ 
The  inhabitants  exerted  themselves  to  repel  the  Indians,  but,  conscious  of 
their  strength,  they  maintained  their  ground  until  the  next  day,  when  they 
retreated.  Notwithstanding  the  rain,  they  succeeded  in  burning  17  buildings 
before  they  decamped. 

On  11  May,  1676,  there  were  eleven  houses  and  five  barns  burnt  in  Plim- 
outh, and  a few  weeks  after,  seven  houses  more  and  two  barns.  These 

* Two  names,  probably  ; but  in  the  MS.  there  is  no  comma  between,  as  is  often'  the  case. 

t Titicut,  probably  now. 

\ Mr.  Hubbard  says,  (Nar.  71.)  the  Indians  were  led  by  one  Tusguogen,  but  we  are  satis- 
fied Tuspaquin  is  meant. 


59 


Chap.  III.]  TUSPAQUIN.— HIS  COMPANY  SURPRISED. 

were  probably  such  as  were  at  a considerable  distance  from  the  village,  and 
had  chiefly  been  deserted.  This  “ mischief”  was  attributed  to  Tuspaquin 
and  his  men. 

About  this  time,  Benjamin  Church  was  commissioned  by  the  government 
of  Plimouth  to  lead  parties  in  different  directions  over  the  colony ; and  from 
the  time  he  commenced  operations,  the  Indians  found  but  few  opportunities 
to  do  mischief  in  Plimouth  colony. 

Tuspaquin  still  kept  his  ground  in  the  Assawomset  country,  and  for  a long 
time  baffled  all  the  skill  Captain  Church  was  master  of  in  his  endeavors  to  take 
him  prisoner.  Church  received  his  commission  24  July,  1676,  and  the  same 
night  set  out  on  an  expedition  against  Tuspaquin.  His  Indian  scouts  brought 
him  before  day  upon  a company  of  his  people  in  Middleborough,  every  one 
of  whom  fell  into  his  hands.  How  many  there  were,  Church  does  not  say. 
He  took  them  directly  to  Plimouth,  “ and  disposed  of  them  all,”  except  “ one 
Jeffery , who,  proving  very  ingenious  and  faithful  to  him  in  informing  where 
other  parcels  of  the  Indians  harbored,  Capt.  Church  promised  him,  that  if 
he  continued  to  be  faithful  to  him,  he  should  not  be  sold  out  of  the  country, 
but  should  be  his  waiting  man,  to  take  care  of  his  horse,  &c.,  and  accord- 
ingly he  served  him  faithfully  as  long  as  he  lived.”* * * § 

Thus  strengthened  by  Tuspaquin's  own  men,  Church  pursued  his  successes 
with  manifold  advantage.  There  was  a small  tribe  residing  near  Munponset 
Pond,  which  was  next  captured  without  loss  on  either  side,  and  there  was 
henceforth  scarcely  a week  passed  wherein  he  did  not  capture  some  of  these 
people. 

Not  long  after  this,  it  was  found  that  Tuspaquin  had  encamped  about 
Assawomset,  and  Church  set  out  on  an  expedition  there ; but  finding  Old 
Tuspaquin  was  ready  for  him  at  the  neck  between  the  two  great  ponds,  f he 
was  glad  to  make  the  best  of  his  way  on  towards  Acushnet  and  Dartmouth. 
As  he  was  crossing  Assawomset  neck,  a scout  from  Tuspaquin's  camp  fired 
upon  him,  but  did  him  no  injury. 

Meanwhile  the  great  Annawon  having  been  surprised  by  the  i indefatigable 
Church , Tuspaquin  saw  no  chance  of  holding  out  long;  he  therefore  appears 
afterwards  only  intent  upon  keeping  out  of  the  way  of  the  English.  This 
could  not  be  long  reasonably  expected,  as  their  scouts  were  ranging  in  every 
direction. 

On  4 Sept.  1676,  according  to  Church's  account,  Tuspaquin' s company 
were  encamped  near  Sippican,  doing  “ great  damage  to  the  English  in  kill- 
ing their  cattle,  horses  and  swine.”  The  next  day,  Church  and  his  rangers 
were  in  their  neighborhood,  and,  after  observing  their  situation,  which  was 
“ sitting  round  their  fires  in  a thick  place  of  bruch,”J  in  seeming  safety,  the 
captain  “ ordered  every  man  to  creep  as  he  did ; and  surrounded  them  by 
creeping  as  near  as  they  could,  till  they  should  be  discovered,  and  then  to 
run  on  upon  them,  and  take  them  alive,  if  possible,  (for  their  prisoners  were 
their  pay.)  They  did  so,  taking  every  one  that  was  at  the  fires,  not  one 
escaping.  Upon  examination,  they  agreed  in  their  story,  that  they  belonged 
to  Tispaquin,  who  was  gone  with  John  Bump  and  one  more  to  Agawom  and 
Sipican  to  kill  horses,  and  were  not  expected  back  in  two  or  three  days.”§ 
Church  proceeds : “ This  same  Tispaquin  had  been  a great  captain,  and  the 
Indians  reported  that  he  was  such  a great  pouwau,  [priest  or  conjurer,]  that 
no  bullet  could  enter  him.  Capt.  Church  said  he  would  not  have  him  killed, 
for  there  was  a war  broke  out  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  country,  and  he 
would  have  him  saved  to  go  with  them  to  fight  the  eastern  Indians.  Agree- 
ably, he  left  two  old  squaws  of  the  prisoners,  and  bid  them  tarry  there  until 
their  Captain  Tispaquin  returned,  and  to  tell  him,  that  Church  had  been 
there,  and  had  taken  his  wife,  children  and  company,  and  carried  them 
down  to  Plymouth  ; and  would  spare  all  their  lives,  and  his  too,  if  he  would 


* Church,  Narrative,  31. 

f Just  below  where  Sampson’s  tavern  now  stands. 

t 1 suspect  Mr.  Hubbard  mistakes  the  situation  of  this  place,  in  saying  it  was  “ in  Laken- 
foam,  upon  Pocasset  neck.'?  Church  is  so  unregarding  of  all  geography,  that  it  is  quite  un- 
certain where  it  was.  If  it  were  near  Sippican,  it  was  a long  way  from  any  part  of  Pocasset. 

§ By  this  it  seems  the  place  might  have  been  as  far  off  as  Pocasset. 


CO  TUSPAQUIN  MURDERED  AT  PLIMOUTII.— TATOSON.  [Book  III. 

come  down  to  ibem  and  bring  the  other  two  that  were  with  him,  and  they 
should  be  his  soldiers,  &c.  Capt.  Church  then  returned  to  Plymouth,  leav- 
ing the  old  squaws  well  provided  for,  and  bisket  for  Tispaquin  when  he 
returned.” 

This  Church  called  laying  a trap  for  Tuspaquin , and  it  turned  out  as  he 
expected.  We  shall  now  see  with  what  faith  the  English  acted  on  this 
occasion.  Church  had  assured  him  that,  if  he  gave  himself  up,  he  should 
not  be  killed,  but  he  was  not  at  Plimouth  when  Tuspaquin  came  in,  having 
gone  to  Boston  on  business  for  a few  days ; “ but  when  he  returned  he 
found,  to  his  grief,  the  heads  of  Annawon , Tispaquin , &c.  cut  offj  which 
were  the  last  of  Philip's  friends  ” ! 

It  is  true  that  those  who  were  known  to  have  been  personally  engaged  in 
killing  the  English  were,  in  the  time  of  the  greatest  danger,  cut  off  from 
pardon  by  a law;  that  time  had  now  passed  away,  and,  like  many  other 
laws  of  exigency,  it  should  then  have  been  considered  a dead  letter ; leaving 
out  of  the  case  the  faith  and  promise  of  their  best-  servant,  Church.  View 
it,  therefore,  in  any  light,  and  nothing  can  be  found  to  justify  this  flagrant 
inroad  upon  that  promise.  To  give  to  the  conduct  of  the  Plimouth  govern- 
ment a pretext  for  this  murder,  (a  milder  expression  I cannot  use,)  Mr. 
Hubbard  says,  Tuspaquin  having  pretended  that  a bullet  could  not  penetrate 
him,  trial  of  his  invulnerableness  was  resolved  upon.  So  he  was  placed  as 
a mark  to  shoot  at,  and  “ he  fell  down  at  the  first  shot” ! 

This  was  doubtless  the  end  of  numerous  others,  as  we  infer  from  the 
following  passage  in  Dr.  Mather's  Prevalency  of  Prayer,  lie  asks, 
“ Where  are  the  six  Narraganset  sachems,  with  all  their  captains  and  coun- 
sellors ? Where  are  the  Nipmuck  sachems,  with  their  captains  and  coun- 
sellors P Where  is  Philip  and  Squaiv-sachem  of  Pocasset,  with  all  their 
captains  and  counsellors?  God  do  so  to  all  the  implacable  enemies  of 
Christ,  and  of  his  people  in  N.  England”!!  The  next  of  Philip's  captains, 
in  our  arrangement,  is 

TATOSON \ also  a great  captain  in  the  war  of  1675.  It  seems  rather  un- 
certain whether  he  were  a Narraganset  or  Wampanoag.  He  (or  one 
bearing  the  same  name)  signed  the  treaty  made  with  the  Narragansets  in 
the  beginning  of  the  war.  It  is  quite  certain  that  his  residence  afterwards 
was  in  Sandwich,  since  Rochester ; # and  when  he  signed  the  treaty  just 
named,  it  is  probable  he  was  only  among  the  Narragansets  upon  a mission 
or  visit.  He  was  a son  of  the  “noted  Sam  Barrow,”  but  of  his  own 
family,  or  whether  he  had  any,  we  are  not  informed. 

We  first  meet  with  Tatoson,  f or,  as  his  name  is  commonly  printed,  Toto- 
son , in  1666,  in  the  respectable  company  of  Mr.  Secretary  Morton  of  Plim- 
outh, and  Acanootus , Wannoo,  two  “ graue  and  sage  Indians,”  and  a number 
more,  of  whose  characters  we  are  not  so  well  prepared  to  speak.  Among 
this  assemblage  he  is  only  conspicuous,  however,  as  a witness  to  a deed  of 
the  lands  upon  Weequancett  neck.  Mr.  Morton's  name  follows  Tatoson's , on 
this  instrument. 

There  was  a general  disarming  of  the  Indians  in  1671,  as  will  elsewhere 
be  mentioned.  Among  a great  number  ordered  to  appear  at  Plimouth  the 
same  year,  to  bind  themselves  more  strongly  in  allegiance  to  the  English, 
we  find  the  name  of  Tatoson , or,  as  his  name  was  then  'written,  Tautozen. 
Also  Toby , alias  Nauhnocomwit , \ and  Will,  alias  Washawanna. 

On  the  12th  of  June,  1676,  several  Indians,  who  had  been  sent  in  by 
Bradford  and  Church,  were  “ convented  before  the  councell  " at  Plimouth ; 
being  “ such  of  them  as  were  accused  of  working  vnsufferable  mischeifte 
vpon  some  of  ours.”  Among  them  was  one  named  Watukpoo,  or,  as  he 


* On  the  right  of  the  main  road,  as  you  pass  from  Matapoiset  to  Rochester  village,  and 
about  two  miles  from  the  former,  at  a small  distance  from  the  road,  is  a kind  of  island  in  a 
miry  swamp.  Upon  this,  it  is  said,  was  Tatoson’s  camp.  This  island  is  connected  by  an 
isthmus  to  the  main  land. 

f So  almost  always  in  the  MSS. 

j Sometimes  called  Toby  Cole.  The  same,  we  conclude,  who  joined  Philip  afterwards, 
and  fell  into  the  hands  of  Captain  Church,  as  did  his  mother,  and  many  more  at  the  same  time 


Chap.  III.]  TATOSON.— TAKES  A GARRISON  AT  PLIMOUTH.  61 

was  often  called,  Tukpoo .* * * §  Against  him,  several  charges  were  brought,  such 
as  his  going  off  to  the  enemy,  and  trying  to  deceive  the  governor  about  the 
prospect  of  war ; telling  him  that  Philip's  men  had  deserted  him,  and  that 
he  had  only  a few  old  men  and  boys  remaining.  At  this  time  were  present 
three  other  Indians,  whose  names  were  Woodcock , Quanapawhan  and  John - 
num.  The  two  first  were  accused  by  a squaw  of  destroying  Clark's  garrison 
at  Eel  River  in  Plimouth,  and  murdering  the  inhabitants.  This  had  been 
done  on  the  12  March  previous,  and  with  such  secrecy  and  effect,  that  the 
English  knew  not  whom  to  accuse  of  it.  Many  supposed  that  Watuspaquin 
conducted  the  affair,  and  Mr.  Hubbard  charges  it  upon  him  without  hesita- 
tion, but  it  is  now  quite  certain  that  he  had  nothing  to  do  with  it,  as  in  the 
sequel  we  shall  show. 

The  two  just  mentioned,  finding  themselves  detected,  accused  their  fellow 
prisoner,  John-num.  It  appears  that  Num  not  only  owned  himself  guilty  of 
this  charge,  but  acknowledged,  also,  that  he  was  concerned  in  the  murder  of 
“ Jacob  Mitchel  and  his  wife,  and  John  Pope,  f and  soe  centance  of  death  was 
pronounced  against  them,  which  accordingly  emediately  was  executed.” 

Before  these  were  executed,  they  implicated  a fourth,  whose  name  was 
Keweenam.  Although  Tatoson  commanded  the  company  that  put  to  death 
the  people  at  Clark's  garrison,  yet  Keweenam  set  the  expedition  on  foot.  He 
lived  at  Sandwich,  and  was  probably  one  of  Tatoson's  men.  However,  on 
Saturday,  the  11  March,  he  was  at  Mr.  William  Clark's , and  observed  how 
every  part  of  the  garrison  was  conditioned.  He  then  went  to  his  chief; 
Tatoson , and  told  him  that  it  could  be  easily  taken,  as  it  was  but  slightly 
fortified ; and  that  the  next  day,  being  Sunday,  would  be  the  proper  time  to 
execute  their  plan,  as  the  residents  would  mostly  be  gone  to  meeting ; “ and 
in  case  they  left  a man  at  home,  or  so,  they  might  soon  dispatch  him.” 

This  intelligence  was  pleasing  to  Tatoson , and  he  found  himself  at  the 
head  of  ten  warriors  the  same  day.  Their  names  were  as  follows : Woo- 
nashenah , Musquash , Wapanpowett , Tom,  “the  son  of  Tatoson's  brother,” 
Uttsooweest,  and  Tom  Plant ; which,  with  the  three  before  named,  made  up 
the  whole  company.  Commencing  their  march  before  night,  they  arrived 
in  the  borders  of  Plimouth,  where  they  lay  concealed  until  the  people  had 
gone  to  public  worship.  About  10  o’clock  in  the  morning,  they  came  upon 
the  garrison,  which  fell  easily  into  their  hands.  After  killing  all  they  met 
with,  they  took  what  plunder  they  could  carry,  and  burned  the  buildings ; 
then  again  dispersed  into  the  woods. 

There  were  some  of  two  other  families  in  this  garrison,  mostly  women 
and  children.  Three  only  were  of  Mr.  Clark's  family,  but  there  were  eight 
others  belonging  to  the  other  two.  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Clark , i one  of  the  heads 
of  the  family,  was  among  the  slain.  § 


* This  Indian,  whom  we  shall  have  occasion  several  times  to  mention,  was  not  one  of  those 
sent  in  by  Bradford,  as  appears  from  Mather,  (Brief  Hist.  40  ) but  they  “informed  that  a 
bloudy  Indian  called  Tuckpoo , (who  the  last  summer  murdered  a man  of  Boston,  at  Namas- 
ket,)  with  about  20  Indians  more,  was  at  a place  within  16  miles  of  Plimouth.'’  Eight 
English  and  fourteen  Indians  succeeded  in  taking  them  all,  and  Tuckpoo  was  immediately 
executed. 

t The  murder  of  these  people  is  supposed  to  be  referred  to  by  Mr.  Hubbard  in  his 
41  Table.”  The  passage  follows  : “ In  June,  1676,  [1675  ?]  a man  and  a woman  were  slain  by 
the  Indians  ; another  woman  was  wounded  and  taken  ; but  because  she  had  kept  an  Indian 
child  before,  so  much  kindness  was  showed  her,  as  that  she  was  sent  back,  after  they  had 
dressed  her  wound  5 the  Indians  guarded  her  till  she  came  within  sight  of  the  English.”  Mr. 
Mitchel  informs  us  that  the  name  of  the  wounded  woman  was  Dorothy  Haywood.  See  1 Coll. 
Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  vii.  159. 

+ “ Who  was  the  daughter  of  a godly  father  and  mother,  that  came  to  N.  England  on  the 
account  of  religion.”  “ They  also  killed  her  sucking  child,  and  knocked  another  child  (who 
was  about  eight  years  old)  in  the  head,  supposing  they  had  killed  him,  but  afterwards  he 
came  to  himself.”  I.  Mather,  Brief  Hist.  24. 

§ We  relate  all  that  is  to  be  found  in  the  MS.  records,  but  the  author  of  the  Present  State, 
&c.  furnishes  the  following  valuable  facts  : “ About  this  time,  [his  last  date  mentioned  being 
14  March,]  one  Mr.  Clarke's  wife,  children,  and  all  his  family,  at  his  farm-house,  two  miles 
from  Plimouth,  were  surprised  and  killed,  except  one  boy,  who  was  knockt  down,  and  left  for 
dead,  but  afterwards  taken  up  and  revived.  The  house  they  plundered  of  provision  and 
goods  to  a great  value  } eight  complete  arms,  30 1.  [/5.]  of  powder,  with  an  answerable  quan- 


62 


TATOSOX— -SWAMP  FIGHT. 


[Book  II?. 


Keweenam  was  beheaded,  but  how  the  other  three  were  disposed  of,  wo 
are  not  informed ; it  is  very  probable  that  the  whole  number  suffered  in  duo 
time.  At  the  trial  of  Keiveenam  and  the  other  three,  some  of  them  pleaded 
that  the  governor’s  proclamation  was  now  their  protection  ; from  which  it 
would  seem  that  they  had  surrendered  themselves.  But  there  was  none  to 
plead  their  case,  except  their  accusers,  and  they  explained  things  in  their 
own  way.  The  court  said,  “Forasmuch  as  the  council  had  before  this 
engaged  to  several  Indians  desirous  to  come  in  and  tender  themselves  to 
mercy,  that  they  should  find  favor  in  so  doing:  it  was  fully  made  known  to 
such  Indians  as  were  then  present,  that  the  said  engagement  was  to  be  under- 
stood with  exception  against  such  as  by  murder  as  above  said  had  so  aetedy 
and  not  against  such  as  killed  his  enemie  in  the  field  in  a souldierlike  way,” 

This  kind  of  argument  would  answer  among  duelists,  but  when  did  the 
Indians  agree  to  fight  the  English  according  to  their  rules  of  war  ? The 
former  might  with  equal  propriety  demand  that  the  English  should  conform 
to  their  manner,  and  not  depend  on  their  numbers,  forts,  and  superior 
weapons. 

Although  the  murder  at  Clark's  garrison  was  one  of  those  horrible  acts 
in  Indian  warfare,  which  would  justify  the  most  rigid  retaliation,  still,  as  the 
English  began  the  war,  they  had  no  right  to  expect  but  that  it  would  be 
prosecuted  by  the  In  (lions  in  all  the  ways  at  their  command.  On  this  ground 
the  philanthropist  will  ever  condemn  the  severity  of  the  English. 

When  Captain  Church  came  upon  Philip  and  a great  number  of  his  people, 
the  3d  of  August,  1G76,  “ Tispaquin,  Totoson , &c.”  prevented  the  entire 
destruction  of  some  of  them,  by  combating  the  English  while  their  chief 
and  others  extricated  themselves  from  a small  swamp  into  which  they  had 
fled.  “In  this  swamp  skirmish  Capt.  Church  with  his  two  men  which 
always  ran  by  his  side  as  his  guard,  met  with  three  of  the  enemy,  two  of 
which  surrendered  themselves,  and  the  captain’s  guard  seized  them  \ but 
the  other,  being  a great  stout  surly  fellow,  with  his  two  locks  ty’d  up  with 
red,  and  a great  rattlesnake’s  skin  hanging  to  the  back  part  of  his  head, 
(whom  Capt.  Church  concluded  to  be  Totoson,)  ran  from  them  into  the 
swamp.  Capt.  Church  in  person  pursued  him  close,  till,  coming  pretty  near 
up  with  him,  presented  his  gun  between  his  shoulders,  but  it  missing  fire, 
the  Indian  perceiving  it,  turned  and  presented  at  Capt.  Church , and  missing 
fire  also,  (their  guns  taking  wet  with  the  fog  and  dew  of  the  morning,}  but 
the  Indian  turning  short  for  another  run,  his  foot  trip’d  in  a small  grape- 
vine, and  he  fell  flat  on  his  face.  Capt.  Church  was  by  this  time  up  with 
him  and  struck  the  muzzle  of  his  gun  an  inch  and  an  half  into  the  back 
part  of  his  headr  which  dispatched  him  without  another  blow.  But  Capt. 
Church  looking  behind  him  saw  Totoson , the  Indian  whom  he  tho’t  he  had 
killed,  come  flying  at  him  like  a dragon ; but  this  happened  to  be  fair  in 
sight  of  the  guard  that  were  set  to  keep  the  prisoners,  who  spying  Totoson 
and  others  that  were  following  him,  in  the  very  seasonable  juncture  made 
a shot  upon  them,  and  rescued  their  captain,  though  he  was  in  no  small 
danger  from  his  friends’  bullets,  for  some  came  so  near  him  that  he  thought 
he  felt  the  wind  of  them.” *  * The  celebrated  Church,  in  the  skirmishes  he 
had  in  these  two  days,  August  1 and  2,  took  and  killed  173  Indians. 

Little  more  than  a month  after  the  fall  of  Philip , Church  surprised  Tato- 
son's  whole  company,  about  50  persons.  He  was  the  last  that  was  left  of  the 
family  of  Ban'ow ; and,  says  Church,  “the  wretch  reflecting  upon  the  miser- 
able condition  he  had  brought  himself  into,  his  heart  became  a stone  within 
him,  and  he  died.  The  old  squaw  [that  Church  had  employed  to  persuade 
him  to  submit]  flung  a few  leaves  and  brush  over  him — came  into  Sandwich, 
and  gave  this  account  of  his  death ; and  offered  to  show  them  where  she  left 
his  body,  but  never  had  an  opportunity,  for  she  immediately  fell  sick  and 
died  also.” 

The  fate  of  the  father  of  Tatoson  does  not  so  much  excite  sympathy,  as 


tity  of  lead  for  bullets,  and  150/.  in  ready  money ; the  said  Mr.  Clark  himself  narrowly 
escaping  their  cruelty,  by  being  at  that  instant  at  a meeting.” 

* Hist.  Philip's  War,  41. 


Chap.  III.] 


MURDER  OF  BARROW. -TIASHQ. 


63 


does  that  of  the  son,  but  is  one  of  those  cases  more  calculated  to  arouse  the 
fiercer  passions.  The  old  chief  fell  into  the  hands  of  Captain  Church. , in  one 
of  his  successful  expeditions  in  the  vicinity  of  Cape  Cod.  Church  says,  in 
his  history,  that  he  was  “ as  noted  a rogue  as  any  among  the  enemy.”  Cap- 
tain Church  told  him  that  the  government  would  not  permit  him  to  grant 
him  quarter,  “ because  of  his  inhuman  murders  and  barbarities,”  and  there- 
fore ordered  him  to  prepare  for  execution.  “ Barrow  replied,  that  the  sen- 
tence of  death  against  him  was  just,  and  that  indeed  he  was  ashamed  to  live 
any  longer,  and  desired  no  more  favor,  than  to  smoke  a whiff  of  tobacco 
before  his  execution.  When  he  had  taken  a few  whiffs,  he  said,  ‘ I am 
ready upon  which  one  of  Captain  Church! s Indians  sunk  his  hatchet  into 
his  brains.” 

T IAS  HQ,*  or  TYASKS]  “was  the  next  man  to  Philip”  says  Church',  there 
were  others  also  said  to  be  “ next  to  him,”  and  it  may  be  all  reconciled  by 
supposing  these  chiefs  as  having  the  chief  command  over  particular  tribes. 
Mr.  Hubbard  \ says  only  this  of  the  famous  Tiashq : “In  June  last,  [1676,]  one 
Tiashq , a great  captain  of  Philip's,  his  wife  and  child,  or  children,  being 
taken,  though  he  escaped  himself  at  first,  yet  came  since  and  surrendered 
himself!”  Dr.  J.  Mather , writing  under  date  of  22  July,  1676,  says  it  was  “this 
week  ” that  Captain  Church  and  his  Indian  soldiers  fell  upon  Tiashq  and  his 
company.  It  appears  therefore  that  Mr.  Hubbard  is  in  error,  as  the  account 
given  by  Church  corroborates  that  of  Mather,  who  speaks  thus  of  his  opera- 
tions : “ It  having  been  his  manner  when  he  taketh  any  Indians  by  a promise 
of  favor  to  them,  in  case  they  acquit  themselves  well,  to  set  them  an  hunting- 
after  more  of  these  wolves,  whereby  the  worst  of  them  sometimes  do  sin- 
gular good  service  in  finding  out  the  rest  of  their  bloody  fellows.  In  one  of 
these  skirmishes,  Tiashq,  Philip's  chief  captain,  ran  away  leaving  his  gun  be- 
hind him,  and  his  squaw,  who  was  taken.”  § These  Indian  soldiers,  who 
performed  this  exploit,  were  forced  upon  it  by  Church.  They  had  been 
seeking  Indians  about  Aponaganset  River,  and  discovered  that  a large  com- 
pany of  them  had  just  been  gathering  the  apples  at  a deserted  settlement  on 
the  east  side  of  it.  The  English  and  Indians  immediately  pursued  in  their 
track.||  “Traveling  three  miles  or  more,  they  came  into  the  country  road, 
where  the  track  parted : one  parcel  steered  towards  the  west  end  of  the 
great  cedar  swamp,  and  the  other  to  the  east  end.  The  captain  halted  and 
told  his  Indian  souldiers  that  they  had  heard  as  well  as  he  what  some  men 
had  said  at  Plymouth  about  them,H  &c.,  that  now  was  a good  opportunity  for 
each  party  to  prove  themselves.  The  track  being  divided,  they  should  fol- 
low one,  and  the  English  the  other,  being  equal  in  number.  The  Indians 
declined  the  motion,  and  were  not  willing  to  move  any  where 'without  him: 
said  they  should  not  think  themselves  safe  without  him.  But  the  captain  insisting 
upon  it,  they  submitted.  He  gave  the  Indians  their  choice  to  follow  which 
track  they  pleased.  They  replied,  They  were  light  and  able  to  travel , therefore 
if  he  pleased  they  would  take  the  west  track.  And  appointing  the  ruins  of  John 
Cook's  house  at  Cushnet  **  for  the  place  to  meet  at,  each  company  set  out 
briskly  to  try  their  fortunes.”  ff  When  the  parties  met,  “ they  very  remark- 
ably found  that  the  number  that  each  company  had  taken  and  slain  was 
equal.  The  Indians  had  killed  three  of  the  enemy,  and  taken  63  prisoners, 
as  the  English  had  done  before  them.”  ft  Both  parties  were  much 
rejoiced  at  their  successes,  but  the  Indians,  told  Captain  Church  “ that  they  had 
missed  a brave  opportunity  by  parting.  They  came  upon  a great  town  of 
the  enemy,  viz : Captain  Tyasks ' company.  ( Tyasks  was  the  next  man  to 


* Hubbard,  Mather.  f Church.  J Narrative,  106. 

$ Brief  Hist.  42.  ||  Church,  33. 

II  The  detestation  in  which  the  Indians  were  held  by  “ some  men,”  in  many  other  places  as 
well  as  in  Plimouth,  will  often  appear  in  this  work.  Such  people  could  know  nothing-  of 
human  nature,  and  many  would  not  have  believed  the  Indians  capable  of  good  actions,  though 
one  from  the  dead  had  assured  them  they  were. 

**  Abbreviated  from  Acushnet.  See  Douglass,  Summary,  i.  403,  who  writes  it  Accuslinot. 
Thus  many  Indian  names  are  changed.  Instead  of  Aponaganset,  we  hear  Ponaganset,  and 
for  Asonet,  Sonet,  &c.  Cushnet  is  the  river  on  which  New  Bedford  and  Fairhaven  stand, 
ff  Church,  34.  Ibid.  36, 


64 


MAGNUS.— HER  SURPRISE  AND  DEATH. 


[Book  IIL 


Philip.)  They  fired  upon  the  enemy  before  they  were  discovered,  and  ran 
upon  them  with  a shout.  The  men  ran  and  left  their  wives  and  children, 
and  many  of  them  their  guns.  They  took  Tyasks ’ wife  and  son,  and  thought 
that  if  their  captain  and  the  English  company  had  been  with  them  they 
might  have  taken  some  hundreds  of  them,  and  now  they  determined  net  to 
part  any  more.”  * This  transaction,  in  the  opinion  of  Captain  Church,  was  a 
“remarkable  providence,”  inasmuch,  perhaps,  as  the  equality  of  their  suc- 
cesses prevented  either  party  from  boasting,  or  claiming  superiority  over  the 
other.  Nevertheless,  Church  adds, — “ But  the  Indians  had  the  fortune  to 
take  more  arms  than  the  English.”  It  would  add  not  a little,  perhaps,  to 
the  gratification  of  the  reader,  could  he  know  the  name  of  the  Indian  captain 
in  this  far-famed  exploit,  or  even  that  of  one  of  his  men ; but  at  present  they 
are  hid  alike  from  us  and  from  him. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Chief  women  conspicuous  in  Philip's  war — Magnus — Her  country  and  relations — 
Her  capture  and  death — Awashonks — Is  greatly  annoyed  in  the  events  of  It 571 — 
Her  men  disarmed — Philip's  endeavors  to  engage  her  against  the  English — Church 
prevents  her— Is  finally  in  the  power  of  Philip — Reclaimed  by  Church — Some  par- 
ticulars of  her  family. 

Although,  before  we  had  finished  the  life  of  Weetamoo , we  deemed  it 
proper  to  have  deferred  it  to  this  chapter,  but  as  we  had  been  led  rather  im- 
perceptibly into  many  particulars  concerning  her  in  that  place, f we  could 
not  break  off  our  narrative  without  a greater  impropriety  than  an  omission 
here  would  have  been,  and  shall  therefore  begin  here  with  one  of  her  con- 
temporaries, the  bare  facts  in  whose  life  are  sufficient  to  maintain  a high 
interest,  we  believe,  in  the  mind  of  every  reader. 

MAGNUS  was  squaw-sachem  of  some  part  of  the  extensive  country  of 
the  Narragansets,  and  was  known  by  several  names  at  different  and  the  same 
times  ; as  Old  Queen,  Sunk  Squaw, \ Quaiapen,  and  MatantucL  She  married 
Mriksah , or  Mexam,  a son  of  Canonicus,  and  was  sister  to  JVinigret.  She  had 
two  sons,  Scuttup  and  Quequaquenud  otherwise  Quequegunent,  called  by  the 
English  Gideon,  and  a daughter  named  Quincmiquet.  These  two  died  young. 
Gideon  was  alive  as  late  as  1661 ; Scuttup,  and  a sister  also,  in  1664.  She 
was,  in  1675,  one  “ of  the  six  present  sachems  of  the  whole  Narraganset 
country.” 

In  the  beginning  of  Philip's  war,  the  English  army,  to  cause  the  Narragan- 
sets to  fight  for  them,  whom  they  had  always  abused  and  treated  with  con- 
tempt, since  before  the  cutting  off  of  Miantunnomoh's  head,  marched  into 
their  country,  but  could  not  meet  with  a single  sachem  of  the  nation.  They 
fell  in  with  a few  of  their  people,  who  could  not  well  secrete  themselves, 
and  who  concluded  a long  treaty  of  mere  verbosity,  the  import  of  which  they 
could  know  but  little,  and  doubtless  cared  less ; for  when  the  army  left  their 
country,  they  joined  again  in  the  war. 

We  hear  no  more  of  her  until  the  next  year,  when  herself  and  a large 
company  of  her  men  were  discovered  by  Major  Talcot,  on  the  2 July,  in 
Narraganset.  The  English  scouts  discovered  them  from  a hill,  having 
pitched  their  tents  in  a valley  in  the  vicinity  of  a swamp,  as  was  usually 
their  custom.  About  300  of  the  English,  mounted  upon  fleet  horses,  divided 
into  two  squadrons,  and  fell  upon  them  before  they  were  aware  of  their  ap- 
proach, and  made  a great  slaughter  of  them.  The  Mohegans  and  Pequots  came 
upon  them  in  the  centre,  while  the  horsemen  beset  them  on  each  side,  and 


* Church,  36.  t Book  iii.  chap.  1. 

+ Trumbull,  i.  347.  from  Hubbard,  I suppose,  i.  61.  Female  chiefs  were  called  saunks  by 
the  Indians,  which  signified  wife  of  the  sachem  ; but  writers,  being  ignorant  of  that  fact, 
thought  it  a proper  name  of  a particular  person,  and  hence  the  appellations  of  Snuke , Sunke. 
Snake,  & c.  applied  to  Magnus. 


65 


Chap.  IV.]  A WAS  HOI*  KS.— TREATS  WITH  THE  ENGLISH. 

thus  prevented  many  from  escaping  into  the  swamp.  When  all  were  killed 
and  taken  within  the  encampment,  Captain  Newbury,  who  commanded  the 
horsemen  dismounted,  and  with  his  men  rushed  into  the  swamp,  where, 
without  resistance,  thev  killed  a hundred,  and  made  many  prisoners.  In  all, 
they  killed  and  took  171  * in  this  swamp  fight,  or  rather  massacre.  Not  an 
Englishman  was  hurt  in  the  affair,  and  but  one  Mohegan  killed,  and  one 
wounded,  which  we  can  hardly  suppose  was  done  by  Magnus's  people,  as  they 
made  no  resistance,  but  rather  by  themselves,  in  their  fury  mistaking  one 
another.  Ninety  of  the  captives  were  put  to  death  1 among  whom  was  Mag- 
nus f The  swamp  where  this  affair  took  place  is  near  the  present  town  of 
Warwick,  in  Rhode  Island ; and  thus  ends  our  short  history  of  Magnus. 

A WAS  HONKS,  squaw-sachem  of  Sogkonate,}  was  the  wife  of  an  Indian 
called  Tolony,  but  of  him  we  learn  very  little.  From  her  important  stand- 
ing among  the  Indians,  few  deserve  a more  particular  attention ; and  we 
shall,  therefore,  go  as  minutely  into  her  history  as  our  documents  will 

enable  us.  . , . 

The  first  notice  we  have  of  Awashonks  is  in  1671,  when  she  entered  into 
articles  of  agreement  with  the  court  of  Plimouth  as  follows : — “In  admitting 
that  the  court  are  in  some  measure  satisfied  with  your  voluntary  coming  in 
now  at  last,  and  submission  of  herself  unto  us ; yet  this  we  expect  that  she 
five  some  meet  satisfaction  for  the  charge  and  trouble  she  has  put  us  upon 
by  her  too  long  standing  out  against  the  many  tenders  of  peace  we  have 
made  to  her  and  her  people.  And  that  we  yet  see  an  intention  to  endeavor 
the  inducement  of  such  as  have  been  the  incendiaries  of  the  trouble  and 
disturbance  of  her  people  and  ours.  And  as  many  of  her  people  as  shall 
<dve  themselves  and  arms  unto  us,  at  the  time  appointed,  shall  receive  no 
damage  or  hurt  from  us,  which  time  appointed  is  ten  days  from  the  date 
hereof.  Thus  we  may  the  better  keep  off  such  from  her  lands  as  may 
hereafter  bring  upon  her  and  us  the  like  trouble,  and  to  regulate  such  as  will 
not  be  governed  by  her,  she  having  submitted  her  lands  to  the  authority  of 
the  government.  And  that,  if  the  lands  and  estates  of  such  as  we  are  neces- 
sitated to  take  arms  against,  will  not  defray  the  charge  of  the  expedition, 
that  she  shall  bear  some  due  proportion  of  the  charge.  In  witness  whereof, 
and  in  testimony  of  the  sachem,  her  agreement  hereunto,  she  hath  subscribed 
her  hand  in  presence  of  Samuel  Barker  and  John  Almey. 

Mark  X of  the  squaio-sachem  Awasuncks  ; 
the  mark  X o/Totatomet,  and  Somagaonet.” 

Witnessed  at  the  same  time  by  “ Tattacommett, 

Samponcut,  and 
Tamoueesam,  alias  Jeffery. 

Plimouth,  24  July,  1671.” 

The  last-named  witness  appeared  again,  in  the  same  capacity,  4 September 
following,  when  “between  40  and  50  Indians,  living  near  or  in  the  town  of 
Dartmouth,  made  a like  submission.”  Ashawanomuth,  Noman,  Marhorkum , 
James,  and  John,  were  other  witnesses. 

Awashonks  was  at  Plimouth  when  the  former  articles  were  executed,  from 
which  it  appears  there  was  considerable  alarm  in  Plimouth  colony.  There 
were  about  this  time  many  other  submissions  of  the  Indians  in  different 
places.  This  step  was  taken  to  draw  them  from  Philip,  or  at  least  to  give  a 
check  to  their  joining  with  him,  as  he  was  now  on  the  point  of  attacking  the 
English  settlements,  under  a pretence  of  injury  done  him  in  his  planting 
lands. 

Not  only  the  chiefs  of  tribes  or  clans  subscribed  articles,  but  all  their  men, 
that  could  be  prevailed  with,  did  the  same.  The  August  following,  42  of 
Awashonks's  men  signed  a paper,  approving  what  she  had  done,  and  binding 


* Trumbull.  200  says  Cobbet's  manuscript ; 240,  Hubbard. 

i Hubbard,  Ind.  Wars,  i.  97,  98.  I.  Mather's  Brief  Hist.  39.  Trumbull's  Hist.  Con- 
necticut, i.  347. 

t The  point  of  land  below  Pocasset,  and  now  chiefly  included  in  the  town  of  Compton, 
Rhode  Island,  and  commonly  called  Second. 

6* 


06  AWASHONKS.— HER  CORRESPONDENCE.  [Book  lit 

themselves  in  like  mariner.  Out  of  42,  we  can  give  names  of  three  only — 
Totatomet , Tunuokum  and  Sansaman. 

It  appears  from  the  following  letter  from  Awashonks  to  Governor  Prince , that 
those  who  submitted  themselves,  delivered  up  their  arms  to  the  English : — 

“August  11,  167],  Honored  sir,  I have  received  a very  great  favor  front 
your  honor,  in  yours  of  the  7th  instant,  and  as  you  are  pleased  to  signify, 
that  if  1 continue  faithful  to  the  agreement  made  with  yourselves  at  Plim- 
outh,  I may  expect  all  just  favors  from  your  honor.  I am  fully  resolved, 
while  I live,  with  all  fidelity  to  stand  to  my  engagement,  and  in  a peaceable 
submission  to  your  commands,  according  to  the  best  of  my  poor  ability. 
It  is  true,  and  I am  very  sensible  thereof,  that  there  are  some  Indians  who 
do  seek  an  advantage  against  me,  for  my  submitting  to  his  majesty’s  authority 
in  your  jurisdiction,  but  being  conscious  to  myself  of  my  integrity  and  real 
intentions  of  peace,  I doubt  not  but  you  will  afford  me  all  due  encourage- 
ment and  protection.  I had  resolved  to  send  in  all  my  guns,  being  six  in 
number,  according  to  the  intimation  of  my  letter ; but  two  of  them  were  so 
large,  the  messengers  were  not  able  to  carry  them.  I since  proffered  to 
leave  them  with  Mr.  Barker , but  he  not  having  any  order  to  receive  them, 
told  me  he  conceived  1 might  do  well  to  send  them  to  Mr.  Almy , who  is  a 
person  concerned  in  the  jurisdiction,  which  I resolved  to  do ; but  since 
then  an  Indian,  known  by  the  name  of  Broad-faced- will,  stole  one  of  them 
out  of  the  wigwam  in  the  night,  and  is  run  away  with  it  to  Mount  Hope  ; 
the  other  I think  to  send  to  Mr.  Almy.  A list  of  those  that  are  obedient  to 
me,  and,  I hope,  and  am  persuaded,  faithful  to  you,  is  here  enclosed.  Hon- 
ored sir,  I shall  not  trouble  you  further,  but  desiring  your  peace  and  pros- 
perity, in  which  I look  at  my  own  to  be  included,  I remain,  your  unfeigned 
servant,  X Awasuncks.” 

This  letter  was  very  probably  written  by  Mr.  Barker,  named  in  it. 

October  20, 1671,  Governor  Prince  wrote  to  Jhvashonks,  that  he  had  received 
the  list  of  names  of  her  men  and  husband,  that  freely  submitted  themselves 
to  his  majesty’s  authority ; and  assured  her  that  the  English  would  befriend 
her  on  all  just  occasions ; but  intimates  her  disappointment  and  his  own, 
that  she  had  succeeded  no  better  in  procuring  the  submission  of  her 
subjects.  “Though,”  he  continued,  “I  fault  not  you,  with  any  failing  to 
endeavor,  only  to  notice  your  good  persuasions  of  them  outwent  their 
deserts,  for  aught  yet  appeareth.  I could  have  wished  they  had  been  wiser 
for  themselves,  especially  your  two  sons,  that  may  probably  succeed  you  in 
your  government,  and  your  brother  also,  who  is  so  nearly  tied  unto  you  by 
nature.  Do  they  think  themselves  so  great  as  to  disregard  and  affront  his 
majesty’s  interest  and  authority  here;  and  the  amity  of  the  English?  Cer- 
tainly, if  they  do,  I think  they  did  much  disservice,  and  wish  they  would 
yet'show  themselves  wiser,  before  it  be  too  late.”  He  closed  by  recom- 
mending her  to  send  some  of  hers  to  the  next  court,  to  desire  their  arms, 
that  her  people  might  have  the  use  of  them  in  the  approaching  season. 
Desires  her  to  let  him  hear  from  her  and  her  husband. 

On  the  20  June,  1672,  the  following  writing  appears  on  record  : “Whereas 
Awashunckes,  squa-sachem,  stand  indebted  vnto  Mr.  John  Almey  the  sume  of 
£25  to  be  paid  in  porke  att  three  pence  a pound,  or  peage  att  16  peney,  and 
20  pole  of  stone  wall  att  £4,  which  stone  wall,  or  £4,  is  to  be  vnderstood  to 
be  prte  of  the  fiue  and  twenty  pound,”  therefore  Awashonks , having  failed 
to  pay  agreeably  to  her  promise,  agrees  to  set  off  land  on  the  north  side  of 
“ the  Indian  field,”  next  Punkateesett,  on  the  east  line  till  it  meets  with  “ a 
great  runing  brooke,”  thence  northerly  to  a fresh  meadow,  thence  bounded  to 
the  river  by  a salt  cove : — this  “ is  morgaged  vnto  the  court  of  Plymouth  ” for 
the  payment  of  said  debt,  which  debt  is  to  be  paid  10  of  February,  1672,  O.  S. 

“ The,  mark  X of  Awashunkes.” 

To  illustrate  the  connections  and  genealogy  of  the  family  of  Awashonks , 
we  give  from  the  Records  of  Plimouth  the  following  exceedingly  valuable 
facts : — 


6? 


Chaf.  IV.]  A WASHONRS.— REJECTS  PHILIPS  OVERTURES, 

July  14,  1673.  “ Whereas  Mamaneway  [a  son  of  Awashonks]  hath  by  full 
and  cleai*  testimony  proved  to  this  court,  in  behalf  of  himself  and  brethren, 
the  sons  of  Toloney , and  a kinsman  of  theirs  called  Anumpash , [commonly 
written  APumposh,]  son  to  Pokattawagg , that  they  are  the  chief  proprietors 
and  sachems  of  Saconett,  or  places  commonly  so  called ; and  yet  it  being 
also  probable  that  Tatuckamna  * Awashunckcs  and  those  of  that  kindred  who 
are  of  the  same  stock,  the  more  remote  may  have  some  right  to  lands  there, 
as  they  are  relations  to  the  above  said  Mamaneway , &c.  and  have  been  long- 
inhabitants  of  that  place,  This  court  adviseth  that  convenient  proportions 
of  land  be  settled  on  the  above  said  Tatacamana  Awashanks , &c.  at  Saconett 
aforesaid ; concerning  which,  the  above  said  Mamaneway  and  his  brethren 
and  kinsman  who  have  proved  their  right  to  those  lands  do  not  or  cannot 
agree,  this  court  do  appoint  that  some  meet  persons,  by  order  of  this  court, 
shall  repair  to  the  place,  and  make  Settlement  of  the  said  lands  by  certain 
and  known  boundaries  to  intent  that  peace  may  be  continued  among  the 
said  Indians,  and  they  may  all  be  accommodated  for  their  subsisting  and 
payment  of  their  debts  in  an  orderly  way.” 

The  same  year,  we  hear  again  of  Tokamona , or,  as  he  is  then  called, 
Totomonna , who,  with  his  brother  Squamatt , having  endeavored  to  hinder 
the  English  from  possessing  some  lands  in  Dartmouth,  was,  from  some 
consideration,  not  named,  induced  to  relinquish  his  right  to  them.  And  the 
next  year,  1674,  Mamanawachy,  or,  as  his  name  was  before  written,  Mama- 
neway , surrendered  his  right  also.  The  rights  of  these  Indians,  it  is  said, 
had  been  sold  by  others. 

We  hear  no  more  of  Awashonks  until  about  the  commencement  of  Philip's 
war.  The  year  before  this  war,  Mr.  Benjamin  Church , afterwards  the  famous 
and  well-known  Colonel  Church  f settled  upon  the  peninsula  of  Sogkonate,  in 
the  midst  of  Awashonks' s people.  This  peninsula  is  on  the  north-east  side  of 
Narraganset  Bay,  against  the  south-east  end  of  the  island  of  Rhode  Island, 
Here  he  lived  in  the  greatest  friendship  with  these  Indians,  until  the  spring  of 
the  year  1675,  when  suddenly  a war  was  talked  of,  and  messengers  were  sent 
by  Philip  to  Awashonks , to  engage  her  in  it.  She  so  far  listened  to  their  persua- 
sions, as  to  call  her  principal  people  together,  and  make  a great  dance  ; and  be- 
cause she  respected  Mr.  Church , she  sent  privately  for  him  also.  Church  took  with 
him  a man  that  well  understood  Indian,  and  went  directly  to  the  place  appoint- 
ed. Here  they  found  hundreds  of  Indians  gathered  together  from  all  parts  of 
her  dominions.  Awashonks  herself,  in  a foaming  sweat,  was  leading  the  dance  ; 
but  when  it  was  announced  that  Mr.  Church  was  come,  she  stopped  short,  and 
sat  down  ; ordered  her  chiefs  into  her  presence,  and  then  invited  Mr.  Church. 
All  being  seated,  she  informed  him  that  Metacomet , that  is,  Philip , had  sent 
six  of  his  men  to  urge  her  to  join  with  him  in  prosecuting  a war  against  the 
English.  She  said  these  messengers  informed  her  that  the  Umpames , \ that 
is,  Plimouth  men,  were  gathering  a great  army  to  invade  his  country,  and 
wished  to  know  of  him  if  this  were  truly  the  case.  He  told  her  that  it  was 
entirely  without  foundation,  for  he  had  but  just  come  from  Plimouth,  and  no 
preparations  of  any  kind  were  making,  nor  did  he  believe  any  thoughts  of 
war  were  entertained  by  any  of  the  head  men  there.  “He  asked  her 
whether  she  thought  he  would  have  brought  up  his  goods  to  settle  in  that 
place,”  if  he  in  the  least  apprehended  a war ; at  which  she  seemed  some- 
what convinced.  Awashonks  then  ordered  the  six  Pokanokets  into  their 
presence.  These  made  an  imposing  appearance,  having  their  faces  painted, 
and  their  hair  so  cut  as  to  represent  a cock’s  comb ; it  being  all  shaved  from 
each  side  of  the  head,  left  only  a tuft  upon  the  crown,  which  extended  from 
the  forehead  to  the  occiput.  They  had  powder-horns  and  shot-bags  at  their 


* Or  Tokamona,  killed  by  the  Narragansets,  not  long  after,  probably  in  1674. 
t After  an  active  life,  spent  chiefly  in  his  country’s  service,  he  died  suddenly  at  his  resi- 
dence in  Compton,  then  called  Little  Compton,  17  Jan.  1718,  in  the  78  year  of  his  age.  He 
had  become  corpulent,  and  seemed  impressed  with  the  idea  that  he  should  not  live  long.  The 
morning  before  his  death,  he  rode  2 miles  to  visit  an  only  sister.  On  leaving  her,  he  bid  her 
u a last  farewell.”  As  he  was  returning  home,  his  horse  stumbled  and  threw  him.  In  the  fall 
a blood-vessel  was  ruptured,  and  he  died  in  about  12  hours. 

Umpame  and  Apaum  were  Indian  names  of  Plimouth. 


69 


AWASHONKS.— TREATS  WITH  CHURCH. 


[Rook  II!. 


backs,  which  denoted  warlike  messengers  of  their  nation.  She  now  in- 
formed them  of  what  Captain  Church  had  said.  Upon  which  they  discovered 
dissatisfaction,  and  a warm  talk  followed,  but  Awashonks  soon  put  an  end  to 
it ; after  which  she  told  Mr.  Church  that  Philip  had  told  his  messengers  to 
tell  her,  that,  unless  she  joined  with  him,  he  would  send  over  some  of  his 
warriors,  privately,  to  kill  the  cattle  and  burn  the  houses  of  the  English, 
which  they  would  think  to  be  done  by  her  men,  and  consequently  would  fall 
upon  her.# 

Mr.  Church  asked  the  Mount  Hopes  what  they  were  going  to  do  with  the 
bullets  in  their  possession,  to  which  they  scoffingly  answered,  “ to  shoot 
pigeons  with.”  Church  then  told  Awashonks  that,  if  Philip  were  resolved  on 
war,  “ her  best  way  would  be  to  knock  those  six  Mount  Hopes  on  the  head, 
and  shelter  herself  under  the  protection  of  the  English.”  When  they  under- 
stood this,  they  were  very  silent,  and  it  is  to  be  lamented  that  so  worthy  a 
man  as  Church  should  be  the  first  to  recommend  murder,  and  a lasting  re- 
membrance is  due  to  the  wisdom  of  Awashonks , that  his  unadvised  counsel 
was  not  put  in  execution. 

These  six  Pokanokets  came  over  to  Sogkonate  with  two  of  Awashonks's 
men,  who  seemed  very  favorably  inclined  to  the  measures  of  Philip.  They 
expressed  themselves  with  great  indignation,  at  the  rash  advice  of  Church. 
Another  of  her  men,  called  Little-eyes,  one  of  her  council,  was  so  enraged, 
that  he  would  then  have  taken  Church's  life,  if  he  had  not  been  prevented. 
His  design  was  to  get  Mr.  Church  aside  from  the  rest,  under  a pretence  of 
private  talk,  and  to  have  assassinated  him  when  he  was  off  his  guard.  But 
some  of  his  friends,  seeing  through  the  artifice,  prevented  it. 

The  advice  of  Church  was  adopted,  or  that  part  which  directed  that 
Awashonks  should  immediately  put  herself  under  the  protection  of  the  Eng- 
lish, and  she  desired  him  to  go  immediately  to  Plimouth  and  make  the  ar- 
rangement, to  which  he  agreed.  After  kindly  thanking  him  for  his  informa- 
tion and  advice,  she  sent  two  of  her  men  with  him  to  his  house,  to  guard 
him.  These  urged  him  to  secure  his  goods,  lest,  in  his  absence,  the  enemy 
should  come  and  destroy  them;  but  he  would  not,  because  such  a,stnp  might 
be  thought  a kind  of  preparation  for  hostilities ; but  told  them,  that  in  case 
hostilities  were  begun,  they  might  convey  his  effects  to  a place  of  safety. 
He  then  proceeded  to  Plimouth,  where  he  arrived  7 June,  1675. 

In  his  way  to  Plimouth,  he  met,  at  Pocasset,  the  husband  of  Weetamoo. 
He  was  just  returned  from  the  neighborhood  of  Mount  Hope,  and  confirmed 
all  that  had  been  said  about  Philip's  intentions  to  begin  a war.  But  before 
Mr.  Church  could  return  again  to  Awashonks , the  war  commenced,  and  all  com- 
munication was  at  an  end.  This  he  very  much  regretted,  and  the  benevolent 
Awashonks  was  carried  away  in  the  tide  of  Philip's  successes,  which,  as  she 
was  circumstanced,  was  her  only  alternative. 

Mr.  Church  was  wounded  at  the  great  swamp  fight,  19  December  follow- 
ing, and  remained  upon  Rhode  Island  until  about  the  middle  of  May  1676. 
He  now  resolved  to  engage  again  in  the  war,  and,  taking  passage  in  a sloop 
bound  to  Barnstable,  arrived  at  Plimouth  the  first  Tuesday  in  June.  The 
governor  and  other  officers  of  government  were  highly  pleased  to  see  him, 
and  desired  him  to  take  the  command  of  a company  of  men  to  be  imme- 
diately sent  out,  to  which  he  consented.  We  thus  notice  Church's  proceed- 
ing, because  it  led  to  important  matters  connected  with  the  history  of  Awa- 
shonks. Before  he  set  out  with  the  soldiers  raised  at  Plimouth,  it  was  agreed 
that  he  should  first  return  to  Rhode  Island,  for  the  purpose  of  raising  other 
forces  to  be  joined  with  them.  In  his  return  to  the  island,  as  he  passed  from 
Sogkonesset,  now  called  Wood's  Hole,  to  the  island,  and  when  he  came  against 
Sogkonate  Point,  some  of  the  enemy  were  seen  fishing  upon  the  rocks.  He 
was  now  in  an  open  canoe,  which  he  had  hired  at  Sogkonesset,  and  two 
Indians  to  paddle  it.  He  ordered  them  to  go  so  near  the  rocks  that  he  might 
speak  with  those  upon  them  ; being  persuaded  that  if  he  could  have  an  op- 
portunity, he  might  still  gain  over  the  Sogkonates  to  the  side  of  the  English, 


* This  may  strengthen  the  belief  that  Philip  put  in  practice  a similar  expedient  to  gain  the- 
Mohawks  to  his  cause,  as  we  have  seen  in  his  life. 


Chap.  IV.]  AWASHONKS.— CHURCH’S  HAZARDOUS  VISIT.  69 

for  he  knew  they  never  had  any  real  attachment  to  Philip , and  were  now  in 
his  interest  only  from  necessity.  They  accordingly  paddled  towards  them, 
who  made  signs  for  them  to  approach ; but  when  they  had  got  pretty 
near,  they  skulk  d away  among  the  rocks,  and  could  not  be  seen.  The  canoe 
then  paddled  off  again,  lest  they  should  be  fired  upon ; which  when  those 
among  the  rocks  observed,  they  showed  themselves  again,  and  called  to  them 
to  come  ashore ; and  said  they  wished  to  speak  with  them.  The  Indians  in 
the  canoe  answered  them,  but  those  on  shore  informed  them  that  the  wave3 
dashed  so  upon  the  rocks  that  they  could  not  understand  a word  they  said. 
Church  now  made  signs  for  two  of  them  to  go  along  upon  the  shore  to  a 
beach,  where  one  could  see  a good  space  round,  whether  any  others  were 
near.  Immediately  two  ran  to  the  place,  one  without  any  arms,  but  the 
other  had  a lance.  Knowing  Church  to  be  in  the  boat,  they  urged  him  to 
come  on  shore,  and  said  they  wanted  to  discourse  with  him.  He  told  him 
that  had  the  lance,  that  if  he  would  carry  it  away  at  considerable  distance, 
and  leave  it,  he  would.  This  he  readily  did.  Mr.  Church  then  went  ashore, 
left  one  of  his  Indians  to  guard  the  canoe,  and  the  other  he  stationed  upon 
the  beach  to  give  notice  if  any  should  approach.  He  was  surprised  to  find 
that  George  was  one  of  them,  a very  good  man,  and  the  last  Sogkonate  he 
had  spoken  with,  being  one  of  those  sent  to  guard  him  to  his  house,  and  to 
whom  he  had  given  charge  of  his  goods  when  he  undertook  his  mission  to 
Plimouth.  On  being  asked  what  he  wanted  that  he  called  him  ashore*, 
answered,  “ that  he  took  him  for  Church,  as  soon  as  he  heard  his  voice  in  the 
canoe,  and  that  he  was  glad  to  see  him  alive.”  He  also  told  him  that  Awa- 
shonks was  in  a swamp  about  three  miles  off,  and  that  she  had  left  Philip  and 
did  not  intend  to  return  to  him  any  more ; and  wished  Mr.  Church  to  stay 
while  he  should  go  and  call  her.  This  Church  did  not  think  prudent,  but 
said  he  would  come  again  and  speak  with  Awashonks , and  some  other  Indians 
that  he  should  name.  He  therefore  told  George  to  notify  Awashonks , her  son 
Peter,  their  chief  captain,  and  one  Nompash,  to  meet  him  two  days  after  at  a 
certain  rock,  “at  the  lower  end  of  Capt.  Richmond's  farm,  which  was  a 
very  noted  place.”  It  was  provided  that  if  that  day  should  prove  stormy,  the 
next  pleasant  day  should  be  improved.  They  parted  with  cordiality,  George 
to  carry  the  news  to  Awashonks,  and  Church  lor  Newport. 

On  being  made  acquainted  with  Church's  intention  to  visit  those  Indians, 
the  government  of  Rhode  Island  marvelled  much  at  his  presumption,  and 
would  not  give  him  any  permit  under  their  hands ; assuring  him  that  the 
Indians  would  kill  him.  They  said  also  that  it  was  madness  on  his  part, 
after  such  signal  services  as  he  had  done,  to  throw  away  his  life  in  such  a 
manner.  Neither  could  any  entreaties  of  friends  alter  his  resolution,  and 
he  made  ready  for  his  departure  It  was  his  intention  to  have  taken  with 
him  one  Daniel  Wilcox,*  a man  who  well  understood  the  Indian  language,  but 
the  government  utterly  refused  him ; so  that  his  whole  retinue,  in  this  im- 
portant embassy,  consisted  only  of  himself,  his  own  man,  and  the  two  Indians 
who  conducted  him  from  Sogkonesset.  As  an  important  item  in  his  outfit, 
must  be  mentioned  a bottle  of  rum,  and  a roll  of  tobacco. 

The  day  appointed  having  arrived,  after  paddling  about  three  miles,  they 
came  to  the  appointed  rock,  where  the  Indians  were  ready  to  receive  them, 
and  gave  him  their  hands  in  token  of  friendship.  They  went  back  from  the 
shore  about  fifty  yards,  for  a convenient  place  for  consultation,  when  all  at 
once  rose  up  from  the  high  grass,  a great  many  Indians,  so  that  they  were 
entirely  encompassed.  They  were  all  armed  with  guns,  spears  and  hatchets ; 
faces  painted  and  hair  trimmed,  in  complete  warlike  array.  If  ever  a man 
knew  fear,  we  should  apprehend  it  would  discover  itself  upon  an  occasion 
like  this.  But,  judging  from  his  conduct,  we  should  say  he  was  one  of  those 
“ who  never  felt  fear.” 

As  soon  as  he  could  be  heard,  Mr.  Church  told  Awashonks  that  George  had 
said  that  she  desired  to  see  him,  about  making  peace  with  the  English.  She 


* 1667,  u Daniel  Willcockes  tooke  the  oath  off  fidelitie  this  court.”  Plim.  Rec. 

In  1642,  one  Wilcox  set  up  a trading  house  in  the  Narraganset  country.  See  Callender’s 
Cent.  Discourse,  38.  If  he  were  the  same,  it  will  well  account  for  his  being  an  interpreter. 


70 


AWASHONKS. — CIIURCIl  ENGAGES  HER  MEN.  [Boor  Ilf. 


said,  “Yes”  Then,  said  Mr.  Church,  “it  is  customary  when  people  meet  to 
treat  of  peace,  to  lay  aside  their  arms,  and  not  to  appear  in  such  hostile  lorrri 
as  your  people  do.”  At  this  there  was  much  murmuring  among  them,  and 
Awashonks  asked  him  what  arms  they  should  lay  aside.  Seeing  their  dis- 
pleasure, he  said,  only  their  guns,  for  lorm’s  sake.  With  one  consent  they 
then  laid  away  their  guns,  and  came  and  sat  down.  He  then  drew  out  his 
bottle  of  rum,  and  asked  Awashonks  whether  she  had  lived  so  long  up  at 
Wachusett  * as  to  iorget  to  drink  occapeches.  Then,  drinking  to  her,  he  ob- 
served she  watched  him  very  narrowly  to  see  whether  he  swallowed,  and, 
on  offering  it  to  her,  she  wished  him  to  drink  again.  He  then  told  her  there 
was  no  poison  in  it,  and,  pouring  some  into  the  palm  of  his  hand,  sipped  it 
up.  Alter  he  had  taken  a second  hearty  dram,  Aivashonks  ventured  to  do 
likewise ; then  she  passed  it  among  her  attendants.  The  tobacco  was  next 
passed  round,  and  they  began  to  talk.  Awashonks  wanted  to  know  why  he 
had  not  come,  as  he  promised,  the  year  before,  observing  that,  if  he  had,  she 
and  her  people  had  not  joined  with  Philip.  He  told  her  he  was  prevented 
by  the  breaking  out  of  the  war,  and  mentioned  that  he  made  an  attempt, 
notwithstanding,  soon  after  he  left  her,  and  got  as  far  as  Punkatesse,  when 
a multitude  of  enemies  set  upon  him,  and  obliged  him  to  retreat.  A great 
murmur  now  arose  among  the  warriors,  and  one,  a fierce  and  gigantic  fel- 
low, raised  his  war  club,  with  intention  to  have  killed  Mr.  Church , but  some 
laid  hold  on  him  and  prevented  him.  They  informed  him  that  this  fellow’s 
brother  was  killed  in  the  fight  at  Punkateese,  and  that  he  said  it  was  Church 
that  killed  him,  and  he  would  now  have  his  blood.  Chui'ch  told  thorn  to  tell 
him  that  his  brother  began  first,  and  that  if  he  had  done  as  he  had  directed 
him,  he  would  not  have  been  hurt.  The  chief  captain  now  ordered  silence, 
telling  them  they  should  talk  no  more  about  old  matters,  which  put  an  end 
to  the  tumult,  and  an  agreement  was  soon  concluded.  Awashonlcs  agreed  to 
serve  the  English  “ in  what  way  she  was  able,”  provided  “ Plimouth  would 
firmly  engage  to  her  that  she  and  all  of  her  people,  and  their  wives  and 
children  should  have  their  lives  spared,  and  none  of  them  transported  out  of 
the  country.”  This,  Church  told  her  he  did  not  doubt  in  the  least  but  Plimouth 
would  consent  to. 

Things  being  thus  matured,  the  chief  captain  stood  up,  and,  after  express- 
ing the  great  respect  he  had  for  Mr.  Church , said,  “ Sir,  if  you  will  please 
accept  of  me  and  my  men,  and  will  head  us,  we  will  fight  for  you,  and  will 
help  you  to  Philip's  head  before  the  Indian  corn  be  ripe.”  We  do  not  ex- 
pect that  this  chief  pretended  to  possess  the  spirit  of  prophecy,  but  certainly 
he  was  a truer  prophet  than  many  who  have  made  the  pretension. 

Mr.  Church  would  have  taken  a few  of  the  men  with  him,  and  gone  di- 
rectly through  the  woods  to  Plimouth;  but  Awashonks  insisted  that  it  would 
be  very  hazardous.  He  therefore  agreed  to  return  to  the  island  and  proceed 
by  water,  and  so  would  take  in  some  of  their  company  at  Sogkonate  Point, 
which  was  accordingly  brought  about.  And  here  it  should  be  mentioned 
that  the  friendship,  now  renewed  by  the  industry  of  Mr.  Church , was  never 
afterward  broken.  Many  of  these  Indians  always  accompanied  Church  in  his 
memorable  expeditions,  and  rendered  great  service  to  the  English.  When 
Philip's  war  was  over,  Church  went  to  reside  again  among  them,  and  the 
greatest  harmony  always  prevailed.  But  to  return  to  the  thread  of  our  nar- 
rative : — , 

On  returning  to  the  island,  Mr.  Church  “ was  at  great  pains  and  charge  to 
get  a vessel,  but  with  unaccountable  disappointments;  sometimes  by  the 
falseness,  and  sometimes  by  the  faint-heartedness  of  men  that  he  bargained 
with,  and  sometimes  by  wind  and  weather,  &c.”  he  was  hindered  a long 
time.  At  length,  Mr,  Anthony  Low,  of  Swansey,  happening  to  put  into  the 
harbor,  and  although  bound  to  the  westward,  on  being  made  acquainted  with 
Mr.  Church's  case,  said  he  would  run  the  venture  of  his  vessel  and  cargo  to 
wait  upon  him.  But  when  they  arrived  at  Sogkonate  Point,  although  the 
Indians  were  there  according  to  agreement  waiting  upon  the  rocks,  they  met 


* She  had  passed  the  preceding  winter,  it  would  seem,  with  Philip  s people  on  the  fron- 
tiers of  Massachusetts. 


Chap.  IV.]  AWASHONKS.— SURRENDERS  TO  THE  ENGLISH. 


71 


with  a contrary  wind,  and  so  rough  a sea,  that  none  but  Peter  Awashonks 
could  get  on  board.  This  he  did  at  great  peril,  having  only  an  old  broken 
canoe  to  get  off  in.  The  wind  and  rain  now  lorced  them  up  into  Pocasset 
Sound,  and  they  were  obliged  to  bear  away,  and  return  round  the  north  end 
of  the  island,  to  Newport. 

Church  now  dismissed  Mr.  Low,  as  he  viewed  their  effort  against  the  will 
of  Providence.  He  next  drew  up  an  account  of  what  had  passed,  and  de- 
spatched Peter,  on  the  9 July,  by  way  of  Sogkonate,  to  Plimouth. 

Major  Bradford  # having  now  arrived  with  an  army  at  Pocasset,  Mr.  Church 
repaired  to  him,  and  told  him  of  his  transactions  and  engagements  with 
Awashonks.  Bradford  directed  him  to  go  and  inform  her  of  his  arrival,  which 
he  did.  Aivashonks  doubtless  now  discovered  much  uneasiness  and  anxiety, 
but  Mr.  Church  told  her  “that  if  she  would  be  advised  and  observe  order, she 
nor  her  people  need  not  fear  being  hurt.”  He  directed  her  to  get  all  her 
people  together,  “ lest,  if  they  should  be  found  straggling  about,  mischief 
might  light  on  them ; ” and  that  the  next  day  the  army  would  march  down 
into  the  neck  to  receive  her.  After  begging  him  to  consider  the  short  time 
she  had  to  collect  them  together,  she  promised  to  do  the  best  she  could,  and 
he  left  her. 

Accordingly,  two  days  after,  she  met  the  army  at  Punkateese.  Awashonks 
was  now  unnecessarily  perplexed  by  the  stern  carriage  of  Major  Bradford. 
For  she  expected  her  men  would  have  been  employed  in  the  army ; but 
instead  of  that  he  “ presently  gave  forth  orders  for  Awashonks,  and  all  her 
subjects,  both  men,  women  and  children,  to  repair  to  Sandwich,  arid  to  be 
there  upon  peril,  in  six  days.”  Church  was  also  quite  disconcerted  by  this 
unexpected  order,  but  all  reasoning  or  remonstrance  was  of  no  avail  with 
the  commander  in  chief.  He  told  Mr.  Church  he  would  employ  him  if  he 
chose,  but  as  for  the  Indians,  “ he  would  not  be  concerned  with  them,”  and 
accordingly  sent  them  off  with  a flag  of  truce,  under  the  direction  of  Jack 
Havens,  an  Indian  who  had  never  been  engaged, in  the  war.  Mr.  Church  told 
Awashonks  not  to  be  concerned,  but  it  was  best  to  obey  orders,  and  he  would 
shortly  meet  her  at  Sandwich. 

According  to  promise,  Church  went  by  way  of  Plimouth  to  meet  the  Sog- 
konates.  The  governor  of  Plimouth  was  highly  pleased  at  the  account 
Church  gave  him  of  the  Indians,  and  so  much  was  he  now  satisfied  of  his 
superior  abilities  and  skill,  that  he  desired  him  to  be  commissioned  in  the 
country’s  service.  He  left  Plimouth  the  same  day  with  six  attendants, 
among  whom  were  Mr.  Jabez  Howland , and  Mr.  JYathanied  Southworth.  They 
slept  at  Sandwich  the  first  night,  and  here  taking  a few  more  men,  agreeably 
to  the  governor’s  orders,  proceeded  to  Agawam,  a small  river  of  Rochester, 
where  they  expected  to  meet  the  Indians.  Some  of  his  company  now 
became  discouraged,  presuming,  perhaps,  the  Indians  were  treacherous,  and 
half  of  them  returned  home.  When  they  came  to  Sippican  River,  which 
empties  into  Buzzard’s  Bay  in  Rochester,  Mr.  Howland  was  so  fatigued  that 
they  were  obliged  to  leave  him,  he  being  in  years,  and  somewhat  corpulent. 
Church  left  two  more  with  him  as  a reserve,  in  case  he  should  be  obliged  to 
retreat.  They  soon  came  to  the  shore  of  Buzzard’s  Bay,  and,  hearing  a 
great  noise  at  considerable  distance  from  them,  upon  the  bank,  were  pres- 


* Out  of  a curious  book  we  take  the  following-  note,  as,  besides  giving  us  an  interesting 
fact  concerning  the  major,  it  contains  others  of  value.  It  was  written  in  1697.  At  that 
time,  some  pretended  that  the  age  of  people  was  much  shorter  in  America  than  in  Europe} 
which  gave  rise  to  what  we  are  about  to  extract. — Mary  Brown  was  the  first-born  of  New- 
bury, Mass.,  who  married  a Godfry ; and,  says  our  book,  she  “is  yet  alive,  and  is  become 
the  mother  and  grandmother  of  many  children.”  “ The  mention  of  Mary  Brown  brings  to 
our  mind  an  idle  whimsey,  as  if  persons  born  in  New  England  would  be  short-lived } whereas, 
the  natives  live  long.  And  a judgment  concerning  Englishmen  cannot  well  be  made  till  20 
or  30  years  hence.  Capt.  Peregrine  White,  born  [on  board  the  Mayflower ] Nov  1620, 
is  yet  alive,  and  like  to  live.  [He  died  7 years  after,  in  1704.]  Major  William  Bradford 
is  more  than  73  years  old,  and  hath  worn  a bullet  in  his  flesh  above  20  of  them,  [which  he 
doubtless  received  in  Philip's  war.  He  died  aged  79.]  Elizabeth  Alden,  (now  Paybody, 
whose  granddaughter  is  a mother,)  Capt.  John  Alden,  her  brother,  Alexr.  Standish,  and 
John  Howland , have  lived  more  than  70  years.”  S.  Sewall’s  New  Heaven  upon  the  New 
Earth,  59,  60.  * 


72  AWASHONKS. — MANNER  OF  MAKING  SOLDIERS.  [Book  III. 

ently  in  sight  of  a “ vast  company  of  Indians,  of  all  ages  and  sexes,  some  on 
horseback,  running  races,  some  at  foot-ball,  some  catching  eels  and  'flat  fish 
in  the  water,  some  clamming,  &c.”  They  now  had  to  find  out  what 
Indians  these  were,  before  they  dared  make  themselves  known  to  them. 
Church  therefore  halloed,  and  two  Indians  that  were  at  a distance  from  the 
rest,  rode  up  to  him,  to  find  out  what  the  noise  meant.  They  were  very 
much  surprised  when  they  found  themselves  so  near  Englishmen,  and  turned 
their  horses  to  run,  but,  Church  making  himself*  known  to  them,  they  gave 
him  the  desired  information.  He  sent  for  Jack  Havens , who  immediately 
came.  And  when  he  had  confirmed  what  the  others  had  related,  there 
arrived  a large  number  of  them  on  horseback,  well  armed.  These  treated 
the  English  very  respectfully.  Church  then  sent  Jack  to  Awashonks,  to  inform 
her  that  he  would  sup  with  her  that  night,  and  lodge  in  her  tent.  In  the 
mean  time,  the  English  returned  with  their  friends  they  had  left  at  Sippican. 
When  they  came  to  the  Indian  company,  they  “were  immediately  conducted 
to  a shelter,  open  on  one  side,  whither  Awashonks  and  her  chiefs  soon  came 
and  paid  their  respects.”  When  this  had  taken  place,  there  were  great 
shouts  made  by  the  “multitudes,”  which  “made  the  heavens  to  ring.”  About 
sunset,  “ the  Netops  * came  running  from  all  quarters,  laden  with  the  tops  of 
dry  pines,  and  the  like  combustible  matter,  making  a huge  pile  thereof*  near 
Mr.  Church’s  shelter,  on  the  open  side  thereof.  But  by  this  time  supper  was 
brought  in,  in  three  dishes,  viz.  a curious  young  bass  in  one  dish,  eels  and 
flat  fish  in  a second,  and  shell  fish  in  a third ; ” but  salt  was  wanting. 
When  the  supper  was  finished,  “ the  mighty  pile  of  pine  knots  and  tops, 
&c.  was  fired,  and  all  the  Indians,  great  and  small,  gathered  in  a ring  around 
it.  Awashonks,  with  the  eldest  of*  her  people,  men  and  women  mixed,  kneel- 
ing down,  made  the  first  ring  next  the  fire,  and  all  the  lusty  stout  men 
standing  up  made  the  next ; and  then  all  the  rabble,  in  a confused  crew, 
surrounded  on  the  outside.  Then  the  chief  captain  stepped  in  between  the 
rings  and  the  fire,  with  a spear  in  one  hand,  and  a hatchet  in  the  other, 
danced  round  the  fire,  and  began  to  fight  with  it,  making  mention  of  all  the 
several  nations  and  companies  of  Indians  in  the  country  that  were  enemies 
to  the  English.  And  at  naming  of  every  particular  tribe  of  Indians,  he 
would  draw  out  and  fight  a new  fire-brand,  and  at  his  finishing  his  fight  with 
each  particular  fire-brand,  would  bow  to  Mr.  Church  and  thank  him.”  When 
he  had  named  over  all  the  tribes  at  war  with  the  English,  he  stuck  his  spear 
and  hatchet  in  the  ground,  and  left  the  ring,  and  then  another  stepped  in, 
and  acted  over  the  same  farce  ; trying  to  act  with  more  fury  than  the  first. 
After  about  a half  a dozen  had  gone  through  with  the  performance,  their 
chief  captain  stepped  to  Mr.  Church,  and  told  him  “they  were  making 
soldiers  lor  him,  and  what  they  had  been  doing  was  all  one  swearing  of 
them.”  Awashonks  and  her  chiefs  next  came  and  told  him  “ that  now  they 
were  all  engaged  to  fight  for  the  English.”  At  this  time  Awashonks  presented 
to  Mr.  Church  a very  fine  gun.  The  next  day,  July  22,  he  selected  a number 
of  her  men,  and  proceeded  to  Plimouth.  A commission  was  given  him, 
and,  being  joined  with  a number  of  English,  volunteers,  commenced  a suc- 
cessful series  of  exploits,  in  which  these  Sogkonates  bore  a conspicuous 
part,  but  have  never,  since  the  days  of  Church,  been  any  where  noticed  as 
they  deserved. 

It  is  said  f that  Awashonks  had  two  sons ; the  youngest  was  William  Mom- 
mynewit,  who  was  put  to  a grammar  school,  and  learned  the  Latin  language, 
and  was  intended  for  college,  but  was  prevented  by  being  seized  with  the 
palsy.  We  have  been  able  to  extend  the  interesting  memoir  of  the  family 
of  Awashonks  in  the  early  part  of  this  article  much  beyond  any  before 
printed  account ; of  Tokamona  we  have  no  printed  notice,  except  what 
Church  | incidentally  mentions.  Some  of  his  Indian  soldiers  requested 
liberty  to  pursue  the  Narragansets  and  other  enemy  Indians,  immediately 

* Signify \ng  friends,  in  Indian.  f Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 

t Hist.  Philip’s  War,  39.  It  is  usual  to  cite  Captain  Church  as  the  author  or  recorder  of 
his  own  actions  ; it  is  so,  although  his  son  Thomas  appears  as  the  writer  of  the  history.  The 
truth  is,  the  father  dictated  to  the  son,  and  corrected  what  appeared  erroneous  after  the  work 
was  written. 


PUMHAM. 


73 


Chap.  V.] 

after  they  had  captured  Philip’s  wife  and  son.  “ They  said  the  Narragansets 
were  great  rogues,  and  they  wanted  to  be  revenged  on  them,  for  killing  some 
of  their  relations  ; named  Tokkamona , (Awashonk’s  brother,)  and  some  others.” 

About  130  years  ago,  i.  e.  1700,  there  were  100  Indian  men  of  the  Sog- 
konate  tribe,  and  the  general  assembly  appointed  JYumpaus  their  captain, 
who  lived  to  be  an  old  man,  and  died  about  1748,  after  the  taking  of  Cape 
Breton,  1745.  At  the  commencement  of  the  eighteenth  century,  they  made 
quite  a respectable  religious  congregation;  had  a meeting-house  of  their 
own,  in  which  they  were  instructed  by  Rev.  Mr.  Billings , once  a month,  on 
Sundays.  They  had  a steady  preacher  among  themselves,  whose  name  was 
John  Simon,  a man  of  a strong  mind. 

About  1750,  a very  distressing  fever  carried  off  many  of  this  tribe,  and  in 
1803  there  were  not  above  ten  in  Compton,  their  principal  residence. 


CHAPTER  V. 

A further  account  of  chiefs  conspicuous  in  Philip's  war — Pumham — Taken  and 
slain — His  son  Quaqualh — Chickon — Socononoco — Potock — His  residence — 
Complaint  against  Wildbow's  encroachments — Delivers  himself  up — Put  to  death — 
Stone-w all-john — A great  captain — A mason — His  men  greatly  annoy  the 
English  army  in  JVarraganset — Kills  several  of  them — They  burn  a garrison,  and 
kill  fifteen  persons — A traffic  in  Indian  prisoners — The  burning  of  Rehoboth  and 
Providence — John's  discourse  with  Roger  Williams — Is  killed— Sagamore  John — 
Fate  of  Matoonas — Put  to  death  on  Boston  Common — His  son  hanged  for  mur- 
der— Monoco — David — Andrew — James-the-printer — Old-jethero — Sagamore- 
sam,  alias  Shoshanim — Visited  by  Eliot  in  1652 — Anecdote — Peter-jethero. 

PUMHAM,  it  may  be  truly  said,  “was  a mighty  man  of  valor.”  Our 
history  has  several  times  heretofore  brought  him  before  us,  and  we  shall 
now  proceed  to  relate  such  facts  concerning  him  as  we  have  been  able  to 
collect.  He  was  sachem  of  Shawomet,  the  country  where  the  old  squaw- 
sachem  Magnus  was  taken  and  slain,  as  in  her  life  we  have  shown. 

As  in  almost  every  other  case,  we  can  only  learn  how  to  estimate  the 
consequence  of  a chief  from  the  story  of  his  enemies.  It  is  peculiarly  so  in 
the  biography  of  Pumham.  When  it  was  reported  that  he  was  slain,  every 
chronicler  seems  to  have  stood  ready,  with  the  ink  of  exultation  in  his  pen, 
to  record  all  the  particulars  of  his  fall ; and  to  make  it  appear  the  greater,  it 
is  to  be  feared,  they  have  sometimes  raised  them  to  a height  to  which  they 
were  not  entitled,  for  that  object.  But  it  was  not  so  in  the  case  of  Pumham. 
When  it  was  reported  at  Boston  that  he  was  killed,  an  author  in  our  Chronicle 
said,  “ If  it  is  so,  the  glory  of  that  nation  is  sunk  with  him  forever.” 

This  chief  was  brought  into  considerable  difficulty  by  the  English  as  early 
as  1645.  In  1642,  the  Rev.  Samuel  Gorton  took  refuge  in  his  country,  and 
was  kindly  treated  by  him;  and  in  January  the  next  year,  Miantunnomoh 
and  Canonicus  deeded  to  him  Mishawomet,  or  Shaomet,  which  he  afterward 
called  Warwick,  after  the  earl  of  that  name.  This  settlement  was  grievous 
to  the  Puritan  fathers  of  Massachusetts,  as  they  soon  showed  by  their 
resentment  to  Miantunnomoh ; and  here  we  cannot  but  discover  the  germ  of 
all  the  subsequent  disasters  of  that  sachem.  Mr.  Gorton  was  kindly  treated 
by  him,  as  well  as  Pumham , until  the  latter  was  urged  by  Mr.  Gorton’s 
enemies  to  lay  claim  to  the  lands  he  had  purchased  of  Miantunnomoh,  whom 
the  court  of  Massachusetts  declared  an  usurper,*  as  in  his  life  has  been  told. 

By  the  letters  of  the  unimpeachable  Roger  Williams,  the  above  conclu- 
sions will  appear  evident.  In  1656,  he  wrote  to  Massachusetts,  showing 
them  the  wretched  state  Warwick  was  in  from  their  difficulties  with  the 
Indians,  as  follows: — “Your  wisdoms  know  the  inhuman  insultations  of 
these  wild  creatures,  and  you  may  be  pleased  also  to  imagine,  that  they  have 
not  been  sparing  of  your  name  as  the  patron  of  all  their  wickedness  against 


7 


* MS.  state  paper. 


74  PUMHAM.— SOCONONOCO.— QUAQUALH.  [Book  lit 

our  English  men,  women  and  children,  and  cattle,  to  the  yearly  damage  of 
60,  80  and  100£.  The  remedy  is,  (under  God,)  only  your  pleasure  that 
Pumham  shall  come  to  an  agreement  with  the  town  or  colony.”*  Now  it 
should  be  remembered,  that  when  Warwick  was  purchased,  Pumham  and 
some  other  inferior  sachems  received  presents  for  their  particular  interests  in 
what  was  sold,  agreeably  to  the  laws  and  usages  of  the  Indians. 

The  Plimouth  people  had  their  share  in  the  Warwick  controversy,  having 
caused  Ousamaquin  to  lay  claim  to  the  same  place,  or  a sachem  who  lived 
with  him,  named  Nawwashaivsuck ; between  whom  and  Pumham  the  quarrel 
ran  so  high  that  the  former  stabbed  the  latter. 

The  affairs  of  Warwick  had  been  under  consideration  by  the  commis- 
sioners of  the  United  Colonies  for  several  years  before  this,  and  in  1649, 
they  say,  “ Vppon  a question  betwixt  the  two  collonies  of  the  Massachusets 
and  Plymouth,  formerly  propounded,  and  now  again  renewed  by  the  com- 
missioners of  the  Massachusetts,  concerning  a tract  of  land  now  or  lately 
belonging  to  Pamharn  and  Saconoco,  two  Indian  sagamores  who  had  sub- 
mitted themselves  and  their  people  to  the  Massachusetts  goverment,  vppon 
part  of  which  land  som  English,  (besides  the  said  Indians,)  in  anno  1643,  were 
planted  and  settled.”  The  decision  was,  that  though  the  said  tract  of  land 
fall  within  Plimouth  bounds,  it  should  henceforth  belong  to  Massachusetts, 

About  1646,  we  find  the  following  record  f of  these  chiefs  : — “ Pomihom 
and  Saconanoco  complaining  to  us  [the  court  of  Mass.]  that  many  Indians 
dwelling  20  miles  beyond  them,  (being  friends  and  helpers  to  the  Narragan- 
setts  in  their  present  wars  with  Uncas ,)  are  come  upon  their  lands,  and 
planted  upon  the  same  against  their  wills,  they  not  being  able  of  themselves 
to  remove  them,  and  therefore  desire  our  counsel  and  help.  We  shall 
therefore  advise  them,  if  the  deputies  agree  thereunto,  to  send  a messenger 
to  the  sachem  of  those  intruders  to  come  to  us  to  give  an  account  of  such 
his  intention  ; and  if  he  come  to  us,  then  to  offer  him  protection  upon  the 
same  terms  that  Pumham  hath  it,  provided  they  satisfy  Uncas  for  any  injury 
they  have  done  him.  If  he  refuse  to  come,  then  we  would  have  our  mes- 
senger charge  them  to  depart  from  Pomham  and  Soconanocho  their  lands, 
which  also  if  they  refuse,  then  we  shall  account  them  our  enemies.”  f 

Though,  by  the  aid  of  the  English,  Pumham  had  been  able  to  maintain  a 
kind  of  independence  for  some  years  after  the  death  of  the  chief  sachem, 
yet  he  was  among  the  first  who  espoused  the  cause  of  Philip  in  his  war, 
as  it  would  seem  from  his  not  attending  at  the  treaty  in  June,  immediately 
after  hostilities  commenced.  The  army  who  went  to  make  that  treaty  passed 
through  his  country  in  their  march,  and,  as  Mr.  Hubbard  states,  “ They  found  the 
Indians  in  Pomham' s country  (next  adjoining  to  Philip's  borders)  all  fled,  and 
their  wigwams  without  any  people  in  them,”  The  English  army  also  march- 
ed through  his  country,  in  their  return  from  the  attack  on  Philip  and  his  con- 
federates in  Narraganset,  in  December,  1675.  At  this  time  a small  fight  took 
place  between  some  of  the  English  and  a number  of  Pumham's  men,  under 
a chief  whose  name  was  QUAQUALH,  who  gained  some  advantage  of  the 
English,  wounding  four  of  their  men.  The  whites,  however,  report  that  they 
killed  five  of  the  Indians.  Quaqualh  himself  was  wounded  in  the  knee.  At 
the  same  time  they  burnt  Pumham's  town,  J which  contained  near  100  wig- 
wams. The  English  were  commanded  by  Captain  Prentice.  § 

Pumham  was  not  the  chief  captain  in  the  fight  at  the  great  falls  in  the  Con- 
necticut, which  took  place  19  May,  1676,  although  we  presume,  from  the 
known  character  of  him,  that  he  was  the  most  conspicuous  in  it  on  the  side 
of  the  Indians ; being  a man  of  vast  physical  powers  and  of  extraordinary 
bravery.  In  this  affair  the  English  acted  a most  cowardly  part,  having  every 
advantage  of  their  enemy,  who  acquired  credit  upon  the  occasion,  even  at 
the  time,  from  the  historian.  The  English  came  upon  them  before  day, 
while  none  were  awake  to  give  the  alarm,  and,  “finding  them  secure  indeed, 
yea,  all  asleep,  without  having  any  scouts  abroad,  so  that  our  soldiers  came 

* Hutchinson’s  papers,  and  Hazard. 

+ In  manuscript,  among  the  papers  on  file  in  the  secretary’s  office,  Mass,  without  date. 

1 Old  Indian  Chron.  58.  This  author  has  his  name  Burnham.  There  were  many  in- 
stances, at  this  time,  of  the  use  of  B.  for  P.  § Hubbard , Nar.  57. 


Chap.  V.] 


PUMHAM. — THE  FALL  FIGHT. 


75 


and  put  their  guns  into  their  wigwams,  before  the  Indians  were  aware  of 
them,  and  made  a great  and  notable  slaughter  amongst  them.”  * Many  in 
their  fright  ran  into  the  river,  and  were  hurled  down  the  falls, f some  of 
whom,  doubtless,  were  drowned.  As  soon  as  the  English,  who  were  led  by 
Captains  Turner  and  Holioke,  had  murdered  the  unresisting,  and  the  Indians 
having  begun  to  rally  to  oppose  them,  they  fled  in  the  greatest  confusion, 
although  they  had  “ about  an  hundred  and  four  score  ” men,  J of  whom  but 
one  was  wounded  when  the  flight  began.  This  enhances  the  valor  of  the 
Indians,  in  our  mind,  especially  as  we  read  the  following  passage,  in  Mr. 
Mather’s  Brief  History : — “ In  the  mean  while,  a party  of  Indians  lfom  an 
island,  (whose  coming  on  shore  might  easily  have  been  prevented,  and  the 
soldiers,  before  they  set  out  from  Hadley,  were  earnestly  admonished  to  take 
care  about  that  matter,)  assaulted  our  men  ; yea,  to  the  great  dishonor  of  the 
English,  a few  Indians  pursued  our  soldiers  four  or  five  miles,  who  were  in 
number  near  twice  as  many  as  the  enemy.”  In  this  flight  Captain  Turner  was 
killed,  as  he  was  crossing  Green  River.  Holwlce  exerted  himself  with  great 
valor,  and  seems  well  calculated  to  oppose  such  a chief  as  Pumham.  We 
hear  of  no  other  bravery  among  the  English  in  this  massacre,  but  the  follow- 
ing passage  concerning  Holioke , which  we  are  sorry  is  so  sadly  eclipsed. 
During  the  fight,  some  old  persons,  (whether  men  or  women  is  not  men- 
tioned,) and  children,  had  hid  themselves  under  the  bank  of  the  river.  Captain 
Holioke  discovered  them,  and  with  his  own  hands  put  five  of  them,  “ young 
and  old,”  to  death.  § This  English  captain  did  not  long  survive  his  antago- 
nist, lor,  by  his  great  exertions  in  this  fight,  a fever  was  brought  upon  him, 
of  which  he  died  in  September  following,  “ about  Boston.” || 

It  would  seem  from  the  several  accounts,  that,  although  the  English  were 
sadly  distressed  in  this  fight,  the  Indians  could  never  have  repaired  their 
loss  ; which,  says  the  author  of  the  Present  State,  “was  almost  as  much, 
nay,  in  some  respects  more  considerable,  than  their  lives.”  He  continues, 
“We  destroyed  all  their  ammunition  and  provision,  which  we  think  they 
can  hardly  be  so  soon  and  easily  recruited  with,  as  possibly  they  may  be 
with  men.  We  likewise  here  demolished  two  forges  they  had  to  mend 
their  arms,  took  away  all  their  materials  and  tools,  and  drove  many  of  them 
into  the  river,  where  they  were  drowned,  and  threw  two  great  pigs  of  lead 
of  theirs,  (intended  for  making  of  bullets,)  into  the  said  river.”  U — “ As  our 
men  were  returning  to  Hadley,  in  a dangerous  pass,  which  they  were  not 
sufficiently  aware  of,  the  skulking  Indians,  (out  of  the  woods,)  killed,  at  one 
volley,  the  said  captain,  and  eight-and-thirty  of  his  men,  but  immediately 
after  they  had  discharged,  they  fled.” 

In  relating  the  capture  and  death  of  Pumham , Mr.  Hubbard  says,**  He 
was  one  of  the  stoutest  and  most  valiant  sachems  that  belonged  to  the  Nar- 
ragansets  ; whose  courage  and  strength  was  so  great  that,  after  he  had  been 
mortally  wounded  in  the  fight,  so  as  himself  could  not  stand ; yet  catching 
hold  of  an  Englishman  that  by  accident  came  near  him,  had  done  him 
mischief,  if  he  had  not  been  presently  rescued  by  one  of  his  fellows.” 
This  was  on  25  July,  1676.  Pumham , with  a few  followers,  had  for  some 
time  secreted  themselves  in  Dedham  woods,  where  it  was  supposed  they 
were  “ almost  starved  for  want  of  victuals.”  In  this  sad  condition,  they 
were  fallen  upon  by  the  English  under  Captain  Hunting,  who  killed  fifteen 


* I.  Mather,  30. 

t We  cannot  agree  with  our  friend  Gen.  Hoyt,  that  these  falls  should  be  named  Turner’s 
Falls,  although  we  once  thought  it  well  enough.  * We  would  rather  call  them  the  Massacre 
Falls,  if,  indeed,  their  Indian  name  cannot  be  recovered.  A beautiful  view  of  these  cele- 
brated falls  is  given  by  Professor  Hitchcock,  in  the  volume  of  plates  accompanying  his 
Geology  of  Mass. 

X I-  Mather,  30.  § Hubbard,  Nar.  88.  ||  Ibid. 

IT  Many  of  the  Indians  learned  trades  of  the  English,  and  in  the  wars  turned  their  knowl- 
edge to  good  account.  They  had  a forge  in  their  fort  at  Narraganset,  and  the  Indian  black- 
smith was  killed  when  that  was  taken.  The  author  of  the  Present  State,  &c.  says,  he  was 
the  only  man  amongst  them  that  fitted  their  guns  and  arrow-heads  3 that  among  other  houses 
Shey  burnt  his,  demolished  his  forge,  and  carried  away  his  tools. 

**  Narrative,  100.  4to.  edition. 


76 


POTOK.— DEATH  OF  PUMHAM. 


[Book  TIL 


and  took  thirty-five  of  them  without  resistance.*  They  found  here  con- 
siderable plunder  ; “ besides  kettles,  there  was  about  half  a bushel  of  warn- 
punipeag,  which  the  enemy  lost,  and  twelve  pounds  of  powder,  which  the 
captives  say  they  had  received  from  Albany  but  two  days  before.”  f A son 
of  Pumham  was  among  the  captives,  “ a very  likely  youth,”  says  Hubbard,  | 
“and  one  whose  countenance  would  have  bespoke  "favor  for  him,  had  he 
not  belonged  to  so  bloody  and  barbarous  an  Indian  as  his  father  was.”  It 
would  seem  from  this  unfeeling  account  that  he  was  put  to  death.  Dr. 
Mather  says  he  was  carried  prisoner  to  Boston.  From  the  same  author  we 
must  add  to  the  revolting  picture  of  the  father’s  death.  “ This  Pumham, 
after  he  was  wounded  so  as  that  he  could  not  stand  upon  his  legs,  and  was 
thought  to  have  been  dead,  made  a shift,  (as  the  soldiers  were  pursuing 
others,)  to  crawl  a little  out  of  the  way,  but  was  found  again,  and  when  an 
Englishman  drew  near  to  him,  though  he  could  not  stand,  he  did,  (like  a 
beast,)  in  rage  and  revenge,  get  hold  on  the  soldier’s  head,  and  had  like  to 
have  killed  him,  had  not  another  come  in  to  his  help,  and  rescued  him  out 
of  the  enraged  dying  hands  of  that  bloody  barbarian .”  f 

That  it  may  be  seen  how  the  same  story,  recorded  at  the  same  time,  at 
the  same  place,  and  by  different  individuals,  varies  on  comparison,  we  give 
here  the  account  of  the  fight  in  which  Pumham  was  slain,  from  an  author  in 
the  Chronicle  ; in  which  it  will  be  observed  that  a different  date  is  given  to 
the  event.  “ Upon  the  27  of  July  it  was,  that  about  20  Indians  were  slain, 
and  30  taken  prisoners.  We  had  5 and  20  English,  and  20  of  our  Indian 
friends  in  this  exploit.  One  of  these  that  were  slain  was  Pomham.  After 
he  had  received  a deadly  shot  in  his  back,  he  withdrew  himself  from  his 
men,  (for  they  were  all  his  relations  and  subjects  that  were  slain  and  taken 
at  this  time,)  and  thought  to  hide  himself  in  a bushy  hole,  but  was  found  out 
by  an  Englishman,  who,  as  he  went  to  apprehend  him,  found  that  the  stout 
sachem  was  unwilling  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  English,  for  he  gave  him 
a stunning  blow  with  his  hatchet,  which  he  had  reserved  of  all  his  weapons, 
and  perhaps  had  slain  the  Englishman,  but  God  ordered  it  so  that  he  had  a 
sudden  revival,  and  took  courage  and  grappled  with  him,  [Pumham,]  and 
threw  him  under  him,  and  others  coming  in  to  his  assistance,  Pumham  was 
soon  despatched.  There  was  about  £20  of  Indian  money  found  in  their 
baskets,”  which  the  English  gave  to  their  Indian  friends,  and  their  guns  they 
took  to  themselves. 

A short  time  before  this,  a grandson  of  this  chief  was  killed  by  a party 
under  Denison, § “who  was  also  a sachem,  and  another  sachem  called 
Chickon 

POTOK,  a Narraganset  chief,  we  may  properly,  in  the  next  place,  notice. 
None  of  his  acts  in  Philips  war  are  recorded,  at  least  none  have  come  to 
our  knowledge,  but  they  could  not  have  been  inconsiderable,  in  the  opinion 
of  his  enemies,  as  his  life  atoned  for  them.  We  find  him  first  mentioned, 
on  account  of  his  opposition  to  the  introduction  of  Christianity  into  his 
nation.  When,  in  the  beginning  of  Philip’s  war,  the  English  army  marched 
into  the  Narraganset  country,  to  treat  or  fight  with  that  nation,  as  they  might 
be  found  inclined,  Potok  appeared  as  the  principal  chief.  In  the  treaty 
which  was  concluded  at  that  time,  a condition  was  urged  by  him,  “ that  the 
English  should  not  send  any  among  them  to  preach  the  gospel  or  call  upon 
them  to  pray  to  God.”  But  the  English  would  not  admit  such  an  article  ; 
but  if  an  article  of  this  character  had  been  urged  on  the  other  hand,  we 
doubt  whether  there  would  have  been  any  objection  urged  by  the  Indians. 
On  this  policy  of  the  English  Roger  Williams  should  be  heard,  as,  at  this 
day  even,  we  need  no  better  commentary  on  the  matter  in  hand.  It  is  con- 
tained in  a letter  ||  to  the  governor  of  Massachusetts,  and  is  as  follows : — 
“At  my  last  departure  for  England,  I was  importuned  by  ye  Narraganset 
sachems,  and  especially  by  Nenecunat,  to  present  their  petition  to  the  high 


* MS.  Narrative  of  Rev.  T.  Cobhet.  f Mather’s  Brief  Hist.  43. 

X Narrative,  ut  supra. 

Many  write  Dennison,  but  his  own  signature,  in  my  possession,  is  as  in  the  text, 
if  In  MS.  dated  Providence,  5:8: 1654. 


Chap.  V.] 


STONE- WALL-JGIIN. — OLIVER'S  JOURNAL. 


77 


sachems  of  England,  that  they  might  not  be  forced  from  their  religion  ; and, 
lor  not  changing  their  religion,  be  invaded  by  war.  For  they  said  they  were 
daily  visited  with  threatening^  by  Indians,  that  came  from  about  the  Massa- 
chusetts ; that  if  they  would  not  pray,  they  should  be  destroyed  by  war.” 
And  again,  in  the  same  letter : “ Are  not  all  the  English  of  this  land,  (gener- 
ally,) a persecuted  people  from  their  native  soil  ? and  hath  not  the  God  of 
peace  and  Father  of  mercies  made  the  natives  more  friendly  in  this  than  our 
native  countrymen  in  our  own  land  to  us  ? have  they  not  entered  leagues  of 
love,  and  to  this  day  continued  peaceable  commerce  with  us  ? are  not  our 
families  grown  up  in  peace  amongst  them  ? Upon  which  I humbly  ask  Jjow 
it  can  suit  with  Christian  ingenuity,  to  take  hold  of  some  seeming  occasions 
for  their  destruction.” 

We  are  able  to  fix  the  place  of  his  residence  in  the  vicinity  of  Point  Judith. 
In  the  year  1661,  Potok,  with  several  other  chiefs,  complained  to  the  court 
of  Massachusetts,  that  “ Samuel  Wildbow,  and  others  of  his  companie,”  claimed 
jurisdiction  at  Point  Judith,  in  their  country,  and  lands  adjacent.  They  came 
on  and  possessed  themselves  forcibly,  bringing  their  cattle  and  other  effects 
with  them.*  What  order  the  court  took  upon  it  does  not  appear.  About 
the  close  of  Philip's  war,  Potok  came  voluntarily  to  Rhode  Island,  no  doubt 
with  the  view  of  making  friends  again  with  his  enemies ; but  was  sent  to 
Boston,  where,  after  answering  all  their  inquiries,  he  was  put  to  death  with- 
out ceremony. 

It  is  related  by  an  author  in  the  Old  Indian  Chronicle,  that  Potok  was 
captured  by  the  forces  under  Major  Talcot , in  June,  1676,  at  or  near  the 
same  time  Stone- Layer- John  was.  In  closing  his  account  of  the  capture  of 
John,  he  adds,  “ Likewise  Potucke,  the  great  Indian  counsellor,  a man  con- 
sidering his  education  of  wonderful  subtlety,  was  brought  prisoner  into 
Rhode  Island.” 

In  the  account  carried  to  London  by  Captain  More,  mentioned  in  the  last 
chapter,  is  this  notice  of  Potok : — “ There  is  one  Potuck,  a mischievous  En- 
gine, and  a Counsellour,  taken  formerly,  said  to  be  in  Goal  at  Rhode  Island,  is 
now  sent  to  Boston,  and  there  shot  to  death.”  f 

In  the  detail  of  the  great  Narraganset  expedition  of  1675,  we  have  omitted 
to  notice  a by-no-means- unimportant  Indian  captain. 

Stone-wall-John,  Stone-layer- John,  and  sometimes  simply  Stone-wall,  were 
names  by  which  his  English  friends  knew  him,  and  we  have  not  discovered 
what  was  his  Indian  name.  One  writer  of  his  time  observes  that  he  was 
called  the  Stone-layer,  “ for  that,  being  an  active,  ingenious  fellow,  he  had 
learned  the  mason’s  trade,  and  was  of  great  use  to  the  Indians  in  building 
their  forts,  &c.”  Hence  we  may  hazard  but  little  in  the  conjecture  that  he 
was  the  chief  engineer  in  the  erection  of  the  great  Narraganset  fort,  which 
has  been  described  in  the  life  of  Philip.  Although  but  little  is  known  of  him, 
he  was  doubtless  one  of  the  most  distinguished  Narraganset  captains. 

The  first  notice  of  Stone-layer-John,  which  we  now  remember,  is  con- 
tained in  a letter  of  Captain  Oliver,  J which  he  wrote  while  on  his  march 
with  the  English  army  to  attack  the  fort,  which  we  have  just  mentioned.  He 
says,  “ Dec.  15  ca[me  in]  John  a rogue,  with  a pretence  of  peace,  and  was 
dismissed  with  [this]  errand:  That  we  might  speak  with  sachems.  That 
evening,  he  not  being  gone  a quarter  of  an  hour,  his  company,  that  lay  hid 
behind  a hill  of  our  quarters,  killed  two  Salem  men,  and  wounded  a third 
within  a mile  of  us,  that  he  is  dead.  And  at  a house  three  miles  off,  where 
I had  ten  men,  they  killed  two  of  them.  Instantly  Capt.  Mosely,  myself 
and  Capt.  Gardner  were  sent  to  fetch  in  Major  Appleton's  company,  that 
kept  three  miles  and  a half  off,  and  coming,  they  lay  behind  a stone  wall, 
and  fired  on  us  in  sight  of  the  garrison,  we  killed  the  captain  that  killed  one 
of  the  Salem  men,  and  had  his  cap.”  Mr.  Hubbard  says,  “ A few  desperate 
Indians,  creeping  under  a stone-wall,  fired  twenty  or  thirty  guns  at  Mosely  in 
particular,  a commander  well  known  amongst  them,  but  the  rest  of  the  com- 


* MS.  State  Papers, 
t Old  Indian  Chronicle,  111. 

\ In  manuscript.  See  an  account  of  it  in 

7* 


note  to  the  life  of  Philip. 


78 


STONE-WALL-JOHN.— PROVIDENCE,  &c.  BURNT.  [Bod*  Ilf, 

pany  running  down  upon  them,  killed  one  of  them  and  scattered  the  rest.** 
Thus  did  the  scouts  from  the  main  body  of  the  Indians,  under  such  captains 
as  the  Stone-layer , annoy  the  English  in  their  march  into  their  country.  Im- 
mediately after  these  skirmishes,  “ they  burnt  Jerry  Bull's  * house,  and  killed 
seventeen  [persons.]!  Dec.  16,  came  that  news.  Dec.  17,  came  news  that 
Connecticut  forces  were  at  Petaquamscut ; killed  four  Indians  and  took  six 
prisoners. ' That  day  we  sold  Capt.  Davenport  47  Indians,  young  and  old, 
for  £80  in  money.”  X 

How  much  John  had  to  do  in  the  devastations  which  had  been  perpetrated 
the  previous  season,  is  unknown,  but  we  are  told  that  he  had  no  small 
agency  in  “ the  sacking  of  Providence,”  § and  Rehoboth  also,  without  doubt. 
In  the  former  about  30  houses  ||  were  burned,  and  in  the  latter  place  “ near 
upon  40  ” houses  and  30  barns. 

Stone-wall- John  was  doubtless  one  who  conversed  with  the  Reverend  Mr. 
Williams  at  the  time  Providence  was  burned.  The  substance  of  that  conver- 
sation is  related  by  our  anonymous  author,  already  cited,  in  these  words : — 
“ But  indeed  the  reason  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  towns  of  Seaconick  and 
Providence  generally  escaped  with  their  lives,  is  not  to  be  attributed  to  any 
compassion  or  good  nature  of  the  Indians,  (whose  very  mercies  are  inhumane 
cruelties,)  but,  [the  author  soon  contradicts  himself,  as  will  be  seen,]  next  to 
God’s  providence,  to  their  own  prudence  in  avoiding  their  fury,  when  they 
found  themselves  too  weak,  and  unable  to  resist  it,  by  a timely  flight  into 
Rhode  Island,  which  now  became  the  common  Zoar,  or  place  of  refuge  for 
the  distressed ; yet  some  remained  till  their  coming  to  destroy  the  said  towns ; 
as  in  particular  Mr.  Williams,  at  Providence,  who,  knowing  several  of  the 
chief  Indians  that  came  to  fire  that  town,  discoursed  with  them  a consider- 
able time,  who  pretended,  their  greatest  quarrel  was  against  Plimouth ; and 
as  for  what  they  attempted  against  the  other  colonies,  they  were  constrained 
to  it,  by  the  spoil  that  was  done  them  at  Narraganset.1I  They  told  him,  that 
when  Captain  Pierce  engaged  them  near  Mr.  Blackstone's,  they  were  bound 
for  Plimouth.  They  gloried  much  in  their  success,  promising  themselves  the 
conquest  of  the  whole  country,  and  rooting  out  of  all  the  English.  Mr.  Wil- 
liams reproved  their  confidence,  minded  them  of  their  cruelties,  and  told 
them,  that  the  Bay,  viz.  Boston,  could  yet  spare  10,000  men ; and,  if  they 
should  destroy  all  them,  yet  it  was  not  to  be  doubted,  but  our  king  would 
send  as  many  every  year  from  Old  England,  rather  than  they  should  share 
the  country.**  They  answered  proudly,  that  they  should  be  ready  for  them, 
or  to  that  effect,  but  told  Mr.  Williams  that  he  was  a good  man,  and  had  been 
kind  to  them  formerly,  and  therefore  they  would  not  hurt  him.” 

This  agrees  well  with  Mr.  Hubbard's  account  of  the  carriage  of  John  at  the 
time  he  went  to  the  English  army  to  talk  about  peace,  already  mentioned. 
His  words  are,  “ yet  could  the  messenger,  [John,]  hardly  forbear  threatening, 
vaporing  of  their  numbers  and  strength,  adding,  withal,  that  the  English 
durst  not  fight  them.” 

We  have  now  to  close  the  career  of  this  Indian  captain,  for  which  it  re- 
quires but  a word,  as  he  was  killed  on  the  2 July,  1676,  at  the  same  time  the 
old  squaw-sachem  Quaiapen  and  most  of  her  people  were  fallen  upon  by 
Major  Talcot,  as  we  have  related  in  a former  chapter. 

Many  Indians  bore  the  name  of  John,  but  when  they  were  any  ways  con- 
spicuous, some  distinguishing  prefix  or  affix  was  generally  added,  as  we 
have  seen  in  several  instances  in  the  preceding  chapters.  We  have  already 


* Jerali  was  probably  his  name. 

+ Ten  men  and  five  women  and  children.  Hubbard,  30.  “ About  14.”  1.  Mather,  20. 
“Eighteen,  men,  women  and  children.”  Chronicle,  46. 

X Captain  Oliver's  MS.  letter. 

\ Old  Indian  Chronicle,  98. 

||  The  building  containing  the  records  of  R.  I.  was  consumed  at  this  time,  and  part  of  its 
contents.  Some  of  them  were  saved  by  being  thrown  out  of  a window  into  some  water. 
They  bear  to  this  time  the  marks  of  their  immersion. — Oral  information  of  N.  R.  Staples, 
Esq.  of  Providence. 

If  And  who  could  ask  for  a better  reason  1 

**  This  was  rather  gasconading  for  so  reverend  a man  ! Had  he  lived  since  the  revolu- 
tionary war,  he  would  hardly  have  meant  so,  whatever  he  might  have  said. 


€hap.  V.] 


MATOONAS.— EXECUTED  AT  BOSTON, 


79 


given  the  life  of  one  Sagamore-John,  but  another  of  that  name,  still  more 
conspicuous,  (for  his  treachery  to  his  own  nation,)  here  presents  himself. 
This  Sagamore-John  was  a Nipmuk  sachem,  and  a traitor  to  his  country. 
On  the  27th  of  July,  1676,  doubtless  from  a conviction  of  the  hopelessness 
of  his  cause,  he  came  to  Boston,  and  threw  himself  on  the  mercy  of  the 
English.  They  pardoned  him,  as  he  enticed  along  with  him  about  180 
others.  And,  that  he  might  have  a stronger  claim  on  their  clemency,  he 
seized  Matoonas,  and  his  son,  against  whom  he  knew  the  English  to  be  great- 
ly enraged,  and  delivered  them  up  at  the  same  time.  On  death’s  being  im- 
mediately assigned  as  the  lot  of  Matoonas , Sagamore-John  requested  that  he 
might  execute  him  with  his  own  hands.  To  render  still  more  horrid  this 
story  of  blood,  his  request  was  granted ; and  he  took  Matoonas  into  the  com- 
mon, bound  him  to  a tree,  and  there  “ shot  him  to  death.”  To  the  above  Dr. 
Mather  adds,* * * §  “ Thus  did  the  Lord  retaliate  upon  him  the  innocent  blood 
which  he  had  shed ; as  he  had  done,  so  God  requited  him.” 

Although  much  had  been  alleged  against  John , before  he  came  in,  after- 
wards the  most  favorable  construction  was  put  upon  his  conduct.  Mr.  Hub- 
bard says,  he  “affirmed  that  he  had  never  intended  any  mischief  to  the  Eng- 
lish at  Brookfield,  the  last  year,  (near  which  village  it  seems  his  place  was,) 
but  that  Philip , coming  over  night  amongst  them,  he  was  forced,  for  fear  of 
his  own  life,  to  join  with  them  against  the  English.”! 

MATOONAS  was  also  a Nipmuk  chief.  A son  of  his  was  said  to  have 
murdered  an  Englishman  in  1671,  When  “ traveling  along  the  road,”  which 
Mr.  Hubbard  says  was  “ out  of  mere  malice  and  spite,”  because  he  was  “ vexed 
in  his  mind  that  the  design  against  the  English,  intended  to  begin  in  that 
year,  did  not  take  place.”  This  son  of  Matoonas  was  hanged,  and  afterwards 
beheaded,  and  his  head  set  upon  a pole,  where  it  was  to  be  seen  six  years 
after.  The  name  of  the  murdered  Englishman  was  Zachary  Smith , a young 
man,  who,  as  he  was  passing  through  Dedham,  in  the  month  of  April,  put 
up  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Caleb  Church.  About  half  an  hour  after  he  was 
gone,  the  next  morning,  three  Indians  passed  the  same  way ; who,  as  they 
passed  by  Church's  house,  behaved  in  a very  insolent  manner.  They  had 
been  employed  as  laborers  in  Dorchester,  and  said  they  belonged  to  Philip ; 
they  left  their  masters  under  a suspicious  pretence.  The  body  of  the  murdered 
man  was  soon  after  found  near  the  saw-mill  in  Dedham,  and  these  Indians 
were  apprehended,  and  one  put  to  death,  as  is  stated  above.  \ 

Mr.  Hubbard  supposes  that  the  father,  “ an  old  malicious  villain,”  bore  “ an 
old  grudge  against  them,”  on  the  account  of  the  execution  of  his  son.  And 
the  first  mischief  that  was  done  in  Massachusetts  colony  was  charged  to  him ; 
which  was  the  killing  of  four  or  five  persons  at  Mendon,  a town  upon  Paw- 
tucket River ; and,  says  I.  Mather , “ had  we  amended  our  ways  as  we  should 
have  done,  this  misery  would  have  been  prevented.”  § 

When  Matoonas  was  brought  before  the  council  of  Massachusetts,  he 
“ confessed  that  he  had  rightly  deserved  death,  and  could  expect  no  other.” 
“ He  had  often  seemed  to  favor  the  praying  Indians,  and  the  Christian  reli- 
gion, but,  like  Simon  Magus,  by  his  after  practice,  discovered  quickly  that  he 
had  no  part  nor  portion  in  that  matter.”  ]| 

The  following  is  the  statement  of  this  affair  in  the  Old  Indian  Chronicle. 
John  “ declared  himself  sorry  that  he  had  fought  against  the  English,  and 
promised  to  give  some  testimonial  to  them  soon  of  his  fidelity ; and  at  his 
return  now  with  his  men,  women  and  children,  he  brought  down,  bound  with 
cords,  old  Mattoonus  and  his  son  prisoners.  This  Mattoonus ’ eldest  son  had  been 
tried  at  Boston,  and  executed,  5 or  6 years  ago,  for  an  execrable  murder  by  him 
committed  on  a young  maid  ^ of  the  English  near  Woburn,  and  his  head  was 


* Brief  History  of  the  War,  43. 

f Narrative,  101.  4to  edition.  If  this  be  true,  Philip  had  the  chief  direction  in  the  ambushing 
of  Hutchinson  and  Wheeler  at  Wickabaug,  as  related  in  the  life  of  Philip ; but  in  our  opinion 
not  much  credit  should  be  given  to  any  thing  coming  from  a traitor. 

i Manuscript  among  the  files  in  the  office  of  the  secretary  of  the  state  of  Massachusetts. 

§ Brief  Hist.  5.  II  Hubbard,  101. 

IF  This  author  is  evidently  in  error  about  the  Woburn  murder.  Dr.  1.  Mather  says,  Rela- 
tion, 75,  “ Some  few  private  murthers  there  have  been,  as  namely  those  at  Nantucket,  and 
that  by  Matoonas  his  son,  and  that  at  Woburn.”  No  other  particulars  are  given  by  Mather; 


80  N£TUS.~MONOCO.-MUHDERS  AT  SUDBURY.  [Took-  lit 

fastened  to  a pole  at  one  end  of  the  gallows.  This  old  Mattoonus’  father  Lad 
given  it  out  that  he  would  be  avenged  of  us  for  his  son’s  death,  which  coming  to 
the  knowledge  of  the  council,  he  was  sent  for  and  examined  about  it ; and  having 
denied  it,  and  there  not  being  sufficient  evidence  of  it,  he  was  dismissed, 
having  only  confessed  this,  that  considering  the,  death  of  his  son,  he  found  his 
heart  so  big  hot  urithin  him , but  that  he  resolved  to  abide  a faiifful  friend  to  the 
English , and  so  that  accusation  ended.  But  after  sachem  Philip  had  begun 
his  murders  in  Plimouth  colony,  this  savage  first  appeared  an  enemy  to  us, 
and  slew  the  two  first  men  that  were  killed  within  the  limits  of  our  colony 
(to  wit,  at  Mendham)  and  in  that  cruel  and  outrageous  attempt  at  Quabaog 
this  old  Mattoonus  was  the  principal  ringleader.  Being  now  brought  a 
prisoner  to  Boston,  lie  was  by  the  council  the  same  day,  [28  July,]  adjudged, 
to  be  shot  to  death,  which  was  executed  in  Boston  common,  by  three  Indians. 
His  head  was  cut  off  and  placed  upon  a pole  on  the  gallows* * * * §  opposite  to  his 
son’s  that  was  there  formerly  hanged.  His  son,  brought  along  with  him, 
remains  still  a prisoner.” 

While  Matoonas  belonged  to  the  Christian  Indians,  his  residence  was  at 
Pakachoog.  Here  he  was  made  constable  of  the  town.*  On  joining  in  the 
war,  he  led  parties  which  committed  several  depredations.  He  joined  the 
main  body  of  the  Nipmuks  in  the  winter  of  1675,  when  James  Quanavohit 
was  among  them  as  a spy,  who  saw  him  arrive  there  with  a train  of  follow- 
ers, and  take  the  lead  in  the  war  dances,  f Doubtless  Quanapohit’s  evidence 
drew  forth  the  confessions  which  he  made,  and  added  to  the  severity  exer- 
cised at  his  execution.  J 

A Nipmuk  captain  we  will  in  the  next  place  notice,  who  makes  a sudden 
inroad  upon  the  frontier  of  Massachusetts,  and  who  as  suddenly  dis- 
appears. 

NETUS,  on  the  1 February,  1676,  with  about  10  followers,  attacked  the 
house  of  one  Thomas  Eames,  4 or  5 miles  beyond  Sudbury,  and  took  his  and  his 
son’s  families  prisoners.  They  then  destroyed  every  tiling  upon  his  farm, 
burnt  up  his  house  and  his  barns  with  the  cattle  and  corn  in  them,  and 
withdrew  beyond  the  reach  of  the  English,  as  Totoson  had  done  at  Eel  River. 
When  this  onset  was  made,  Eames  himself  was  absent  at  Boston  to  procure 
ammunition.  In  all,  seven  § persons  were  killed  or  fell  into  the  hands  of  this 
party  of  Indians.  About  three  months  afterwards,  one  of  the  children  taken 
at  this  time  escaped,  and  after  wandering  30  miles  alone  through  the  wilder- 
ness, under  extreme  sufferings,  arrived  among  the  English  settlements.  On 
the  27  March  following,  JVetus  was  killed  near  Marlborough,  by  a party  of 
English  under  Lieutenant  Jacobs,  with  about  40  others. || 

We  have  yet  to  notice  a distinguished  Nipmuk  sachem,  called 

MONOCO  by  his  countrymen,  but,  by  the  English,  generally,  One-eyed - 
John ; as  though  deficient  in  the  organs  of  vision,  which  probably  w as  the 
case*  He  was,  says  an  early  writer,  “ a notable  fellow,”  who,  when  Philip’s 
war  began,  lived  near  Lancaster,  and  consequently  was  acquainted  with 
every  part  of  the  town,  which  knowledge  he  improved  to  his  advantage,  on 
two  occasions,  in  that  war.  On  Sunday,  22  August,  1675,  a man,  his  wife 


but  Hubbard,  in  the  preface  to  his  Narrative,  edition  of  1677,  says,  “ a murther  was  committed 
at  Farmington,  another  at  Woburn,  by  some  Indians  in  their  drunken  humors  upon  a maid 
servant  or  two,  who  denied  them  drink.” 

* Shattuck’s  Hist.  Concord,  31.  t 1 Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  vi.206. 

\ The  Nipmuks  were  at  this  time  chiefly  under  five  sachems,  which,  Mr.  Hubbard  says, 
were  “ four  too  many  to  govern  so  small  a people.”  The  same  author  says,  “ The  Nipnets 
were  under  the  command  of  the  sachem  of  Mount  Hope,”  which  fact  is  verified  by  numerous 

Passages  of  our  history.  The  names  of  the  five  principal  sachems  were  Monoco,  Mautamp, 
hoshanim,  Matoonas,  and  Sagamore  John. 

§ According  to  the  Cotton  MSS.  seven  were  killed  and  two  children  only  taken.  This  agrees 
with  our  Chronicle,  77,  where  it  is  said  “ they  killed  seven  people  in  a barbarous  manner, 
and  carried  some  away  captive.”  Hubbard.  84  and  Table,  says  Eames ’ wife  was  killed,  and 
his  son’s  wife  died  the  next  day,  but  says  nothing  of  the  number  killed  or  taken. 

||  Compare  Hubbard,  79  and  84.— This  was  the  affair  which  he  says  was  done  ' when  it 
was  so  dark  that  an  Indian  could  hardly  be  discerned  from  a better  man.”  See  Book  III. 
Chap.  II.  On  21  Sept,  following,  three  Indians  were  hanged  as  concerned  in  the  murder  of 
Eames’ s family. 


81 


Chap.  V.]  MONOCO.— PRAYING  INDIANS  PERSECUTED. 

and  two  children  were  killed  at  that  place.*  At  this  time  the  Hassanamesit 
praying  Indians  were  placed  at  Marlborough  by  authority.  No  sooner  was 
it  known  that  a murder  was  committed  at  Lancaster,  than  not  a few  were 
wanting  to  charge  it  upon  the  Hassanamesits.  Captain  Mosely , who  it  seems 
was  in  the  neighborhood,  sent  to  their  quarters,  and  found  “ much  suspicion 
against  eleven  of  them,  for  singing  and  dancing,  and  having  bullets  and  slugs, 
and  much  powder  hid  in  their  baskets.”  For  this  offence,  these  eleven  were 
sent  to  Boston  30  August,  on  suspicion,  and  there  tried.  “ But  upon  trial,  the 
said  prisoners  were  all  of  them  acquitted  from  the  fact,  and  were  either  released, 
or  else  were,  with  others  of  that  fort,  sent  for  better  security,  and  for  preventing 
future  trouble  in  the  like  kind,  to  some  of  the  islands  below  Boston,  towards 
Nantasket.”  Fifteen  was  the  number  brought  down  to  Boston,  but  eleven 
only  were  suspected  of  the  alleged  offence.  The  others,  among  whom  were 
Abram,  Speen  and  John  Choo , were  taken  along  and  imprisoned,  for  no  other 
reason  but  their  being  accidentally,  at  that  time,  at  Marlborough,  or  the  crime 
of  being  Indians.  It  appears  some  time  had  elapsed  after  the  murder  was 
committed,  before  they  were  sent  down  for  trial,  or  more  probably  they  were 
suffered  to  return  home  before  being  sent  to  Deer  Island.  For  Ephraim 
Turner  and  William  Kent  were  not  sent  up  to  find  out  where  “ they  all  were,” 
and  what  answers  they  could  get  from  those  they  should  meet,  until  the 
beginning  of  October ; at  which  time  these  eleven  Indians  were  scattered  in 
various  directions,  about  their  daily  callings.  And  all  the  information  Turner 
and  Kent  handed  into  court  was,  that  they  were  thus  dispersed.  Waban  and 
Mr.  John  Watson,  who  had  been  appointed  to  reside  among  those  Indians, 
were  the  only  persons  questioned.  What  steps  the  court  took  upon  this 
information,  we  are  not  informed,  but  they  were  about  this  time  sent  to  Deer 
Island. 

The  names  of  these  Indians,  concerning  whom  more  particular  inquiry 
may  hereafter  be  made  by  the  benevolent  antiquary,  it  is  thought  should 
be  given ; especially  as  they  may  not  elsewhere  be  preserved.  They 
were, 

Old- Jethro  and  two  sons,  Jamcs-the-printer,  James  Acompanet,  Daniel  Munups , 
John  Cquasquaconet,  John  Asquenet,  George  Nonsequesewit,  Thomas  Mamuxon- 
qua,  and  Joseph  Watapacoson,  alias  Joseph  Spooraut. 

After  a trial  of  great  vexation  to  these  innocent  Indians,  David,  the  main 
witness  against  them,  acknowledged  he  had  perfidiously  accused  them ; and 
at  the  same  time,  a prisoner  was  brought  in,  who  testified  that  he  knew  One- 
eyed-john  had  committed  the  murder  at  Lancaster,  and  a short  time  after 
another  was  taken,  who  confirmed  his  testimony. 

These  Indians  brought  all  these  troubles  upon  themselves  by  reason  of  their 
attachment  to  the  English.  It  was  in  their  service  that  they  discovered  and 
captured  Andrew,  a brother  of  David,  who,  on  being  delivered  to  the  soldiery, 
was  shot  by  them  with  ferocious  precipitancy.  Therefore,  when  the  Lancaster 
murder  happened,  Captain  Mosely,  having  already  sundry  charges  against  David, 
held  an  inquisition  upon  him  to  make  him  confess  relative  to  the  Lancaster 
affair.  The  method  taken  to  make  him  confess,  (agreeably  to  the  desire 
of  his  inquisitors,)  was  this : they  bound  him  to  a tree,  and  levelled  guns  at 
his  breast.  In  this  situation,  to  avert  immediate  death,  as  well  as  to  be  re- 
venged for  the  death  of  his  brother,  he  proceeded  to  accuse  the  eleven  Indians 
before  named.  For  thus  falsely  accusing  his  countrymen,  and  shooting  at  a 
boy  who  was  looking  after  sheep  at  Marlborough,  David  was  condemned  to 
slavery,  and  accordingly  sold,  as  was  one  of  the  eleven  named  Watapacoson. 
This  last  act  being  entirely  to  calm  the  clamors  of  the  multitude ; after  he 
had  been  once  acquitted,  a new  trial  was  got  up,  and  a new  jury  for  this 
particular  end.f 

Andrew's  history  is  as  follows : He  had  been  gone  for  some  time  before  the 
war,  on  a hunting  voyage  towards  the  lakes ; and  on  his  return  homeward, 
he  fell  in  among  Philip's  men  about  Quabaog.  This  was  about  a month 

* The  above  is  Mr.  Hubbard’s  account.  Mr.  Willard,  in  his  excellent  history  of  Lan» 
caster,  gives  us  the  names  of  six,  and  says  eight  were  killed.  But  in  his  enumeration  I count 
nine ; and  Gookin  says  seven.  Our  text  is  according  to  Hubbard , Nar.  30, 

f Gookin,  Manuscript  Hist.  Praying  Indians. 


82 


MONOCO. — FIVE  CHIEFS  EXECUTED. 


[Book  HI. 


before  the  affair  at  Lancaster.  The  reason  he  staid  among  the  hostile  Indians 
is  very  obvious : he  was  afraid  to  venture  into  the  vicinity  of  the  whites,  lest 
they  should  treat  him  as  an  enemy.  But  as  his  ill  fortune  fell  out,  he  was 
found  in  the  woods,  by  his  countrymen  of  Marlborough,  who  conducted  him 
to  the  English,  by  whom  he  was  shot,  as  we  have  just  related.  The  offi- 
cer who  presided  over  and  directed  this  affair,  would,  no  doubt,  at  any  other 
time,  have  received  a reward  proportionate  to  the  malignity  of  the  offence  ; 
but  in  this  horrid  storm  of  war,  many  were  suffered  to  transgress  the  laws 
with  impunity. 

From  one  account  of  this  affair,*  it  would  seem  that  one  of  the  Indians 
seized  by  Mosely  at  this  time  was  actually  executed  ; “ for,”  says  the  writer  to 
whom  we  refer,  “ the  commonalty  were  so  enraged  against  Mr.  Eliot , and 
Capt.  Guggins  especially,  that  Capt.  Guggins  said  on  the  bench,  [he  being  a 
judge,]  that  he  was  afraid  to  go  along  the  streets  ; the  answer  was  made,  you 
may  thank  yourself;  however  an  order  was  issued  out  for  the  execution  of 
that  one  (notorious  above  the  rest)  Indian,  and  accordingly  he  was  led  by  a 
rope  about  his  neck  to  the  gallows.  When  he  came  there,  the  executioners 
(for  there  were  many)  flung  one  end  over  the  post,  and  so  hoisted  him  up 
like  a dog,  three  or  four  times,  he  being  yet  half  alive,  and  half  dead ; then 
came  an  Indian,  a friend  of  his,  and  with  his  knife  made  a hole  in  his  breast 
t©  his  heart,  and  sucked  out  his  heart-blood.  Being  asked  his  reason  there- 
for, his  answer  [was]  Umh,  Umh  nu , me  stronger  as  I was  before ; me  be  so 
strong  as  me  and  he  too ; he  be  ver  strong  man  fore  he  die.  Thus  with 
the  dog-like  death  (good  enough)  of  one  poor  heathen,  was  the  people  rage 
laid,  in  some  measure.” 

We  have  yet  to  add  a word  concerning  Monoco.  When  Quanapohit  was 
out  as  a spy,  Monoco  kindly  entertained  him,  on  account  of  former  acquaint- 
ance, not  knowing  his  character.  They  had  served  together  in  their  wars 
against  the  Mohawks.  On  10  Feb.  1676,  about  600  Indians  fell  upon 
Lancaster,  and,  after  burning  the  town,  carried  the  inhabitants  into  captivity. 
Among  them  was  the  family  of  Reverend  Mr.  Rowlandson.  Mrs.  Roiv- 
landson,  after  her  redemption,  published  an  amusing  account  of  the  affair. 
Monoco,  or  Onc-eyed-john,  it  is  said,  was  among  the  actors  of  this  tragedy. 
On  13  March  following,  Groton  was  surprised.  In  this  affair,  too,  John 
Monoco  was  principal ; and  on  his  own  word  we  set  him  down  as  the  destroy- 
er of  Medfield.  After  he  had  burned  Groton,  except  one  garrison  house,  he 
called  to  the  captain  in  it,  and  told  him  he  would  burn  in  succession  Chelms- 
ford, Concord,  Watertown,  Cambridge,  Charlestown,  Roxbury  and  Boston. 
He  boasted  much  of  the  men  at  his  command ; said  he  had  480  warriors ; 
and  added — “ What  me  will  me  do”  The  report  of  this  very  much  enraged 
the  English,  and  occasioned  his  being  entitled  a “ bragadocio  ” by  the  histo- 
rian. At  the  close  of  Philip's  war,  with  others,  he  gave  himself  up  to  Major 
Waldron  at  Cochecho;  or,  having  come  in  there,  at  the  request  of  Peier- 
jethro,  to  make  peace,  was  seized  and  sent  to  Boston,  where,  in  the  language 
of  Mr.  Hubbard,  he,  “ with  a few  more  bragadocios  like  himself,  Sagamorc- 
sam,  Old-jethro,  and  the  sachem  of  Quabaog,  [Mautamp,]]  were  taken  by  the 
English,  and  was  seen,  (not  long  before  the  writing  of  this,)  marching  towards 
the  gallows,  (through  Boston  streets,  which  he  threatened  to  burn  at  his 
pleasure,)  with  a halter  about  his  neck,  with  which  he  was  hanged  at  the 
town’s  end,  Sept.  26,  in  this  present  year,  1676.”  | 

On  the  24  July,  1675,  five  of  the  principal  Nipmuk  sachems  signed  an 
agreement  to  meet  the  governor  of  Massachusetts  to  treat  of  peace  soon  after, 
but  not  appearing  according  to  agreement  Captain  Hutchinson  was  sent  out 

* In  the  Indian  Chronicle,  26,  27. 

f Compare  Hubbard,  35  and  75. — The  same,  probably,  called  Mattawamppe,  who,  in 
1665,  witnessed  the  sale  of  Brookfield,  Mass.,  deeded  at  that  time  by  a chief  named  Shat- 
toockmm.  Mautamp  claimed  an  interest  in  said  lands,  and  received  part  of  the  pay. — Rev. 
Mr.  Foot’s  Hist.  Brookfield. 

t This,  so  far  as  it  goes,  agrees  with  an  entry  in  Sewall’s  MS.  Diary,  cited  in  Shattuck’s 
Concord,  63 — “ Sagamore  Sam  goes,  One-ey'd  John,  Maliompe  [Mautamp]  Sagamore  of 
Quabaog,  General  at  Lancaster,  &c.  Jethro  (the  father)  walked  to  the  gallows.  One-ey’d 
John  accuses  Sagamore  John  to  have  fired  the  first  gun  at  Quabaog  and  killed  Capt.  Hulch~ 
inson 


Chap.  V.] 


SHOSHANIM.— OLD  JETHRO. 


83 


to  ascertain  the  cause,  and  Was  ambushed  by  them,  as  we  have  in  the  life  of 
Philip  related.  At  this  time,  “ Sam,  sachem  of  Weshacum,”  and  Netaump, 
are  particularly  mentioned  as  having  been  hanged  at  Boston. 

It  was  reported,  (no  doubt  by  the  Indians,  to  vex  their  enemies,)  that  Mrs. 
Rowlandson  had  married Monoco.  “But,”  the  author  of  the  Present  State, 
&c.  says,  “ it  was  soon  contradicted,”  and,  “ that  she  appeared  and  behaved 
herself  amongst  them  with  so  much  courage  and  majestic  gravity,  that  none 
durst  offer  any  violence  to  her,  but  on  the  contrary,  (in  their  rude  manner) 
seemed  to  show  her  great  respect.” 

In  the  above  quotation  from  Mr.  Hubbard , we  have  shown  at  what  time 
several  of  the  Nipmuck  chiefs  were  put  to  death  beside  Monoco. 

OLD- JETHRO  was  little  less  noted,  though  of  quite  a different  character. 
His  Indian  name  was  Tantamous.  He  was  present  at  the  sale  of  Concord 
(Mass.)  to  the  English,  about  which  time  he  lived  at  Natick.  In  1674,  he  was 
appointed  a missionary  to  the  Nipmuks  living  at  Weshakim,  since  Sterling, 
but  his  stay  there  was  short.*  He  and  his  family  (of  about  12  persons) 
were  among  those  ordered  to  Deer  Island,  on  the  breaking  out  of  the  war 
the  next  year.  Their  residence  then  was  at  Nobscut  Hill,  near  Sudbury. 
His  spirit  could  not  brook  the  indignity  offered  by  those  English  who  were 
sent  to  conduct  the  praying  Indians  to  Boston,  and  in  the  night  he  escaped, 
with  all  his  family,  into  his  native  wilds.  His  son  Peter  had  been  so  long 
under  the  instruction  of  the  English,  that  he  had  become  almost  one  of 
them.  He  deserted  his  father’s  cause,  and  was  the  means  of  his  being  exe- 
cuted with  the  other  Nipmuk  sachems  already  mentioned.  This  occasioned 
Dr.  I.  Mather  to  say  of  him,  “ That  abominable  Indian,  Peter-jethro,  betrayed 
his  oion  father , and  other  Indians  of  his  special  acquaintance,  unto  death.” 
It  seems  he  had  been  employed  by  the  English  for  this  purpose. 

About  a month  before  the  fall  of  Philip,  the  Nipmucks  became  fully 
aware  of  their  wretched  condition,  who,  on  the  6 July,  1676,  sent  an  Indian 
messenger  to  the  English  with  a white  flag.  He  came,  says  our  Chronicle, 
“ lrom  Sagamore  Sam  of  Nassoway  (a  proud  Salvage,  who  two  months  since 
insulted  over  the  English,  and  said,  if  the  English  would  first  begge  Peace 
of  him,  he  would  let  them  have  Peace,  but  that  he  would  never  ask  it  of 
them ;)  This  Indian  was  sent  from  him  with  Letters,  desiring  Peace  of  us, 
and  expressely  praying  us  in  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  for  his  sake  to 
grant  it  whose  holy  name  they  have  so  much  blasphemed.  Thus  doth  the 
Lord  Jesus  make  them  to  bow  before  him,  and  to  lick  the  dust.  And  having 
made  mention  of  his  letter  it  will  not  be  unacceptable  to  transcribe  some 
copies  of  the  Letters  sent  by  him,  and  others  on  this  subject,  which  take  as 
followeth.  The  reader  must  bear  with  their  barbarisms,  and  excuse  the 
omission  of  some  expressions  in  them,  that  can  hardly  admit  of  good 
English.” 

“ The  first  Letter,  July  the  6th,  1676.f 

“ Mr.  John  Leverett,  my  Lord,  Mr.  Waban,  and  all  the  chief  men  our  Breth- 
ren, Praying  to  God : [This  Mr.  Waban  is  a Praying  Indian,  faithful,  and  a 
Ruler  amonst  them ; by  their  Brethren  praying  to  God,  they  mean  those  of  the  same 
ATation .]  We  beseech  you  all  to  help  us  ; my  wife  she  is  but  one,  but  there 
be  more  Prisoners,  which  we  pray  you  keep  well : Mattamuck  his  wife,  we 
entreat  you  for  her,  and  not  onely  that  man,  but  it  is  the  Request  of  two  Sa- 
chems, Sam  Sachem  of  Weshakum,  and  the  Pakashoag  Sachem. 

“ And  that  further  you  will  consider  about  the  making  Peace : We  have 
spoken  to  the  People  of  Nashobah  (viz.  Tom  Dubler  and  Peter,)  that  we  would 
agree  with  you,  and  make  a Covenant  of  Peace  with  you.  We  have  been 
destroyed  by  your  Souldiers,  but  still  we  Remember  it  now,  to  sit  still ; do 


* Mr.  Shattucfc’s  Hist.  Concord,  30. 

f The  tenor  of  the  following  letters,  is  very  different  from  those  in  April  previous,  which  I 
liad  discovered  in  MS.  and  printed  in  the  former  editions  of  the  Book  of  the  Indians.  These 
v'ere  then  unknown  to  me. 


SHOSHANIM. —INDIAN  LETTERS. 


84 


[Book  III. 


you  consider  it  again;  we  do  earnestly  entreat  you,  that  it  may  be  so  by 
Jesus  Christ , O ! let  it  be  so  ! Amen , Amen.* * * § 

It  was  signed 

Matt  amuck,  his  Mark  N. 

Sam  Sachem,  his  Mark  XP. 
Simon  Pottoquam,  Scribe. f 
Uppanippaquem,  his  — C. 
Pakaskokag  his  Mark  W” 


“ Superscribed “ To  all  Englishmen  and  Indians,  all  of  you  hear  Mr.  Waban, 
Mr.  Eliott.” 


“ Second  Letter. 


« My  Lord,  Mr.  Leveret  at  Boston,  Mr.  Waban , Mr.  Eliott , Mr.  Gookin , and 
Council,  hear  yea.  I went  to  Connecticot  about  the  Captives,  that  I might 
bring  them  into  your  hands,  and  when  we  were  almost  there,  the  English  had 
destroyed  those  Indians : when  I heard  it,  I returned  back  again ; then  when 
I came  home,  we  were  also  destroyed ; after  we  were  destroy’d,  then  Philip 
and  Quanipun  went  away  into  their  own  Countrey  againe ; and  I knew  they 
were  much  afraid,  because  of  our  offer  to  joyn  with  the  English,  and  there- 
fore they  went  back  into  their  own  Countrey,  and  I know  they  will  make  no 
Warre ; therefore  because  when  some  English  men  came  to  us,  Philip  and 
Quanapun  sent  to  kill  them ; but  I said,  if  any  kill  them,  I’ll  kill  them.J 

Sam  Sachem. 

Written  by  Simon  Boshokum  Scribe.”  § 


Third  Letter. 

“ For  Mr.  Eliot,  Mr.  Gookin,  and  Mr.  Waban. 

Consider  of  this  I entreat  you,  consider  of  this  great  businesse  that  is  done  ; 

and  my  wonder  concerning  Philip ; but  his  name  is Wewesawannit, || 

he  engageth  all  the  people  that  were  none  of  his  subjects : Then  when  I was 
at  Penakook,  JVumpho  John , Alline, IT  Sam  JVumpho,  and  others  who  were  angry, 
and  JVumpho  very  much  angry  that  Philip  did  engage  so  many  people  to  him ; 
and  JVumpho  said  it  were  a very  good  deed  that  I should  go  and  kill  him  that 


* This  surpasseth  any  thing,  in  supplication,  that  we  have,  from  the  poor  Indians.  They 
were  truly  sensible  of  their  deplorable  condition!  Little  to  subsist  upon — the  northern  and 
western  wilderness  so  full  of  their  native  enemies,  that  a retreat  upon  those  hunting-grounds 
was  cut  off — all  the  fishing  places  near  and  upon  the  coast  watched  by  their  successful 
enemy — hence  nothing  now  remained  but  to  try  the  effect  of  an  offer  of  unconditional  sub- 
mission ! — This  letter,  however,  must  not  be  regarded  as  the  language  of  the  warriors,  it 
was  the  language  of  the  Christian  Indians,  in  behalf  of  them  and  themselves. 

t The  name  of  this  sachem  approaching  nearly  in  sound  to  that  of  the  place  since  called 
Worcester,  of  which  Sagamore-John  was  chief,  almost  induces  the  belief  that  he  is  the  same. 
A sachem  of  the  name  having  deeded  Worcester  to  the  whites  in  1671,  is  additional  proof. 
See  the  elaborate  history  of  that  town  by  Wm.  Lincoln , Esq.,  now  in  course  of  publication. 

X This  letter  will  be  regarded  as  an  admirable  specimen  of  Indian  sentiment,  and  its  value 
is  much  enhanced,  as  it  unfolds  truths  of  great  value — truths  that  lay  open  the  situation  of 
things  at  this  period  that  will  be  gladly  received.  Sam  was  a magnanimous  sachem.  So 
was  Monoco.  We  doubt  if  any  thing  can  in  truth  be  brought  against  either,  that  would  not 
comport  with  a warrior  of  their  time,  but  they  did  not  come  within  the  limits  of  a pardon 
offered  in  the  Proclamation  ! When  messengers  were  sent  to  treat  with  the  Indians  for  the 
redemption  of  prisoners,  to  prevent  the  evil  such  negotiation  was  calculated  to  produce,  and 
which  Philip,  doubtless,  foresaw,  he  ordered  such  to  be  summarily  dealt  with.  Quanapohit 
was  suspected  for  a spy,  and  Philip  had  ordered  him  to  be  killed,  but  Monoco  said,  “ I will 
kill  whomsoever  shall  kill  Quanapohit Shoshanim  afterwards  said  the  same  when  visited 
by  Mr.  Hoar  and  Nepanet,  who  were  sent  to  treat  for  the  ransom  of  Mr.  Rowlandson’s  fam- 
ily. “ If  any  kill  them,  I will  kill  them,”  that  is,  he  would  kill  the  murderer.  But  these  kind 
offices  were  forgotten  in  the  days  of  terror  ! 

§ The  same  person,  whose  name  to  the  last  letter  is  spelt  Pottoquam,  and  in  Book  ii.  Chap, 
vii.,  Betokam 

||  This  stands  in  the  MS.  records,  Wewasoicanuett.  See  Book  iii.  Chap.  ii. 

IT  There  is  some  error  concerning  this  person’s  name.  John  U.  Line  means  the  same  per- 
son, I think,  in  Gookin’ s MS.  history.  See  Book  ii.  Chap.  vii. ; an  account  of  several  others 
here  mentioned  may  there  also  be  found. 


SHOSHANIM. — AMOS. 


Cn  vp.  VI.] 


85 


joyned  so  many  to  himself  without  cause:  In  like  manner  1 said  so  too. 
Then  had  you  formerly  said  be  at  peace,  and  if  the  Council  had  sent  word 
to  kill  Philip  we  should  have  done  it : then  let  us  clearly  speak,  what  you 
and  we  shall  do.  O let  it  be  so  speedily,  and  answer  us  clearly. 

PUMKAMUN, 

PoNNAKPUKUN, 

or,  Jacob  Muttamakoog.” 


“The  answer  the  Council  made  them,  was,  ‘That  treacherous  persons 
who  began  the  war  and  those  that  have  been  barbarously  bloody,  must  not 
expect  to  have  their  lives  spared,  but  others  that  have  been  drawn  into  th**. 
war,  and  acting  only  as  Souldiers  submitting  to  be  without  arms,  and  to  !iv  • 
quietly  and  peaceably  for  the  future  shall  have  their  lives  spared.’  ” 

Sagamore  Sam  was  one  of  those  that  sacked  Lancaster,  10  February, 
1676.  His  Indian  name  was  at  one  time  Skoshanim,  but  in  Philip's  war  it 
appears  to  have  been  changed  to  Uskatuhgun ; at  least,  if  he  be  the  same,  it 
was  so  subscribed  by  Peter-jethro,  when  the  letter  was  sent  by  the  Indians  to 
the  English  about  the  exchange  of  Mrs.  Rowlandson  and  others,  as  will  be 
found  in  the  life  of  Nepanet.  He  was  hanged,  as  has  been  before  noted. 
Shoshanim  was  successor  to  Matthew , who  succeeded  Sholan. 

This  last- mentioned  sachem  is  probably  referred  to  by  the  author  quoted  in 
Mr.  Thorowgood's  curious  book.  In  the  summer  of  1652,  Reverend  John  Eliot 
intended  to  visit  theNashuas,  in  his  evangelical  capacity,  but  understanding 
there  was  war  in  that  direction  among  the  Indians,*  delayed  his  journey  for  a 
time.  The  sachem  of  Nashua,  hearing  of  Mr.  Eliot's  intention,  “took  20 
men,  armed  alter  their  manner,”  as  his  guard,  with  many  others,  and  con- 
ducted him  to  his  country.  And  my  author  adds,  “ this  was  a long  journey 
into  the  wilderness  of  60  miles : it  proved  very  wet  and  tedious,  so  that  he 
was  not  dry  three  or  four  days  together,  night  nor  day.”  f One  of  the  Indians 
at  this  time  asked  Mr.  Eliot  why  those  who  prayed  to  God  among  the 
English  loved  the  Indians  that  prayed  to  God  “ more  than  their  own  breth- 
ren.” The  good  man  seemed  some  at  a loss  for  an  answer,  and  waived  the 
subject  by  several  scriptural  quotations. 

We  may  be  incorrect  in  the  supposition  that  the  sachem  who  conducted 
Mr.  Eliot  on  this  occasion  was  Sholan,  as  perhaps  Passaconaway  would 
suit  the  time  as  well 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Friendly  Indians — Captain  Amos — Pursues  Tatoson  and  Penachason — Escapes  the 
slaughter  at  Pawtucket — Commands  a company  in  the  eastern  war — Captain 
Lightfoot — H s services  in  PhiVp's  war — In  the  eastern  war — Kettenanit — 
His  services — Quannapohit — His  important  services  as  a spy — Mautamp — 
Monoco — Nepanet — Employed  to  treat  with  the  enemy— Brings  letters  from  them — 
Effects  an  exchange  of  prisoners — Peter  Conway — Peter  Ephraim. 

AMOS,  commonly  called  Captain  Amos , was  a Wampanoag,  whose  residence 
was  about  Cape  Cod.  We  have  no  notice  of  him  until  Philip's  war,  at  which 
time  he  was  entirely  devoted  to  the  service  of  the  English.  After  the  Plim- 
outh  people  had  found  that  Tatoson  was  concerned  in  the  destruction  of 
Clark's  garrison,  they  sought  for  some  friendly  Indians  who  would  under- 
take to  deliver  him  and  his  abettors  into  their  hands.  Captain  Amos  ten- 
dered his  services,  and  was  duly  commissioned  to  prosecute  the  enterprise, 


* In  1647,  three  Indians  were  killed  between  Quabaog  and  Springfield,  by  other  Indians. 
The  next  year,  five  others  were  killed  about  midway  between  Quabaog  and  Lancaster. — 
Winthrop’s  Journal,  ( Savage’s  ed.)  Such  instances  were  common  among  the  Indians. 

t Sure  Arguments  to  prove  that  the  Jews  inhabit  now  in  America. — By  Thomas  Thorow- 
good,  4to.  London,  1652.  Sir  Roger  L' Estrange  answered  this  book  by  another,  entitled 
The  Americans  no  Jews. 

8 ' 


86 


INDIAN  STRATAGEMS — LIGIITFO0T. 


[Book  III 


and  to  take  into  that  service  any  of  his  friends.  Meantime,  Tatoson  had  fled 
to  Elizabeth  Island,  in  company  with  Penachason , another  chief  who  was 
also  to  be  taken,  if  he  could  be  found.  This  Penachason  was  probably  Tato- 
son’s  brother’s  son,  sometimes  called  Tom , who,  if  the  same,  was  also  at  the 
destroying  of  Clark’s  garrison.  Yet  the  wily  chiefs  eluded  the  vigilance  of 
Captain  Amos , by  flying  from  that  region  into  the  Nipmuks’  country,  where 
they  joined  Philip. 

To  encourage  greater  exertion  on  the  part  of  the  friendly  Indians,  to 
execute  their  commission,  it  was  ordered,  that  in  case  they  captured  and 
brought  in  either  Tatoson  or  Penachason , “they  may  expect  for  their  reward, 
for  each  of  them  four  coats,  and  a coat  apiece  for  every  other  Indian  that 
shall  prove  merchantable.” 

We  have  mentioned  in  a former  chapter  the  horrid  catastrophe  of 
Captain  Peirse  and  his  men  at  Pawtucket.  Captain  Amos  escaped  that 
dreadful  slaughter.  He  fought  there  with  20  of  his  warriors,  and  when 
Captain  Peirse  was  shot  down  by  a ball  which  wounded  him  in  the  thigh, 
he  stood  by  his  side,  and  defended  him  as  long  as  there  was  a gleam  of 
hope.  At  length,  seeing  nearly  all  his  friends  slain,  with  admirable  presence 
of  mind  he  made  his  escape,  by  the  following  subtle  stratagem : — 

JYanuntenoo’s  warriors  had  blackened  their  faces,  which  Captain  Amos  had 
observed,  and  by  means  of  powder  contrived  to  discolor  his  own  unobserved 
by  them.  When  he  had  done  this,  he  managed,  by  a dextrous  manoeuvre, 
to  pass  among  the  enemy  for  one  of  them,  and  by  these  means  escaped. 

What  were  Captain  Amos’s  other  acts  in  this  war,  if  any,  we  have  not 
learned  ; nor  do  we  meet  again  with  him  until  1689.  In  that  year,  he  went 
with  Col.  Church  against  the  eastern  Indians  and  French,  in  which  expedi- 
tion he  also  had  the  command  of  a company.  Church  arrived  with  his 
forces  in  Sept,  at  Casco,  now  Portland,  and,  having  landed  secretly  under 
cover  of  the  night,  surprised,  on  the  following  morning,  about  four  hundred 
Indians,  who  had  come  to  destroy  the  place.  Although  the  Indians  did  not 
receive  much  damage,  yet,  Governor  Sullivan  says,#  the  whole  eastern  country 
was  saved  by  the  timely  arrival  of  this  expedition.  In  the  fight  at  Casco, 
21  September,  eight  of  the  English  were  killed  and  many  wounded.  Two  of 
Captain  Amos’s  men  were  badly  wounded,  and  Sam  Moses , another  friendly 
Indian,  was  killed.  There  was  another  Indian  company  in  this  expedition, 
commanded  by  Captain  Daniel,  out  of  which  one  man  was  killed,  who  was 
cf  Yarmouth  on  Cape  Cod.f 

L1GHTFOOT,  of  the  tribe  of  the  Sogkonates,  distinguished  in  Philip's 
war,  was  also  in  the  service  under  Church  at  Casco  ; a memorable  expedition, 
on  more  than  one  account.  One  circumstance  we  will  name,  as  it  well  nigh 
proved  the  ruin  of  the  undertaking.  When,  on  the  following  morning,  after 
the  arrival  of  the  forces,  the  attack  was  begun,  it  was,  to  the  inexpressible 
surprise  of  the  English,  found,  that  the  bullets  were  much  larger  than  the 
calibre  of  their  guns.  This  was  a most  extraordinary  and  unaccountable 
occurrence,  and  great  blame  was  chargeable  somewhere.  In  this  wretched 
dilemma,  the  fight  having  already  begun,  Church  set  some  at  work  making 
the  bullets  into  slugs,  by  which  resort  he  was  able  to  continue  the  fight.  It 
being  foigh  water  at  the  time,  an  estuary  separated  the  battle-ground  from  the 
town.  The  bullets  were  to  be  carried  to  the  army  engaged,  in  buckets,  after 
being  hammered.  When  the  first  recruit  of  slugs  was  made  up,  Colonel 
Church  ran  with  it  to  the  water’s  edge,  and,  not  caring  to  venture  himself  to 
wade  across,  called  to  those  on  the  other  side  to  send  some  one  to  take  it  over 
to  the  army.  None  appeared  but  IAghtfoot.  This  Indian  dextrously  repassed 
the  estuary,  with  a quantity  of  powder  upon  his  head,  and  a “ kettle  ” of  bul- 
lets in  each  hand,  and  thus  the  fight  was  maintained,  and  the  enemy  put  to 
flight. 

In  Philip's  war,  Dightfoot’s  exploits  were  doubtless  very  numerous,  but  few 
of  them  have  come  down  to  us.  He  volunteered  to  fight  for  the  English,  at 
Awashonk’s  great  dance  at  Buzzard’s  Bay,  already  mentioned.  When  IAttle- 
eyes  was  taken  at  Cushnet,  in  1676,  Lightfoot  was  sent  with  him  to  what  is 


* Hist.  District  of  Maine , 102.  f MS.  letter  of  Captain  Basset  of  the  expedition. 


KATTENANIT.— EASTERN  WAR. 


87 


Chap.  VI.] 


now  called  Palmer's  Island , near  the  mouth  of  Cushnet  River,  where  he  held 
him  in  guard  until  he  could  be  safely  conducted  to  Plimouth.  About  the 
time  Mkompoin  was  killed,  and  Philip's  wife  and  son  were  taken,  Church 
gave  him  a captain’s  commission,  after  which  he  made  several  successful 
expeditions.— We  now  pass  to  characters  hitherto  less  known,  though  perhaps 
of  more  interest. 

Very  little  was  known  of  certain  important  characters  among  the  friendly 
Indians  of  Massachusetts,  which  should  have  by  no  means  been  overlooked, 
until  the  discovery  of  Mr.  Gookin's  manuscript  history  of  the  praying 
Indians,  not  long  since,  and  to  which  we  have  often  referred  already.  We 
shall,  therefore,  devote  the  remainder  of  the  present  chapter  to  their  history. 

JOB  KATTENANIT  seems  first  to  demand  attention.  He  was  a Christian 
Indian,  and  lived  some  time  at  Natick,  but  was  at  one  time  a preacher  at 
Magunkog,  and  belonged  originally,  we  believe,  to  Hassanamesit.  However 
that  may  have  been,  it  is  certain  he  lived  there  in  the  beginning  of  Philip's 
war,  when  that  chief’s  men  made  a descent  upon  the  place,  with  the  intention 
of  carrying  away  those  Christian  Indians  prisoners.  Job  made  his  escape 
from  them  at  this  time,  and  came  in  to  the  English  at  Mendon.  He  had  still 
three  children  in  the  enemy’s  hands,  and  he  was  willing  to  run  any  venture 
to  release  them.  He  therefore  applied  for  and  obtained  a pass,  assuring  him 
safety,  provided  that,  in  his  return,  he  should  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Eng- 
lish scouts.  Besides  liberating  his  children,  considerable  hopes  were  enter- 
tained, that  he  might  be  enabled  to  furnish  information  of  the  enemy.  It 
unfortunately  happened,  that,  before  he  had  passed  the  frontier,  he  fell  in 
with  some  English  soldiers,  who  treated  him  as  a prisoner,  and  an  enemy, 
even  taking  from  him  his  clothes  and  gun,  sending  him  to  the  governor  of 
Boston  ; “who,  more  to  satisfy  the  clamors  of  the  people  than  for  any  offence 
committed,”  assigned  him  to  the  common  jail,  where  he  suffered  exceedingly ; 
himself  and  many  others  being  crowded  into  a narrow  and  filthy  place.  Af- 
ter about  three  weeks,  he  was  taken  out  and  sent  to  Deer  Island.  The  clam- 
ors of  the  people  were  indeed  high  at  this  time,  and  many  accused  Major 
Gookin , who  gave  him  the  pass,  of  being  guilty  of  furnishing  the  enemy  with 
intelligence. 

After  the  Narraganset  fight,  19  December,  1675,  the  English  were  very 
anxious  to  gain  information  relative  to  the  position  of  the  enemy,  and  accord- 
ingly instructed  Major  Gookin  to  use  his  endeavors  to  employ  some  friendly 
Indian  spies ; who,  after  considerable  negotiation  among  those  at  Deer  Island, 
engaged  Job  again,  and  James  Quannapohit,  ‘alias  Quanapaug.  Their  reward 
was  to  be  Jive  pounds  apiece!  They  departed  upon  this  service  before  day, 
the  30th  of  December,  and,  during  their  mission,  behaved  with  great  pru- 
dence, and  brought  valuable  information  to  the  English  on  their  return ; but 
which,  from  intestine  bickerings  among  the  English,  turned  to  small 
account. 

James  Quannapohit  returned  24th  of  January  following,  nearly  worn  out  and 
famished ; having  travelled  about  80  miles  in  that  cold  season,  upon  snow- 
shoes,  the  snow  being  very  deep.  The  information  which  he  gave  was  writ- 
ten down  by  Major  Gookin .*  Among  other  matters,  he  stated  that  the  ene- 
my had  taken  up  their  quarters  in  different  places,  probably  near  Scattacook ; 
and  many  others,  including  the  Nipmuks,  about  Menumesse.  The*Narra- 
gansets  had  not  yet  joined  Philip  openly,  but  while  James  and  Job  were  among 
the  Nipmuks,  messengers  arrived  from  Narraganset  which  gave  them  much 
joy,  for  they  expressed  an  ardent  desire  to  join  them  and  Philip  in  prosecut- 
ing the  war.  They  said  their  loss  in  the  great  swamp  fight  was  small.  In 
three  weeks,  James  learned,  they  would  assault  Lancaster,  which  accordingly 
came  to  pass,  upon  the  very  day  which  he  said  they  intended  it.  He 
learned  and  thus  divulged  their  plans  to  a great  extent.  A circumstance  now 
occurred  which  obliged  him  to  make  his  escape,  which  was  this:  He  found  a 
friend  and  protector  in  Mautamp,\  one  of  the  Nipmuk  chiefs,  who,  it  seems, 


* The  same  published  in  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  1.  vi.  205 — 208. 

t The  same,  probably,  called  Netaump,  who  was  afterwards  executed  at  Boston,  at  the 
same  limp  with  Sagamorc-sam.  See  Hubbard , 35. 


83 


KATTENANIT. 


[Cook  ITT. 


intended  shortly  to  visit  Philip  ; and  insisted  that  Quannapohit  should  ac- 
company him,  and  it  was  with  no  small  difficulty  he  was  able  to  elude  the 
vigilant  eye  of  Mai^amp,  and  make  his  escape,  which,  however,  was  effected 
only  by  a cunning  stratagem,  as  follows: — He  told  Mautamp  that  he  had 
fought  against  Philip  in  the  commencement  of  the  war,  and  that  Philip  knew 
him,  and  that,  unless  he  could  go  to  him  with  some  important  trophy,  Philip 
would  not  believe  him,  and  would  immediately  kill  him.  And  moreover, 
Tukapewillin  had  privately  told  him  that  Philip  had  given  out  word  that  cer- 
tain praying  Indians  should  be  sought  after,  and,  if  possible,  seized  and 
brought  to  him ; for  he  wanted  to  put  them  to  death  in  a cruel  manner,  with 
his  own  hands,  and  that  he  was  one  of  them.  He  therefore  told  Mautamp 
that  he  would  go,  in  the  first  place,  and  kill  some  English,  and  take  their 
heads  along  with  him,  and  then  he  should  consider  himself  safe.  This 
being  consented  to,  he  lost  no  time  in  retracing  his  steps  to  the  frontiers  of 
the  English. 

He  mentions  Monoco , or  One-eyed-john , as  a great  captain  among  the  ene- 
my, who  also  treated  him  kindly,  and  entertained  him  in  his  wigwam  during 
his  stay  there ; they  being  old  acquaintance,  having  served  together  in  their 
wars  against  the  Mohawks,  ten  years  before.* 

And  here  also  Mr.  Gookin  gives  a favorable  account  of  Monoco.  Philip  had 
ordered  that  the  persons  above  named  should  be  brought  to  him,  if  taken 
alive,  “that  he  might  put  them  to  some  tormenting  death,  which  had  hitheiio 
been  prevented  by  the  care  and  kindness  of  a great  captain  among  them, 
named  John-with-one-eye,  belonging  to  Nashua, f who  had  civilly  treated  and 
protected  James,  and  entertained  him  at  his  wigwam,  all  the  time  of  his 
being  there.”  J 

Job  was  requested  to  come  away  with  Quanapohit,  but  saw  no  way  of 
getting  away  his  children,  which  was  a main  object  with  him.  He  knew, 
too,  that  James  could  give  all  the  information  they  both  possessed  at  that 
period,  and  not  considering  himself  in  imminent  danger,  preferred  to  tarry 
longer. 

At  Wanexit,  or  Manexit,  they  fell  in  with  seven  Indians,  who  took  them 
and  conveyed  them  about  twenty  miles,  across  the  path  leading  to  Connecti- 
cut, northward  from  Quabaog.  These  were  some  of  the  Quahmsits  and 
Segunesits.  At  this  place  were  three  towns  which  contained  about  300 
warriors  well  armed.  Here  they  were  threatened  with  death,  their  mission 
being  truly  guessed.  But  going  to  the  wigwam  of  One-eyed-john,  “ Sagamore 
of  Nashua,”  or  Monoco,  he  charged  his  gun  and  said,  “I  will  kill  whom- 
soever shall  kill  Quanapohit.”  § Some  said  he  had  killed  one  of  Philip's 
counsellors  ||  at  Mount  Hope,  and  Philip  had  hired  some  to  kill  him ; also 
James  Speen,  Andrew  Pitimy,  Captain  Hunter,  Thomas  Quanapohit,  and  Peter 
Ephraim.  On  being  ordered  to  visit  Philip , “ Job  and  he  pretended  to  go  out 
a hunting,  killed  three  dear  quickly,  and  perceiving  they  were  dogged  by 
some  other  Indians,  went  over  a pond  and  lay  in  a swamp  till  before  day,  and 
when  they  had  prayed  together  he  ran  away.”  Job  was  to  return  to  the 
enemy,  and  tell  them  that  James  ran  away  because  they  had  threatened  to 
kill  him.  Job,  not  being  particularly  obnoxious  to  them,  concluded  to 
remain  longer  for  the  end  of  ransoming  his  children,  as  we  have  said.  He 
returned  to  the  English  in  the  night  of  the  9th  of  February,  and  said,  as 
James  had  before,  that  on  the  next  day  Lancaster  would  be  attacked,  for  he 
knew  about  four  hundred  of  the  enemy  were  already  on  their  march,  and  it 
so  resulted.  He  further  informed  the  English,  that  the  enemy  would  shortly 
attack  Medfield,  Groton,  Marlborough,  and  other  places,  and  that  the  Nar- 
ragansets  had  joined  Philip  and  the  Nipmuks. 

While  James  was  there,  “ a Narraganset  brought  to  them  one  English  head : 
they  shot  at  him,  and  said  the  Narragansets  were  the  English  friends  all  last 


* Of  this  war  we  have  given  an  account  in  Book  II.  chap.  III. 
f Called  sagamore  of  Nashua,  in  the  Colton  manuscripts. 

+ Hist.  Praying  Indians.  § Cotton  Manuscripts, 

jj  Referring  probably,  to  Thebe.  See  Book  III.  chap.  II. 


Chap.  VL]  KATTETANIT.  89 

summer.  Afterwards  two  messengers  came  with  twelve  heads,  "craving 
their  assistance,  they  then  accepted  them.”  * 

Before  he  left  the  enemy,  he  appointed  a place  of  safety  for  his  children, 
and  sundry  others  of  his  friends,  captured  at  Hassanamesit,  where  he  would 
afterwards  meet  and  conduct  them  to  the  English.  He  therefore  petitioned 
the  council  for  liberty  to  meet  them,  which  was  granted.  But  he  now  had 
new  difficulties  to  encounter,  owing  to  “ the  rude  temper  of  those  times,”  as 
one  of  the  wise  men  of  that  age  expressed  it.  f Although  both  these  men 
had  acquitted  themselves  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  the  authorities  who 
sent  them  forth,  yet  the  populace  accused  them  of  giving  information  to  the 
enemy,  and  that  they  were  Secretly  their  advisers,  or  else  th^y  had  not 
returned  in  safety ; to  appease  which  they  were  confined  again  to  the  island. 
This  so  interfered  with  the  time  set  by  Job  to  meet  his  children  and  friends, 
that  great  sufferings  overtook  them,  as  well  as  himself;  and  he  knew  not 
that  ever  he  should  have  an  opportunity  to  see  his  children  again.  But  it 
much  sooner  happened,  no  doubt,  than  he  expected,  although  in  an  indirect 
way.  About  the  time  he  was  sent  to  the  island,  a vote  passed  in  the  general 
court  of  Massachusetts,  to  raise  an  army  of  six  hundred  men,  and  Major 
Thomas  Savage  was  applied  to,  to  conduct  them  in  the  war.  He  refused, 
unless  he  could  have  some  of  the  friendly  Indians  from  the  island  for  assist- 
ants. On  a messenger  being  sent  among  them,  six  of  their  principal  and 
bravest  men  volunteered  in  that  service,  among  whom  was  Job  Kattenanit. 
The  army  marched  about  the  first  of  March,  1675,  O.  S.  But  when  at  Marl- 
borough, Job  got  liberty  of  Major  Savage  and  Major-general  Dennison , to 
attempt  the  finding  of  his  friends  and  children,  whom  he  had  appointed  to 
meet  near  Hassanamesit.  When  it  was  known  to  Captain  Mosely , he  behaved 
himself  very  unbecoming  towards  the  commanding  officer,  and  nothing  but 
his  popularity  with  the  army  saved  his  reputation.  Indeed,  his  conduct 
seems  quite  as  reprehensible  as  that  of  a more  modern  Indian  hunter  in  the 
Floridas,  which  all  friends  of  humanity  joined  to  condemn.  Mosely , it 
appears,  would  place  no  confidence  in  any  Indian,  and  doubtless  thought  he 
was  acting  for  the  best  interests  of  the  country.  He  urged  that  it  was  a 
most  impolitic  measure  to  suffer  any  Indian  to  go  away  at  this  time,  knowing 
their  natural  treacherousness ; and  he  doubted  not  but  Job  (although  a tried 
friend)  would  inform  the  enemy  of  the  approach  of  the  army,  which  would 
frustrate  all  their  designs.  The  great  ascendency  which  this  officer  held  in 
the  army  can  best  be  understood  by  a simple  statement  of  the  fact,  that  Major 
Savage  and  General  Dennison  were  obliged  to  send  after  Job  before  the 
soldiery  would  cease  their  clamors.  Captain  Wadsworth  and  Captain  Syll, 
accompanied  by  James  Quannapohit , went  in  pursuit  with  the  utmost  speed. 
But  they  did  not  overtake  him,  and  he  soon  returned  to  the  army  without 
finding  his  friends;  they,  from  fear  of  discovery,  having  changed  their 
place,  the  time  having  been  much  longer  than  was  set,  and  their  consequent 
sufferings  were  indescribable. 

We  shall  only  add  here  concerning  them,  that  they  afterwards  fell  into 
the  hands  of  a party  of  English,  who  treated  them  in  a savage  manner, 
taking  every  thing  from  them.  But  when  they  were  brought  to  Major 
Savage , he  treated  them  kindly,  and  had  them  sent  to  Boston,  all  except  four, 
who  ran  away  from  Marlborough,  where  they  stopped  for  the  night,  from 
the  fear  of  being  murdered,  some  of  the  people  so  abused  and  insulted  them. 
About  two  months  after  that,  they  were  found  and  brought  in  by  Nepanet. 
Finally,  Job  recovered  all  his  children,  and,  marrying  again,  lived  happily. 
His  wife  was  one  of  those  which  he  had  managed  to  deliver  out  of  the 
hands  of  the  enemy  at  such  hazard  and  pains.  She  had,  during  their  wan- 
derings, nursed  and  kept  alive  his  children,  one,  especially,  which  was  very 
young. 

When  the  Hassanamesits  went  off  with  the  enemy,  James  Quannapohit 
was  in  the  neighborhood  with  the  English  forces.  Captain  Syll  sent  out  a 
scout,  and  James  and  Elizer  Pegin  accompanied.  Seven  of  the  enemy  were 


* Cotton  Manuscripts. 

t Major  Daniel  Gookin,  who  was  at  least  a hundred  years  in  advance  of  that  age. 
8* 


90 


EMBASSY  TO  THE  NIPMUCKS. 


[Book  111- 


soon  discovered,  one  of  whom  was  leading  an  English  prisoner.  They 
discovered  the  English  scout,  and  fled.  James  and  Elizcr  pursued  them,  and 
recovered  the  prisoner,  whose  name,  was  Christopher  Muchin,  who  had  been 
taken  from  Marlborough.  James  also  took  one  of  the  enemy’s  guns.* * * § 

The  English  having,  by  means  of  spies,  as  in  the  preceding  life  we  have 
stated,  learned  the  state  of  feeling  among  their  enemies,  felt  themselves 
prepared,  as  the  spring  of  1676  advanced,  to  make  overtures  to  them  for 
peace,  or  an  exchange  of  prisoners,  or  both,  as  they  might  be  found  inclined. 

Tom  Nepanet  was  fixed  upon  as  plenipotentiary  in  this  business.  And, 
although  unjustly  suffering  with  many  of  his  brethren  upon  a bleak  island 
in  Boston  harbor,  consented,  at  the  imminent  risk  of  his  life,  to  proceed  to 
meet  the  Indians  in  the  western  wilderness,  in  the  service,  and  for  the 
benefit,  of  those  who  had  caused  his  sufferings. 

Nepanet  set  out,  3 April,  1676,  to  make  overtures  to  the  enemy  for  the  re- 
lease of  prisoners,  especially  the  family  of  Mr.  Rowlandson , which  was  taken 
at  Lancaster,  returned  on  the  12  following,  with  a written  answer  from  the 
enemy,  saying,  “ We  no  give  answer  by  this  one  man , but  if  you  like  my  answer 
sent  one  more  man  besides  this  one  Tom  Nepanet,  and  send  with  all  true  heart 
and  with  all  your  mind  by  two  men ; because  you  know  and  we  know  your  heart 
great  sorrowful  with  crying  for  your  lost  many  many  hundred  man  and  all  your 
house  and  all  your  land  and,  woman  child  and  cattle  as  all  your  thing  that  you 
have  lost." 


Signed  by  Sam,  Sachem , 
Kutquen,  and 
Quanohit,  Sagamores. 
Peter  Jethro , scribe. 


At  the  same  time,  and  I conclude  in  the  same  letter,  they  wrote  a few 
words  to  others,  as  follows  : “ Mr.  Rowlandson,  your  wife  and  all  your  child  is 
well  but  one  dye.  Your  sister  is  ivell  and  her  3 child.  John  Kittell,  your  wife 
and  all  your  child  is  all  well , and  all  them  prisoners  taken  at  Nashua  is  all 
well. 

Mr.  Rowlandson,  se  your  loving  sister  his  hand  Q Hanah. 

And  old  Kettel  wif  his  hand.  -f- 

Brother  Rowlandson,  pray  send  thre  pound  of  Tobacco  for  me , if  you  can  my 
loving  husband  pray  send  thre  pound  of  tobacco  for  me. 

“ This  writing  by  your  enemies — Samuel  Uskattuhgun  and  Gunrashit,  two 
Indian  sagamores .” 

Mrs.  Rowlandson , in  her  account  of  “ The  Sixteenth  Remove,”  relates,  that 
when  they  had  waded  over  Baquaug  f River,  “ Quickly  there  came  up  to  us 
an  Indian  who  informed  them  that  I must  go  to  Wachuset  to  my  master,  for 
there  wras  a letter  come  from  the  council  to  the  saggamores  about  redeeming 
the  captives,  and  that  there  would  be  another  in  14  days,  and  that  I must  be 
there  ready.”  J This  was  doubtless  after  the  letter  just  recorded  had  been 
sent  to  the  English.  “ About  two  days  after,”  Mrs.  R.  continues,  “ came  a 
company  of  Indians  to  us,  near  30,  all  on  horseback.  My  heart  skipt  within 
me,  thinking  they  had  been  Englishmen,  at  the  first  sight  of  them : For  they 
were  dressed  in  English  apparel,  with  hats,  white  neck-cloths,  and  sashes 
about  their  waists,  and  ribbons  upon  their  shoulders.  But  when  they  came 
near,  there  was  a vast  difference  between  the  lovely  faces  of  Christians,  and 
the  foul  looks  of  those  heathen,  which  much  damped  my  spirits  again.”  § 
Having,  after  great  distress,  arrived  at  Wachuset,  our  authoress  adds, 
“ Then  came  Tom  and  Peter  with  the  second  letter  from  the  council,  about 
the  captives.”  “ I asked  them  how  my  husband  did,  and  all  my  friends  and 


* Gookin's  MS.  Hist.  Christian  Indians. 

t Or  Payquage,  now  Miller’s  River.  Its  confluence  with  the  Connecticut  is  between 
Northfield  and  Moutaguc. 

} Narrative  of  her  Captivity,  59. 

§ Ibid.  GO.  The  regimentals  in  which  they  were  now  tricked  out,  were  probably  taken 
from  the  English  whom  they  bad  killed  in  battle. 


NEPANET.— SECOND  EMBASSY. 


91 


Chap.  VI.J 

acquaintance.  They  said  they  were  well,  but  very  melancholy.”  They 
brought  her  two  biscuits  and  a pound  of  tobacco.  The  tobacco  she  gave  to 
the  Indians,  and,  when  it  was  all  gone,  one  threatened  her  because  she  had 
no  more  to  give;  probably  not  believing  her.  She  told  him  when  her 
husband  came,  she  would  give  him  some.  “ Hang  him,  rogue,  says  he,  1 
will  knock  out  his  brains,  if  he  comes  here.”  “ Again,  at  the  same  breath, 
they  would  say,  if  there  should  come  an  hundred  without  guns  they  would 
do  them  no  hurt.  So  unstable  and  like  madmen  they  were.”  * There  had 
been  something  talked  about  Mr.  Rowlandson's  going  himself  to  ransom  his 
wife,  but  she  says  she  dared  not  send  for  him,  “ for  there  was  little  more 
trust  to  them  than  to  the  master  they  served.”  # 

Npanet  learned  by  the  enemy  that  they  lost  in  the  fight  when  Capt.  Peirse 
was  killed,  “ scores  of  their  men  that  sabbath  day.”  f 

As  they  refused  to  treat  with  Tom  Nepanet  alone,  Peter  Conway  was  joined 
with  him  on  a second  expedition,  as  we  have  seen,  which  led  to  several 
others,  to  which  some  English  ventured  to  add  themselves,  which  resulted  in 
the  redemption  of  Mrs.  Rowlandson  and  several  others. 

“ When  the  letter  was  come,  (says  Mrs.  R .),  the  saggamores  met  to  consult 
about  the  captives,  and  called  me  to  them,  to  inquire  how  much  my  husband 
would  give  to  redeem  me : When  I came  and  sat  down  among  them,  as  I was 
wont  to  do,  as  their  manner  is : Then  they  bid  me  stand  up,  and  said  they 
were  the  general  court  They  bid  me  speak  what  I thought  he  would  give. 
Now  knowing  that  all  that  we  had  was  destroyed  by  the  Indians,  I was  in  a 
great  strait.”  \ She  ventured,  however,  to  say  £20,  and  Tom  and  Peter  bore 
the  offer  to  Boston. 

Of  their  return  the  same  writer  proceeds : “ On  a sabbath  day,  the  sun 
being  about  an  hour  high  in  the  afternoon,  came  Mr  John  Hoar , (the  council 
permitting  him,  and  his  own  forward  spirit  inclining  him,)  together  with  the 
two  fore-mentioned  Indians,  Tom  and  Peter , with  the  third  letter  from  the 
council.  When  they  came  near,  I was  abroad  ; they  presently  called  me  in, 
and  bid  me  sit  down,  and  not  stir.  Then  they  catched  up  their  guns  and 
away  they  ran,  as  if  an  enemy  had  been  at  hand,  and  the  guns  went  off 
apace.  I manifested  some  great  trouble,  and  asked  them  what  was  the 
matter.  I told  them  I thought  they  had  killed  the  Englishman ; (for  they 
had  in  the  mean  time  told  me  that  an  Englishman  had  come  ;)  they  said,  JVo, 
they  shot  over  his  horse , and  under , and  before  his  horse , and  they  pushed  him  this 
way  and  that  way , at  their  pleasure,  showing  him  what  they  could  do.”  § 

They  would  not  at  first  suffer  her  to  see  Mr.  Hoar , but  when  they  had 
gratified  their  tantalizing  whim  sufficiently,  she  was  permitted  to  see  him. 
He  brought  her  a pound  of  tobacco,  which  she  sold  for  nine  shillings.  “ The 
next  morning,  Mr.  Hoar  invited  the  saggamores  to  dinner;  but  when  we 
went  to  get  it  ready,  we  found  they  had  stolen  the  greatest  part  of  the  provis- 
ions Mr.  Hoar  had  brought.  And  we  may  see  the  wonderful  power  of  God, 
in  that  one  passage,  in  that,  when  there  was  such  a number  of  them  together, 
and  so  greedy  of  a little  good  food,  and  no  English  there  but  Mr.  Hoar  and 
myself,  that  there  they  did  not  knock  us  on  the  head,  and  take  what  we  had ; 
there  being  not  only  some  provision,  but  also  trading  cloth,  a part  of  the 
20  pounds  agreed  upon  : But  instead  of  doing  us  any  mischief,  they  seemed 
to  be  ashamed  of  the  fact,  and  said  it  was  the  matchit  [badl  Indians  that 
did  it.”  || 

It  is  now  certain  that  this  negotiation  was  the  immediate  cause  of  their 
final  overthrow.  For  before  this  time  the  Pokanokets  and  Narragansetts 
went  hand  in  hand  against  their  common  enemy,  and  they  were  the  most 
powerful  tribes.  This  parleying  with  the  English  was  so  detestable  to  Philip , 
that  a separation  took  place  among  these  tribes  in  consequence,  and  he  and 
the  Narragansets  separated  themselves  from  the  Nipmuks,  and  other  inland 
tribes,  and  went  off  to  their  own  country.  This  was  the  reason  they  were 
so  easily  subdued  after  the  separation  took  place. 


’*  Narrative  of  her  Captivity,  64,  65. 
i Narrative,  ut  supra,  65. 


t Manuscripts  of  Rev.  J.  Cotton. 
$ Ibid.  71,  72.  ||  Ibid.  72.  73. 


92 


PETER  EPHRAIM.-QUANAPOHIT. 


[Book  III, 


It  was  through  JVepaneVs  means  that  a party  of  English,  under  Captain 
Henchman,  were  enable  d to  surprise  a body  of  his  countrymen  at  Weshakom  # 
Ponds  near  Lancaster,  30  May,  1676.  Following  in  a track  pointed  out  by 
JYepanet , the  Indians  were  fallen  upon  while  fishing,  and,  being  entirely  un- 
prepared, seven  were  killed,  and  29  taken,  chiefly  women  and  children. 

PETER-EPHRAIM  and  ANDRE  W-P1TYME  were  also  two  other 
considerably  distinguished  Nipinuk  Indians.  They  rendered  much  service 
to  the  English  in  Philip’s  war.  They  went  out  in  January,  1676,  and  brought 
in  many  of  the  Nipnets,  who  had  endeavored  to  shelter  themselves  under 
Uncas.  But,  Mr.  Hubbard  observes,  that  Uncas,  having  “shabbed”  them  off, 

“ they  were,  in  the  beginning  of  the  winter,  [1676,]  brought  in  to  Boston, 
many  of  them,  by  Peter-ephraim  and  Andrew-pityme .”  Ephraim  commanded 
an  Indian  company,  and  had  a commission  from  government.  The  news 
that  many  of  the  enemy  were  doing  mischief  about  Rehoboth  caused  a party 
of  English  of  Medfield  to  march  out  to  their  relief;  Ephraim  went  with 
them,  with  his  company,  which  consisted  of  29.  The  snow  being  deep,  the 
English  soon  grew  discouraged,  and  returned,  but  Captain  Ephraim  continued 
the  march,  and  came  upon  a body  of  them,  encamped,  in  the  night.  Early 
the  next  morning,  he  successfully  surrounded  them,  and  offered  them  quar- 
ter.  “Eight  resolute  fellows  refused,  who  were  presently  shot;”  the  others 
yielded,  and  were  brought  in,  being  in  number  42.  Other  minor  exploits  of 
this  Indian  captain  are  recorded. 

THOMAS  Q.UANAPOIIIT,  called  also  Rummy-marsh,  was  a brother  of 
James , and  was  also  a Christian  Indian.  In  the  beginning  of  hostilities 
against  Philip , Major  Gookin  received  orders  to  raise  a company  of  praying 
Indians  to  be  employed  against  him.  This  company  was  immediately 
raised,  and  consisted  of  52  men,  who  were  conducted  to  Mount  Hope  by 
Captain  Isaac  Johnson.  Quanapohit  was  one  of  these.  The  officers  under 
whom  they  served  testified  to  their  credit  as  faithful  soldiers ; yet  many  of 
the  army,  officers  and  men,  tried  all  in  their  power  to  bring  them  into  disre- 
pute with  the  country.  Such  proceedings,  we  should  naturally  conclude, 
would  tend  much  to  dishearten  those  friendly  Indians ; but,  on  the  contrary, 
they  used  every  exertion  to  win  the  affections  of  their  oppressors.  Quana - 
pohit , with  the  other  two,  received  from  government  a reward  for  the  scalps 
which  they  brought  in.  Though  not  exactly  in  order,  yet  it  must  be  men- 
tioned, that  when  Thomas  was  out,  at  or  near  Swansey,  in  the  beginning  of 
the  war,  he  by  accident  had  one  of  his  hands  shot  off.  He  was  one  of  the 
troopers,  and  carried  a gun  of  remarkable  length.  The  weather  being  ex- 
cessively hot,  his  horse  was  very  uneasy,  being  disturbed  by  flies,  and  struck 
the  lock  of  the  gun  as  the  breech  rested  upon  the  ground,  and  caused  it  to 
go  off,  which  horribly  mangled  the  hand  that  held  it ; and,  notwithstanding 
it  was  a long  time  in  getting  well,  yet  he  rendered  great  service  in  the  war 
afterward.  The  account  of  one  signal  exploit  having  been  preserved,  shall 
here  be  related.  While  Captain  Henchman  was  in  the  enemy’s  country,  he 
made'an  excursion  from  Hassanamesit  to  Packachoog,  which  lies  about  ten 
miles  north-west  from  it.  Meeting  here  with  no  enemy,  he  marched  again 
for  Hassanamesit;  and  having  got  a few  miles  on  his  way,  discovered  that 
he  had  lost  a tin  case,  which  contained  his  commission,  and  other  instructions. 
He  therefore  despatched  Thomas  and  two  Englishmen  in  search  of  it.  They 
made  no  discovery  of  the  lost  article  until  they  came  in  sight  of  an  old  wig- 
wam at  Packachoog,  where,  to  their  no  small  surprise,  they  discovered  some 
of  the  enemy  in  possession  of  it.  They  were  but  a few  rods  from  them,  and 
being  so  few  in  number,  that  to  have  given  them  battle  would  have  been 
desperate  in  the  extreme,  as  neither  of  them  was  armed  for  such  an  occasion  ; 
stratagem,  therefore,  could  only  save  them.  The  wigwam  was  situated  upon 
an  eminence  ; and  some  were  standing  in  the  door,  when  they  approached, 
who  discovered  them  as  soon  as  they  came  in  sight.  One  presented  his 
gun,  but,  the  weather  being  stormy,  it  did  not  go  off  At  this  moment  our 
chief,  loqking  back,  called,  and  made  many  gestures,  as  though  he  were  dis- 
posing of  a large  force  to  encompass  them.  At  this  manoeuvre  they  all  fled, 


* Roger  Williams  sets  down  sea  as  the  definition  of  tVechfcum, 


PASSACONAWAY. 


93 


Chap.  VII.] 

bem<*  six  in  number,  leaving  our  heroes  to  pursue  their  object.  Thus  their 
preservation  was  due  to  Quanapohit ; and  is  the  more  to  be  admired,  as  they 
were  in  so  far  destitute  of  the  means  of  defence.  Captain  Quanapohit  had 
himself  only  a pistol,  and  one  of  his  men  a gun  without  a flint,  and  the 
other  no  gun  at  all.* 

It  was  about  the  time  these  events  occurred,  that  Captain  Tom , of  whom 
we  have  spoken,  his  daughter,  and  two  children,  were  taken  by  a scout  sent  out 
by  Captain  Henchman , about  10  miles  south-east  of  Marlborough.  They  appear 
to  have  been  taken  on  the  11  June,  and  on  the  26  of  the  same  month  Captain 
Tom  was  executed. 

CHAPTER  VII 

Of  the  Indians  in  Neio  Hampshire  and  Maine  previous  to  their  wars  with  the  whites — 
Dominions  of  the  bashaba — Perishes  in  roar — Passaconaway — His  dominions — 
His  last  speech  to  h's  people — His  life — His  daughter  marries  Winnapurket — Peti- 
tions the  court  of  Massachusetts — Lands  allotted  to  him — English  send  a force  to 
disarm  him — Their  fears  of  his  enmity  unfounded. — they  seize  and  illtreat  his  son — 
He  escapes — Passaconaway  delivers  his  arms , and  makes  peace  with  the  English — 
Traditions  concerning — Life  of  Wannalancet — His  situation  in  Philip's  war — 
Messengers  and  letters  sent  him  by  the  English — Leaves  his  residence — His  humanity 
— Fate  of  Josiah  Nouel — Wannalancet  returns  to  his  country — His  lands  seized 
in  his  absence — He  again  retires  into  the  wilderness — Mosely  destroys  his  village , 
tyc. — Imprisoned  for  debt — Favors  Christianity — A speech — Wehanownowit, 
sachem  of  New  Hampshire — Robinhood — His  sales  of  land  in  Maine — Monquine 
— Kennebis — Assiminasqua — Abbigadasset — Their  residences  and  sales  of  land 
— Melancholy  fate  of  Chocorua. 

Some  knowledge  of  the  Indians  eastward  of  the  Massachusetts  was 
very  early  obtained  by  Captain  John  Smith , which,  however,  was  very 
general ; as  that  they  were  divided  into  several  tribes,  each  of  which  had 
their  own  sachem,  or,  as  these  more  northern  Indians  pronounced  that 
word,  sachemo , which  the  English  understood  sagamore ; and  yet  all  the 
sachemos  acknowledged  subjection  to  one  still  greater,  which  they  called 
bashaba. 

Of  the  dominions  of  the  bashaba,  writers  differ  much  in  respect  to  their 
extent.  Some  suppose  that  his  authority  did  not  extend  this  side  the  Pas- 
cataqua,  but  it  is  evident  that  it  did,  from  Captain  Smith's  account.f  Wars 
and  pestilence  had  greatly  wasted  the  eastern  Indians  but  a short  time  before 
the  English  settled  in  the  country;  and  it  was  then  difficult  to  determine  the 
relation  the  tribes  had  stood  in  one  to  the  other.  As  to  the  bashaba  of  Penob- 
scot, tradition  states  that  he  was  killed  by  the  Tarratines,  who  lived  still 
farther  east,  in  a war  which  was  at  its  height  in  1615. 

PASSACONAWAY  seems  to  have  been  a bashaba.  He  lived  upon  the 
Merrimack  River,  at  a place  called  Pennakook , and  his  dominions,  at  the 
period  of  the  English  settlements,  were  very  extensive,  even  over  the  sachems 
living  upon  the  Pascataqua  and  its  branches.  The  Abenaques  inhabited 
between  the  Pascataqua  and  Penobscot,  and  the  residence  of  the  chief 
sachem  was  upon  Indian  Island.^  Fluellen  and  Captain  Sunday  were  early 
known  as  chiefs  among  the  Abenaques,  and  Squando  at  a later  period ; but 


* Gookin’s  MS.  Hist.  Praying  Indians. 

f “ The  principal  habitations  I saw  at  northward,  was  Penobscot,  who  are  in  wars  with  the 
Terentines,  their  next  northerly  neighbors.  Southerly  up  the  rivers,  and  along  the  coast,  we 
found  Mecadacut,  Segocket,  Pemmaquid,  Nusconcus,  Sagadahock,  Satquin,  Aumaughcaw- 

?en  and  Kenabeca.  To  those  belong  the  countries  and  people  of  Segotago,  Pauhunlanuck, 
'ocopassum,  Taughtanakagnet,  Wabigganus,  Nassaque,  Masherosqueck,  Wawrigwick, 
Moshoqueri,  Waccogo,  Pasharanack,  &c.  To  those  are  allied  in  confederacy,  the  countries 
of  Aucocisco,  Accominticus,  Passataquak,  Augawoam  and  Naemkeek,  all  these,  for  any 
thing  I could  perceive,  differ  little  in  language  or  any  thing  ; though  most  of  them  be  sagamos 
and  lords  of  themselves,  yet  they  hold  the  bashabes  of  Penobscot  the  chief  and  greatest 
amongst  them.”  3 Coll  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  21,  22. 

J Williamson's  Hist.  Maine,  ii.  4. 


94 


PASSACONAWAY. 


[Book  III. 


of  these  we  shall  be  more  particular  hereafter : the  first  sachem  we  should 
notice  is  Passaconaway * He  “ lived  to  a very  great  age  ; for,”  says  the  author 
of  my  manuscript,  “I  saw  him  alive  at  Pawtucket,  when  he  was  about  a 
hundred  and  twenty  years  old.”*  Before  his  death,  lie  delivered  the  follow- 
ing speech  to  his  children  and  friends : “/am  nozv  going  the  way  of  all  fesh,  or 
ready  to  die , and  not  likely  to  see  you  ever  meet  together  any  more.  I will  now  leave 
this  word  of  counsel  with  you,  that  you  may  take  heed  how  you  quan'el  with  the  English, 
for  though  you  may  do  them  much  mischief,  yet  assuredly  you  will  all  be  destroyed, 
and  rooted  off  the  earth  if  you  do  ; for,  I was  as  much  an  enemy  to  the  English,  at 
thei Y first  coming  into  these  parts , as  any  one  whedsoever,  and  did  try  all  ways  and 
means  possible,  to  have  destroyed  them , at  least  to  have  prevented  them  settling  dozen 
here , but  I could  no  way  eject  it ; therefore  I advise  you  never  to  contend  with  the 
English , nor  make  war  with  them”  And  Mr.  Hubbard  adds,  “ it  is  to  be  noted, 
that  this  Passaeonawa  was  the  most  noted  powow  and  sorcerer  of  all  the 
country.” 

A story  of  the  marriage  of  a daughter  of  Passaconaway , in  1662,  is  thus 
related.  Winnepurket,  commonly  called  George,  sachem  of  Saugus,  made 
known  to  the  chief  of  Pennakook,  that  he  desired  to  marry  his  daughter, 
which,  being  agreeable  to  all  parties,  was  soon  consummated,  at  the  resi- 
dence of  Passaconaway , and  the  hilarity  was  closed  with  a great  feast.  Ac- 
cording to  the  usages  of  the  chiefs,  Passaconaway  ordered  a select  number  of 
his  men  to  accompany  the  new-married  couple  to  the  dwelling  of  the 
husband.  When  they  had  arrived  there,  several  days  of  feasting  followed, 
for  the  entertainment  of  his  friends,  who  could  not  be  present  at  the  con- 
summation at  the  bride’s  father’s,  as  well  as  for  the  escort ; who,  when  this 
was  ended,  returned  to  Pennakook. 

Some  time  after,  the  wife  of  Winnepurket,  expressing  a desire  to  visit  her 
father’s  house  and  friends,  was  permitted  to  go,  and  a choice  company  con- 
ducted her.  When  she  wished  to  return  to  her  husband,  her  father,  instead 
of  conveying  her  as  before,  sent  to  the  young  sachem  to  come  and  take  her 
away.  He  took  this  in  high  dudgeon,  and  sent  his  father-in-law  this  answer: 
“ When  she  departed  from  me,  I caused  my  men  to  escort  her  to  your  dwell- 
ing, as  becarte  a chief.  She  now  having  an  intention  to  return  to  me,  I did 
expect  the  same.”  The  elder  sachem  was  now  in  his  turn  angry,  and 
returned  an  answer  which  only  increased  the  difference ; and  it  is  believed 
that  thus  terminated  the  connection  of  the  new  husband  and  wife.f 

This  same  year,  [1662,]  we  find  the  general  court  acting  upon  a petition 
of  Passaconaway , or,  as  his  name  is  spelt  in  the  records  themselves,  Papisse- 
coneway.  The  petition  we  have  not  met  with,  but  from  the  answer  given  to 
it,  we  learn  its  nature.  The  court  say : “ In  answer  to  the  petition  of 
P apisseconeway,  this  court  judgeth  it  meete  to  graunt  to  the  said  Papissecone- 
way  and  his  men  or  associates  about  Naticot,  | above  Mr.  Brenton’s  lands, 
where  it  is  free,  a mile  and  a half  on  either  side  Merremack  Riuer  in  breadth, 
three  miles  on  either  side  in  length : provided  he  nor  they  do  not  alienate 
any  part  of  this  grant  without  leave  and  license  from  this  court,  first 
obtained.” 

Governor  Winthrop  mentions  this  chief  as  early  as  1632.  One  of  his  men, 
having  gone  with  a white  man  into  the  country  to  trade,  was  killed  by 
another  Indian  “ dwelling  near  the  Mohawks  country,  who  fled  away  with 
his  goods ; ” but  it  seems  from  the  same  account,  that  Passaconaway  pursued 
and  took  the  murderer.  In  1642,  there  was  great  alarm  throughout  the 
English  settlements,  from  the  belief  that  all  the  Indians  in  the  country  were 
about  to  make  a general  massacre  of  the  whites*  The  government  of  Mas- 
sachusetts took  prompt  measures  “to  strike  a terror  into  the  Indians.”  They 
therefore  “ sent  men  to  Cutshamekin , at  Braintree,  to  fetch  him  and  his  guns, 


* Goo/cin’s  Hist,  of  Praying  Indians.  This  history  was  drawn  up  during  the  year  1677, 
and  how  long  before  this  the  author  saw  him,  is  unknown  ; but  there  can  be  no  doubt  but  he 
was  dead  some  years  before  Philip’s  war.  Nevertheless,  with  Mr.  Hubbard  and  our  text 
before  him,  the  author  of  Tales  of  the  Indians  has  made  Passaconaway  appear  in  the  person 
of  Aspimptid,  in  1682,  at  Agamentacus  in  Maine, 
t Deduced  from  facts  in  Morton’s  N.  Canaan . 

+ Another  version  of  Nahum-keag. 


Chap.  VII.]  WANNALANCET  MADE  PRISONER  BY  THE  ENGLISH.  95 

bows,  &c.,  which  was  done ; and  he  came  willingly : And  being  late  in  the 
night  when  they  came  to  Boston,  he  was  put  into  the  prison ; but  the  next 
morning,  finding,  upon  examination  of  him  and  divers  of  his  men,  no  ground 
of  suspicion  of  his  partaking  in  any  such  conspiracy,  he  was  dismissed. 
Upon  the  warrant  which  went  to  Ipswich,  Rowley  and  Newbury,  to  disarm 
Passaconamy,  who  lived  by  Merrimack,  they  sent  forth  40  men  armed  the 
next  day.”  These  English  were  hindered  from  visiting  the  wigwam  of 
Passaconaway , by  rainy  weather,  “ but  they  came  to  his  son’s  and  took  him.” 
This  son  we  presume  was  Wannalancet.  This  they  had  orders  to  do  ; but 
for  taking  a squaw  and  her  child,  they  had  none,  and  were  ordered  to  send 
them  back  again  immediately.  Fearing  Wannalancet' s escape,  they  “ led  him 
in  a line,  but  lie  taking  an  opportunity,  slipped  his  line  and  escaped  from 
them,  but  one  very  indiscreetly  made  a shot  at  him,  and  missed  him  nar- 
rowly.” These  were  called,  then,  “ unwarranted  proceedings,”  as  we  should 
say  they  very  well  might  have  been.  The  English  now  had  some  actual 
reason  to  fear  that  Passaconaway  would  resent  this  outrage,  and  therefore 
“sent  Cutshamekin  to  him  to  let  him  know  that  what  was  done  to  his  son 
and  squaw  was  without  order,”  and  to  invite  him  to  a parley  at  Boston ; also, 
“ to  show  him  the  occassion  whereupon  we  had  sent  to  disarm  all  the  In- 
dians, and  that  when  we  should  find  that  they  were  innocent  of  any  such 
conspiracy,  we  would  restore  all  their  arms  again.”  Passaconaway  said  when 
he  should  have  his  son  and  squaw  returned  safe,  he  would  go  and  speak 
with  them.  The  squaw  was  so  much  frightened,  that  she  ran  away  into  the 
woods,  and  was  absent  ten  days.  It  seems  that  Wannalancet  was  soon  lib- 
erated, as  he  within  a short  time  went  to  the  English,  “ and  delivered  up.  his 
guns,  &c.”*  These  were  the  circumstances  to  which  Miantunnomoh  alluded 
so  happily  afterwards. 

At  a court  in  Massachusetts  in  1644,  it  is  said,  “ Passaconaway , the  Merri- 
mack sachem,  came  in  and  submitted  to  our  government,  as  Pumham,  &c. 
had  done  before  and  the  next  year  the  same  entry  occurs  again,  with 
the  addition  of  his  son’s  submission  also,  “ together  with  their  lands  and 
r people.”  f 

This  chief  is  supposed  to  have  died  about  the  same  time  with  Massasoit, 
a sachem  whom  in  many  respects  he  seems  to  have  much  resembled.  { He 
was  often  styled  the  great  sachem , and,  according  to  Mr.  Hubbard , was  con- 
sidered a great  powwow  or  sorcerer  among  his  people,  and  his  fame  in  this 
respect  was  very  extensive  ; and  we  know  not  that  there  was  any  thing  that 
they  thought  him  not  able  to  perform:  that  he  could  cause  a green  leaf  to 
grow  in  winter,  trees  to  dance,  and  water  to  burn,  seem  to  have  been  feats 
of  common  notoriety  in  his  time. 

WANNALANCET,  or  Wonolancet , in  obedience  to  the  advice  of  his  father, 
always  kept  peace  with  the  English.  He  resided  at  an  ancient  seat  of  the 
sagamores,  upon  the  Merrimack,  called  at  that  time  JYaamkeke,  but  from 
whence  he  withdrew,  in  the  time  of  the  war  with  Philip , and  took  up  his 
quarters  among  the  Pennakooks,  who  were  also  his  people. 

About  the  beginning  of  September,  1675,  Captain  Mosely , with  about  100 
men,  was  ordered  to  march  up  into  the  country  of  the  Merrimack  to  ascertain 
the  state  of  affairs  under  Wannalancet.  These  men  scouted  in  warlike  array 
as  far  as  Pennakook,  now  Concord,  N.  H.  They  could  not  find  an  Indian, 
but  came  upon  their  wigwams,  and  burned  them,  and  also  a quantity  of  dried 
fish  and  other  articles.  Although  this  was  a most  wanton  and  unwarrantable, 
not  to  say  unnecessary  act  of  these  whites,  yet  no  retaliation  took  place  on 
the  part  of  the  Indians.  And  whether  to  attribute  their  forbearance  to  cow- 
ardice, or  to  the  great  respect  in  which  the  dying  advice  of  Passaconaway  was 


* Winthrop’s  Journal.  f Ibid. 

t Among  other  stanzas  in  Farmer  and  Moore's  Collections,  the  following  very  happily 
introduces  Passaconaway : — 

11  Once  did  my  throbbing  bosom  deep  receive 
The  sketch,  which  one  of  Passaconaway  drew. 

Well  may  the  muse  his  memory  retrieve 
From  dark  oblivion,  and,  with  pencil  true, 

Retouch  that  picture  strange,  with  tints  and  honors  due.” 


96 


WANNALANCET.— INDIANS  SEIZED  AT  DOVER.  [Book  III. 


held,  is  not  certain ; for  Wanalancet  and  his  men  had  notice  of  the  approach 
of  Mosely , and  lay  concealed  while  he  was  destroying  their  effects  ; and 
might  have  cut  off  his  company,  which  the  young  warriors  advised,  but 
Wannalancet  would  not  permit  a gun  to  be  fired. 

Having  abundant  reason  now  to  fear  the  resentment  of  the  Pawtuckett  and 
Pennakook  Indians,  the  council  of  Massachusetts,  7 September,  1675,  ordered 
that  Lieutenant  Thomas  Henchman , of  Chelmsford,  should  send  some  messen- 
gers to  find  him,  and  persuade  him  of  their  friendship,  and  urge  his  return  to  his 
place  of  residence.  With  this  order,  a letter  was  sent  to  Wannalancet  at  the 
same  time.  They  are  as  follows : “It  is  ordered  by  the  council  that  Lieut. 
Tho*.  Henchman  do  forthwith  endeavor  to  procure  by  hire,  one  or  two 
suitable  Indians  of  Wamesit,  to  travel  and  seek  to  find  out  and  speak  with 
Wannalancet  the  sachem,  and  carry  with  them  a writing  from  the  council, 
being  a safe  conduct  unto  the  said  sachem,  or  any  other  principal  men  be- 
longing to  Natahook,  Penagooge,  or  other  people  of  those  northern  Indians, 
giving  (not  exceeding  six  persons)  free  liberty  to  come  into  the  house  of  the 
said  Henchman , where  the  council  will  appoint  Capt.  Gookin  and  Mr.  Eliot  to 
treat  vvitli  them  about  terms  of  amity  and  peace  between  them  and  the  Eng- 
lish ; and  in  case  agreements  and  conclusions  be  not  made  to  mutual  satis- 
faction, then  the  said  sachem  and  all  others  that  accompany  him  shall  have 
free  liberty  to  return  back  again ; and  this  offer  the  council  are  induced  to 
make,  because  the  said  Wannalancet  sachem,  as  they  are  informed,  hath  de- 
clared himself  that  the  English  never  did  any  wrong  to  him,  or  his  father 
Passaconaway , but  always  lived  in  amity,  and  that  his  father  charged  him  so  to 
do,  and  that  said  Wannalancet  will  not  begin  to  do  any  wrong  to  the  English.” 
The  following  is  the  letter  to  Wannalancet : — 

“This  our  writing  or  safe  conduct  doth  declare,  that  the  governor  and 
council  of  Massachusetts  do  give  you  and  every  of  you,  provided  you  exceed 
not  six  persons,  free  liberty  of  coming  unto  and  returning  in  safety  from 
the  house  of  Lieut.  T.  Henchman  at  Naamkeake,  and  there  to  treat  with 
Capt.  Daniel  Gookin  and  Mr.  John  Eliot , whom  you  know,  and  [whom]  we 
will  fully  empower  to  treat  and  conclude  with  you,  upon  such  meet  terms 
and  articles  of  friendship,  amity  and  subjection,  as  were  formerly  made  and 
concluded  between  the  English  and  old  Passaconaway , your  father,  and  his 
sons  and  people  ; and  for  this  end  we  have  sent  these  messengers  [blank  in 
the  MS.]  to  convey  these  unto  you,  and  to  bring  your  answer,  whom  we 
desire  you  to  treat  kindly,  and  speedily  to  despatch  them  back  to  us  with 
your  answer.  Dated  in  Boston,  1 Oct.  1675.  Signed  by  order  of  the 
council.  John  Leverett,  Govr. 

Edw Rawson , Seer.” 

The  messengers  who  went  out  with  this  letter,  to  find  Wannalancet,  could 
not  meet  with  him,  but  employed  another  to  find  him,  and  returned ; and 
whether  he  ever  received  it  is  not  distinctly  stated.  However,  with  a few 
followers,  he  retired  into  the  wilderness  near  the  source  of  the  Connecticut, 
and  there  passed  the  winter.  The  next  slimmer  he  was  joined  by  parties  of 
Nipmuks  under  Sagamore  sam,  One-eyed-john,  and  others,  who,  coming  in 
with  him,  were  in  hopes  of  receiving  pardon,  but  their  fate  has  been 
stated. 

Major  Waldron  of  Cochecho  had  many  Indians  in  his  interest  during  the 
war  with  Philip.  Some  of  these  were  employed  to  entice  men  from  the 
enemy’s  ranks,  and  they  succeeded  to  a great  extent.  And  by  the  beginning 
of  September,  1676,  about  400  Indians,  from  various  clans  far  and  near,  had 
been  induced  to  come  into  Dover.  Among  these  was  Wannalancet  and  his 
company.  They  came  without  hesitation,  as  they  had  never  been  engaged 
in  the  war ; and  many  who  had  been  engaged  in  hostility  came  along  with 
them,  presuming  they  might  be  overlooked  in  the  crowd,  and  so  escape  the 
vengeance  of  their  enemies  ; but  they  were  all  made  prisoners  on  the  6 Sep- 
tember by  a stratagem  devised  by  several  officers,  who  with  their  men  hap- 
pened then  to  be  at  Dover  with  Waldron,  and  somewhat  more  than  half  of 
the  whole  were  sold  into  foreign  slavery  or  executed  at  Boston : about  200 
were  of  the  former  number. 


Chap.  VII.] 


WANNALANCET  RETIRES  TO  CANADA. 


97 


The  stratagem  made  use  of  to  trepan  those  Indians  was  as  follows : It  was 
proposed  by  the  English  that  they  should  join  with  the  Indians  in  a training, 
and  have  sham-fights.  While  performing  their  evolutions,  a movement  was 
made  by  the  whites,  which  entirely  surrounded  the  Indians,  and  they  were 
all  secured  without  violence  or  bloodshed. 

On  the  3 May,  1676,  Thomas  Kimbal  of  Bradford  was  killed,  and  his  wife 
and  five  children  carried  into  the  wilderness.  From  the  circumstance  that 
Wannalancet  caused  them  to  be  sent  home  to  their  friends  again,  it  would 
seem  that  they  were  taken  by  some  of  the  enemy  within  his  sachemdom,  or 
by  some  over  whom  he  had  some  control.  From  a manuscript  written  about 
the  time,*  we  are  able  to  make  the  following  extract,  which  goes  to  show 
that  Wannalancet  was  ever  the  friend  of  the  English,  and  also  his  disposition 
to  humane  actions.  Mr.  Cobbet  says,  “though  she  [Mrs.  Kimbal ,]  and  her 
sucking  child  were  twice  condemned  by  the  Indians,  and  the  fires  ready 
made  to  burn  them,  yet,  both  times,  saved  by  the  request  of  one  of  their  own 
grandees  ; and  afterwards  by  the  intercession  of  the  sachem  of  Pennicook, 
stirred  up  thereunto  by  Major  Waldron , was  she  and  her  five  children,  together 
with  Philip  Eastman  of  Haverhill,  taken  captive  when  she  and  her  children 
were,  set  at  liberty,  without  ransom.” 

The  400  Indians  surprised  at  Cochecho,  by  Hathorne,  Frost , Sill,  and  Wal- 
dron, included  Wannalancet  with  his  people,  who  did  not  probably  exceed 
100.  This  chief,  then,  with  a few  of  his  people,  being  set  at  liberty,  was  per- 
suaded to  return  to  his  former  residence  at  Naamkeke,  but  he  never  felt  rec- 
onciled here  afterwards,  for  it  had  become  almost  as  another  place : some 
lawless  whites  had  seized  upon  his  lands,  and  looked  upon  him  with  envious 
eyes,  as  though  he  had  been  an  intruder  and  had  no  right  there.  He,  however, 
continued  for  about  a year  afterwards,  when,  upon  the  19  September,  1677, 
he  was  visited  by  a party  of  Indians  from  Canada,  who  urged  him  to  accom- 
pany them  to  their  country.  He  finally  consented,  and  with  all  of  his  people, 
except  two,  in  number  about  50,  of  whom  not  above  eight  were  men,  depart- 
ed for  Canada,  and  was  not  heard  of  after,  f 

It  was  on  this  very  same  day,  viz.  19  September,  that  a party  of  Indians  fell 
upon  Hatfield,  the  particulars  of  which  irruption,  though  in  one  view  of  the 
case  does  not  strictly  belong  to  the  life  of  Wannalancet,  we  give  here  in  the 
words  of  Mr.  Hubbard.  J “ About  Sept.  19th,  40  or  50  River  Indians  § fell  sud- 
denly upon  the  town  of  Hatfield,  whose  inhabitants  were  a little  too  secure, 
and  too  ready  to  say  the  bitterness  of  death  was  past,  because  they  had  neither 
seen  nor  heard  of  an  enemy  in  those  parts  for  half  a year  before.  But  at  this 
time,  as  a considerable  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  small  village  were 
employed  in  raising  the  frame  of  an  house  without  the  palisadoes,  that  defend- 
ed their  houses  from  any  sudden  incursions  of  the  enemy,  they  were  violent- 
ly and  suddenly  assaulted  by  40  or  50  Indians,  whom  they  were  in  no  capacity 
to  resist  or  defend  themselves,  so  as  several  were  shot  down  from  the  top  of 
the  house  which  they  were  raising,  and  sundry  were  carried  away  captive,  to 
the  number  of  20  or  more,  which  was  made  up  24  with  them  they  carried  away 
the  same  or  the  next  day  from  Deerfield,  whither  some  of  the  inhabitants  had 
unadvisedly  too  soon  returned.  One  of  the  company  escaped  out  of  their  hands 
two  or  three  days  after,  who  informed  that  they  had  passed  with  their  poor 
captives  two  or  three  times  over  the  Connecticut  to  prevent  being  pursued.” 

At  first  this  attack  was  supposed  to  have  been  made  by  a party  of  Mohawks, 
according  to  Gookin,  because  it  took  place  the  next  day  after  some  of  that 
nation  had  passed  through  the  place  with  some  Christian  Indians  prisoners, 
and  a scalp,  which  was  afterwards  found  to  have  been  taken  from  the  head 
of  an  Indian  named  Josiah  Nouel,  ||  near  Sudbury.  But  one  of  the  captives 


* By  Rev.  T.  Cobbet  of  Ipswich. 

t Gookin's  MS.  Hist.  Praying  Indians.  $ Hist.  N.  England,  636. 

§ They  inhabited  chiefly  in  New  York  along  the  Hudson  ; a few  in  the  N.  W.  corner  of 
Connecticut,  and  a few  on  the  Housatunnuk  River.  Hopkin’s  Memoir  of  the  Housatunnuk 
Indians,  p.  1. — “ The  Wabinga,  sometimes  called  River  Indians,  sometimes  Mohicanders, 
and  who  had  their  dwellings  between  the  west  branch  of  Delaware  and  Hudson’s  River,  from 
the  Kittatinney  ridge  down  to  the  Rariton.”  Jefferson’s  Notes,  308. 

U By  his  death  four  small  children  were  left  fatherless.  Nouel  and  James  Seen  had  been 


ASHPELON. — STOCK. WELL'S  CAPTIVITY. 


[Book  lit 


9a 

taken  at  Hatfield  escaped,  and  returned  soon  after,  and  reported  that  the  com- 
pany of  Indians  that  attacked  Hatfield  consisted  of  23  men  and  four  women, 
and  were  some  of  those  who  bad  belonged  to  Philip’s  party,  but  had  taken 
up  their  residence  in  Canada,  from  whence  they  made  this  expedition.* * * * § 
Another  party  left  Canada  at  the  same  time,  who,  after  separating  from  the 
former,  directed  their  course  towards  Merrimack,  and  this  was  the  company 
who  persuaded  or  compelled  IVannalancet  to  go  with  them.  That  he  went 
not  by  compulsion  is  very  probable  ; for  the  party  with  whom  he  went  off 
“ were  his  kindred  and  relations,  one  of  them  was  his  wife’s  brother,  and  his 
eldest  son  also  lived  with  the  French  ” in  Canada,  f 

While  at  Pawtucket,  and  not  long  before  his  final  departure,  Wannalancet 
went  to  the  Reverend  Mr.  Fiske  of  Chelmsford,  and  inquired  of  him  con- 
cerning the  welfare  of  his  former  acquaintances,  and  whether  the  place  had 
suffered  much  during  the  war.  Mr.  Fiske  answered  that  they  had  been 
highly  favored  in  that  respect,  and  for  which  he  thanked  God.  “ Me  next,” 
said  the  chief,  thereby  intimating  that  he  was  conscious  of  having  prevented 
mischief  from  falling  upon  them.  | 

In  1659,  Wannalansit  was  thrown  into  prison  for  a debt  of  about  £45.  His 
people,  who  owned  an  island  in  Merrimack  River,  three  miles  above  Paw- 
tuckett  Falls,  containing  60  acres,  half  of  which  was  under  cultivation, 
relinquished  it,  to  obtain  his  release.  About  1670,  he  removed  to  Pawtuckett 
Falls,  where,  upon  an  eminence,  he  built  a fort,  and  resided  until  Philip’s 
war.  He  was  about  55  years  of  age  in  1674 ; always  friendly  to  the  English, 
but  unwilling  to  be  importuned  about  adopting  their  religion.  When  he  had 
got  to  be  very  old,  however,  he  submitted  to  their  desires  in  that  respect. 
Upon  that  occasion  he  is  reported  to  have  said,  “ I must  acknowledge  I have  all 
my  days  been  used  to  pass  in  an  old  canoe , and  now  you  exhort  me  to  change  and 
leave  my  old  canoe  and  embark  in  a new  one,  to  which  I have  hitherto  been  unwill- 
ing, bid  now  I yield  up  myself  to  uour  advice , and  enter  into  a new  canoe , and 
do  engage  to  pray  to  God  hereafter .” 

Reverend  John  Eliot  thus  writes  to  the  Honorable  Robert  Boyle  § in  England, 


together  but  half  an  hour  before  the  former  was  killed,  and  by  appointment  were  to  have  met 
again.  But  when  Speen  came  to  the  place,  he  could  find  nothing  of  his  friend.  They  were 
brothers-in-law. 

* It  seems  from  the  narrative  of  Quintin  Stockwell,  that  the  party  who  committed  this 
depredation  was  led  by  a great  and  magnanimous  sachem  called  ASHPELON,  of  whom, 
further  than  the  events  of  this  famous  expedition,  I have  learned  nothing.  “ Sept.  19,  1677, 
about  sunset/’  says  Stockwell,  “ I and  another  man  being  together,  the  Indians  with  great 
shouting  and  shooting  came  upon  us,  [at  Deerfield,}  and  some  other  of  the  English  hard  by,  at 
which  we  ran  to  a swamp  for  refuge  ; which  they  perceiving,  made  after  us,  and  shot  at  us, 
three  guns  being  discharged  upon  me.  The  swamp  being  miry  I slipt  in  and  fell  down  j 
whereupon  an  Indian  stept  to  me,  with  his  hatchet  lifted  up  to  knock  me  on  the  head,  sup- 
posing I was  wounded,  and  unfit  for  travel.  It  happened  I had  a pistol  in  my  pocket,  which 
though  uncharged,  I presented  to  him,  who  presently  stept  back,  and  told  me,  if  I would 
yield  I should  have  no  hurt ; boasted  that  they  had  destroyed  all  Hatfield,  and  that  the  woods 
Were  full  of  Indians  ; whereupon  I yielded  myself.”  He  was  then  taken  back  to  Deerfield, 
where  he  was  pinioned,  and  with  other  captives  marched  into  the  wilderness.  Their  suffer- 
ings, as  usual  in  Indian  captivity,  were  most  cruel  and  severe  ; for  many  nights  together  they 
were  11  staked  down  ” to  the  cold  ground,  in  this  manner  : The  captive  being  laid  upon  his 
back,  his  arms  and  feet  were  extended,  and  with  cords  or  withes  lashed  to  stakes  driven 
into  the  ground  for  that  purpose.  Besides  lashing  the  arms  and  legs,  the  neck  and  body  were 
also  secured  in  the  same  way,  and  often  so  tight  as  to  cause  swellings  and  the  most  excruci- 
ating pains.  While  on  their  march,  the  captives  had  frequent  opportunities  of  escaping 
singly,  but  would  not,  for  fear  of  endangering  the  lives  of  the  rest  ; but  at  length  Benjamin 

Stebbins,  in  a journey  with  his  Indian  master  to  Wachuset  hill,  made  his  escape.  When  the 
rest  knew  this,  they  were  for  burning  the  remaining  captives,  but  some  being  opposed  to  the 
measure,  they  agreed  to  have  a court  and  debate  the  subject.  Ashpelon  told  the  English  not 
to  fear,  for  he  would  speak  last,  and  would  frustrate  the  design  of  burning,  for  he  would  show 
that  it  was  not  Stebbins' s fault  for  running  away,  but  the  fault  of  the  Indian  who  had  him  in 
charge  ; and  he  brought  it  to  pass,  as  he  had  promised.  Having  at  length  arrived  among  the 
French,  Stockwell  was  pawned  to  one  of  them,  and  in  the  end  sold  for  21  beaver  skins,  and 
some  time  the  next  year  got  home  again.  Remarkable  Providences.  Blome's  America , 221. 

f Gookin's  MS.  History.  } Allen's  Hist.  Chelmsford,  157. 

§ For  many  years  at  the  head  of  the  Society  for  Propagating  the  Gospel  among  the  Indians. 
He  was  a great  benefactor  of  N.  England,  and  one  of  the  founders  of  the  Royal  Society  of 
London.  He  was  by  birth  an  Irishman,  but  settled  finally  at  Oxford,  England.  He  died  in  Lou- 


WANNALANCET. 


Chap.  VII.) 

an  167 7 : “ We  had  a sachem  of  the  greatest  blood  in  the  country  submitted 

to  pray  to  God,  a little  before  the  wars : his  name  is  JVanalauncet : in  the 
time  of  the  wars  he  fled,  by  reason  of  the  wicked  actings  of  some  English 
youth,  who  causelessly  and  basely  killed  and  wounded  some  of  them.  He 
was  persuaded  to  come  in  again.  But  the  English  having  plowed  and  sown 
with  rye  all  their  lands,  they  had  but  little  corn  to  subsist  by.  A party  of 
French  Indians,  (of  whom  some  were  of  the  kindred  of  this  sachem’s  wife,) 
very  lately  fell  upon  this  people,  being  but  few  and  unarmed,  and  partly  by 
persuasion,  partly  by  force,  carried  them  away.  One,  with  his  wife,  child 
and  kinswoman,  who  were  of  our  praying  Indians,  made  their  escape,  came 
in  to  the  English,  and  discovered  what  was  done.  These  things  keep  some 
in  a continual  disgust  and  jealousy  of  all  the  Indians.”  # 

It  may  be  proper  to  add  a word  upon  the  name  of  the  place  which  we 
have  often  mentioned  in  this  life,  as  the  same  word,  differently  pronounced, 
was  applied  to  a great  many  places  by  the  Indians,  and  is  the  same  word 
which  Dr.  L Mather  and  some  others  made  many  believe  was  made  up  of 
two  Hebrew  words,  to  prove  that  the  Indians  were  really  the  descendants  of 
the  dispersed  Jews ; but  for  which  purpose,  if  we  are  not  misinformed,  any 
other  Indian  word  would  answer  the  same  purpose.  The  doctor  writes 
the  name  Nahumkeik,  and  adds  that  JVahum  signifies  consolation,  and  keik  a 
bosom,  or  heaven ; and  hence  the  settlers  of  places  bearing  this  name  were 
seated  in  the  bosom  of  consolation,  f He  points  out  this  etymological  anal- 
ogy in  speaking  of  the  settlement  of  Salem,  which  was  called  by  the  Indians 
Naumkeag , Namkeg,  Naamhok,  Naumk.uk,  or  something  a little  somewhat 
like  it.  A sad  bosome  of  consolation , did  it  prove  in  the  days  of  Tituba,  (to 
say  nothing  of  some  more  modern  events,)  and  even  in  Dr.  Mather’s  own 
days.  [Though  a digression,  we  shall,  I doubt  not,  be  pardoned  for  inserting 
here  Dr.  C.  Mather’s  account  of  a curiosity  at  Amoskeag  Falls,  which  he  gave 
in  a letter  to  London,  and  which  afterwards  appeared  in  the  Philosophical 
Transactions : J “ At  a place  called  Amnuskeag,  a little  above  the  hideous  § 
falls  of  Merimack  River,  there  is  a huge  rock  in  the  midst  of  the  stream,  on 
the  top  of  which  are  a great  number  of  pits,  made  exactly  round,  like  barrels 
or  hogsheads  of  different  capacities,  some  so  large  as  to  hold  several  tuns. 
The  natives  know  nothing  of  the  time  they  were  made ; but  the  neighboring 
Indians  have  been  wont  to  hide  their  provisions  in  them,  in  their  wars  with  the 
Maquas  ; affirming,  God  had  cut  them  out  for  that  use  for  them.  They  seem 
plainly  to  be  artificial.”  It  could  certainly  have  required  no  great  sagacity 
to  have  supposed  that  one  stone  placed  upon  another  in  the  water,  so  as  to 
have  been  constantly  rolled  from  side  to  side  by  the  current,  would,  in  time, 
occasion  such  eavities.  One  quite  as  remarkable  we  have  seen  near  the 
source  of  this  river,  in  its  descent  from  the  Franconia  Mountains ; also  upon 
the  Mohawk,  a short  distance  below  Little  Falls.  They  may  be  seen  as  you 
pass  upon  the  canal. 

Early  purchases  of  lands  bring  to  our  notice  a host  of  Indians,  many  of 


don,  1691,  aged  64  years.  The  following  lines  are  no  less  well  conceived  by  the  poet  than 
deserved  by  this  benevolent  philosopher  : 

How  much  to  Boyle  the  learned  world  does  owe, 

The  learned  world  does  only  know. 

He  traced  great  nature’s  secret  springs  j 
The  causes  and  the  seeds  of  things  3 
What  strange  elastic  power  the  air  contains, 

What  mother  earth  secures  within  her  secret  veins. 

Athenian  Oracle , i.  67. 

* 1 Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  179. 

f Relation  of  the  Troubles,  &c.  20.  Dr.  Increase  Mather  was  the  author  of  a great  many 
works,  chiefly  sermons,  many  of  which  have  become  curious  for  their  singularity,  and  some 
others  valuable  for  the  facts  they  contain.  His  sermons,  like  many  others  of  that  day,  had 
very  little  meaning  in  them,  and  consequently  are  now  forgotten.  He  was  son  of  Richard 
Mather,  preached  in  Boston  above  60  years,  died  in  1723,  aged  84  years.  See  his  life,  by  his 
son,  Dr.  Cotton  Mather,  who  was  bom  12  Feb.  1662 — 3,  died  13  Feb.  1727 — 8,  aged  65.  See 
his  life  by  Samuel  Mather. 

f Vol.  v.  of  Jones’s  Abridgement,  part  ii.  164. 

\ We  cannot  say  what  they  were  in  those  days,  but  should  expect  to  be  laughed  at  if  we 
should  call  them  hideous  at  the  present  time. 


100 


WEHANOWNOWIT.— ROBINHOOD. 


[Book  E 


whom,  though  sachems,  but  for  such  circumstances  of  trade,  would  never 
have  come  to  our  knowledge.  There  are  some,  however,  of  whom  we  shall 
in  this  chapter  take  notice,  as  such  notices  assist  in  enabling  us  to  judge  how 
the  natives  regarded  their  lands,  and  the  territories  of  their  neighboring 
countrymen. 

WEHANOWNOWIT  was  a New  Hampshire  sachem,  whose  name  has 
been  considerably  handled  within  a few  years,  from  its  being  found  to  the 
much-talked-of  deed  conveying  lands  in  New  Hampshire  to  the  Reverend 
John  Wheelwright , and  others,  3 April,  1638.  If  Wehanownowit  were  sachem  of 
the  tract  said  to  have  been  by  him  conveyed,  his  “ kingdom  ” was  larger 
than  some  can  boast  of  at  this  day  who  call  themselves  kings.  It  was  to 
contain  30  miles  square,  and  its  boundaries  were  thus  described : “ lying  and 
situate  within  three  miles  on  the  northerne  side  of  ye  River  Meremoke, 
extending  thirty  miles  along  by  the  river  from  the  sea  side,  and  from  the 
sayd  river  side  to  Pisscataqua  Patents,  30  miles  up  into  the  countrey  north- 
west, and  so  from  the  falls  of  Piscataqua  to  Oyster  River,  30  miles  square 
every  way.”  The  original  is  in  possession  of  Mr.  John  Farmer,  of  Concord, 
N.  II.  * Tummadockyon  was  a son  of  Wehanownowit,  and  his  name  is  also 
to  the  deed  above  mentioned ; and  another  Indian,  belonging  to  that  tract  of 
country,  named  Waiehenowet : these  both  relinquished  their  title  to,  or  con- 
curred in  the  sale  of  said  tract. 

Robinhood  f was  the  father  of  a more  noted  chief,  whose  Indian  name 
was  Wohaiva,  but  commonly  known  among  the  English  as  Hopehood.  His 
territories,  as  will  appear,  were  upon  the  Kennebeck  River  in  the  first  settle- 
ment of  N.  England. 

Our  first  notice  of  Robinhood  runs  as  follows : “ Be  it  known  ” — “ that  I, 
Ramegin,  J soe  called  by  my  Indian  name,  or  Robinhood,  soe  called  by 
English  name,  sagamore  of  Negusset,  [or  Neguasseag,]  doe  freely  sell  vnto 
James  Smith,”  — “ part  of  my  land,  beginning  att  Merry-meeting  Cove,  and 
soe  downward  the  maine  riuer  vnto  a rocke,  called  Winslowe's  Roche , in  the 
longe  reach,  and  in  breadth  eastward  ouer  the  little  riuer,  runinge  through 
the  great  mersh,  with  the  priuilidges  [reserved  to  me]  as  hunting,  fowlinge, 
fishing,  and  other  games.”  Smith  was  to  pay  him  or  his  hews,  on  the  1 No- 
vember annually,  “ one  peck  of  Indian  corn.”  This  deed  bears  date  8 May,. 
1648,  and  is  signed  and  witnessed  as  follows : — § 

Negwinis  his  -j-  mark.  Robinhood  VJ  his  mark. 

Songreehood  his  b mark.  Mr.  Thomas  ^ his  mark, 

and  two  English.  Pewazegsake  CT  his  mark. 

The  mark  of  Robin. 

The  next  year,  1649,  he  sold  the  island  of  Jeremyscjuam,  on  the  east  side 
of  the  Kennebeck,  and  in  1654  we  find  him  selling  his  place  of  residence, 
which  was  in  what  is  now  Woolwich,  to  Edward  Bateman  and  John  Brown. 
In  1663,  Robinhood  is  mentioned  as  one  of  the  principal  chiefs  among  the 
eastern  Indians.  || 

In  1667,  the  inhabitants  upon  Connecticut  River,  about  Hadley,  sustained 
some  injury  from  Indians,  in  their  lands  and  domestic  animals,  and  satisfac- 
tion therefor  was  demanded  of  Robinhood;  at  the  same  time  threatening  him 
with  the  utmost  severity,  if  the  like  should  be  repeated.  But  whether  his 
people  were  the  perpetrators  we  are  not  told  ; but  from  the  following  facts 
it  mav  be  thought  otherwise.  “ To  promote  amity  with  them,  license  was  at 
length  given  to  the  traders  in  fur  and  in  peltries,  to  sell  unto  Indian  friends 


* MS.  communication  of  that  gentleman. 

t This  name  was  adopted,  I have  no  doubt,  as  it  came  something  near  the  sound  of  his 
Indian  name,  as  was  the  case  in  several  instances  which  we  have  already  recorded  : the  old 
English  robber  of  that  name,  or  fables  concerning  him,  are  among  the  first  in  the  nursery. 
Even  at  this  day,  the  curious  adult  will  dispense  with  Mr.  Ritson’s  collections  of  legends  con* 
cerning  him  with  peculiar  regret. 

f The  same,  I suppose,  called  in  Sullivan's  Hist.  Rogomok , 

$ From  a manuscript  copy  of  the  original  deed. 

|]  By  Josselyn,  who  visited  the  country  at  this  time.  See  his  Voyages. 


C»AP.  VII.] 


KENNEBIS. — CHOCORUA. 


101 


guns  and  ammunition .”  * * * § Hence  these  friends  could  see  no  reason,  after- 
wards, why  arms  were  prohibited  them,  as  we  shall  again  have  occasion  to 
notice. 

On  the  breaking  out  of  Philip's  war,  Robinhood  was  in  no  wise  inclined 
to  join  in  it,  and  when  a party  of  English  was  sent  at  that  time  to  learn 
the  feelings  of  his  people  in  that  respect,  he  made  a great  dance,  and  by 
songs  and  shouts  expressed  his  satisfaction  that  the  English  were  disposed 
to  maintain  peace. 

Monquine,  “alias  JYatahanada,  the  son  of  old  Natawormett,  sagamore  of 
Kennebeck  River,”  sold  to  William  Bradford  and  others,  all  the  land  on  both 
sides  of  said  river,  “from  Cussenocke  upwards  to  Wesserunsicke.”  This 
sale  bore  date  8 August,  1648.  The  signature  is  “ Monquine , alias  Dum- 
hanada."  Then  follows : “ We,  Agodoademago , the  sonne  of  fV isshemett , and 
1 'assucke,  the  brother  of  JYatahanada , f do  consent  freely  unto  the  sale  to 
Bradford,  Paddy , and  others.”  J 

Kennebis  was  a sachem  from  whom  it  has  been  supposed  that  the  Ken- 
nebeck River  derived  its  name.  But  whether  there  were  a line  of  saga- 
mores of  this  name,  from  whom  the  river  was  so  called,  or  whether  sachems 
were  so  called  from  their  living  at  a certain  place  upon  it,  is  uncertain.  It 
is  certain,  however,  that  there  was  one  of  this  name  residing  there,  contem- 
poraneously with  Robinhood , who,  besides  several  others,  deeded  and 
redeeded  the  lands  up  and  down  in  the  country.  He  was  sometimes  asso- 
ciated in  his  sales  with  Abbigadasset,  and  sometimes  with  others.  In  1649, 
he  sold  to  Christopher  Lawson  all  the  land  on  the  Kennebeck  River  up  as 
high  as  Taconnet  falls,  now  Winslow,  which  was  the  residence  of  the  great 
chief  Essiminasqua,  or  Assiminasqua,  elsewhere  mentioned.  About  the 
same  time,  he  sold  the  same  tract,  or  a part  of  it,  to  Spencer  and  Clark.  The 
residence  of  Kennebis  was  upon  Swan  Island,  “ in  a delightful  situation,  and 
that  of  Abbigadasset  between  a river  of  his  name  and  the  Kennebeck,  upon 
the  northern  borders  of  Merry-meeting  Bay.”  § Swan  Island  was  purchased 
of  Abbigadasset  in  1667,  by  Humphry  Davie , and  afterwards  claimed  by  Sir 
John  Davy,  a serjeant  at  law.  || 

We  shall  proceed  to  notice  here  one,  of  another  age,  whose  melancholy 
fate  has  long  since  commanded  the  attention  of  writers. 

Some  time  previous  to  the  settlement  of  Burton,  N.  H.,  that  is,  previous  to 
1766,  there  resided  in  that  region  a small  tribe  of  Indians,  among  whom  was 
one  named 

Chocorua,  and  he  was  the  last  of  the  primitives  of  those  romantic  scenes. 
This  region  was  attracting  to  them  on  account  of  the  beaver  which  were 
found  in  its  pellucid  waters,  and  its  cragged  cliffs  afforded  safe  retreats  to  a 
plentiful  game.  It  is  handed  to  us  by  tradition,  that  Chocorua  was  the  last 
of  this  region,  and  that  he  was  murdered  by  a miserable  white  hunter,  who, 
with  others  of  his  complexion,  had  wandered  here  in  quest  of  game.  This 
solitary  man  had  retired  to  a neighboring  mountain,  and  was  there  discovered 
and  shot.  The  eminence  to  which  it  is  said  this  Indian  had  retired,  is  the 
highest  mountain  in  Burton,  and  commands  a beautiful  view  of  a great 
extent  of  surrounding  country.  One  of  the  most  superb  engravings  that 
has  appeared  in  all  our  annuals,  is  that  representing  Chocorua  in  his  last 
retreat. 

It  is  a fact  well  known  in  all  the  neighboring  parts  of  the  country,  that 
cattle  cannot  long  survive  in  Burton,  although  there  appears  abundance  of 
all  that  is  necessary  for  their  support.  They  lose  their  appetite,  pine  and 


* Williamson’s  Maine,  i.  428,  from  3 Mass.  Rec. 

f It  appears  from  the  “ Answer  to  the  Remarks  of  the  Plymouth  Company,”  that  Esseme- 
nosque  was  also  one  that  consented  to  the  sale.  He  is  the  same  whom  we  shall  notice  as 
Assiminasqua  in  our  next  chapter. 

f People  of  Plimouth. — William  Paddy  died  at  Boston.  His  gravestone  was  dug  out  of 
the  rubbish  under  the  old  state-house  in  1830. 

§ Williamson,  i.  4-67. 

||  Williamson,  i.  331.  Dr.  Holmes,  in  his  Annals,  places  the  sale  of  Swan  Island  under 
1668. 

9# 


m 


SQUANDO.— BURNING  O*  SACO. 


[Book  III. 


die.  It  is  said  that  Ckocorua  cursed  the  English  before  he  expired,  and  the 
superstitious,  to  this  day,  attribute  the  disease  of  cattle  to  the  curse  of  Cho- 
corua.  But  a much  more  rational  one,  we  apprehend,  will  be  found  in  the 
affection  of  the  waters  by  minerals. 


^9t>e>ec^ 

CHAPTER  VHI. 

Squando,  sachem  of  Saco — Attacks  the  town  of  Saco — Singular  account  of  him  by  a 
contemporary — The  ill  treatment  of  his  wife  a cause  of  war — His  humanity  in  restor- 
ing a captive — Madokawando — Causes  of  his  hostility  — Assiminasqua — His 
speech — Speech  of  Tarumkin — Mugg — Is  carried  to  Boston  to  execute  a treaty — Is 
Madokawando' s ambassador — Release  of  Thomas  Cobbet — Madokawando' s kindness 
to  prisoners — Moxus  attacks  Wells  and  is  beaten  off — Attacked  the  next  year  by  the 
Indians  under  Madokawando  and  a,  company  of  Frenchmen — Are  repulsed  with 
great  loss — Incidents  of  the  siege — Mons.  Casteins — A further  account  of  Moxus — 
Wanungonet — Assacombuit — Further  account  of  Mugg — His  death — Symon, 
Andrew,  Jeoffrey,  Peter  and  Joseph — Account  of  their  depredations — Life  of 
Kankamagus — Treated  with  neglect — Flies  his  country — Becomes  an  enemy — 
Surprise  of  Dover  and  murder  of  Maj.  Waldron  — Masandowet — Worombo — 
His  fort  captured  by  Church — Kankamagus's  wife  and  children  taken — Hopehood — 
Conspicuous  in  the  massacre  at  Salmon  Falls — His  death — Mattahando — 
Megunneway. 

The  first  chief  which  will  here  be  properly  noticed  is  Squando , a Tar- 
ratine,  sachem  of  the  Socokis,  commonly  called  sagamore  of  Saco.  He  is 
mentioned  with  a good  deal  of  singularity  by  the  writers  of  his  times.  And 
we  will  here,  by  way  of  exordium,  extract  what  Mr.  Mather , in  his  Brief 
History,  &c.,  says  of  him.  “ After  this,  [the  burning  of  Casco,]  they  [the 
Indians]  set  upon  Saco,  where  they  slew  13  men,  and  at  last  burnt  the  town, 
A principal  actor  in  the  destruction  of  Saco  was  a strange  enthusiasticcd  saga- 
more called  Squando,  who,  some  years  before,  pretended  that  God  appeared 
to  him  in  the  form  of  a tall  man,  in  black  clothes,  declaring  to  him  that  he 
was  God,  and  commanded  him  to  leave  his  drinking  of  strong  liquors,  and 
to  pray,  and  to  keep  sabbaths,  and  to  go  to  hear  the  word  preached ; all 
which  things  the  Indian  did  for  some  years,  with  great  seeming  devotion 
and  conscience,  observe.  But  the  God  which  appeared  to  him  said  nothing 
to  him  about  Jesus  Christ ; and  therefore  it  is  not  to  be  marvelled  at,  that  at 
last  he  discovered  himself  to  be  no  otherwise  than  a child  of  him  that  was 
a murderer  and  a liar  from  the  beginning.”  Mr.  Hubbard  says  that  he  was 
“the  chief  actor  or  rather  the  beginner”  of  the  eastern  war  of  1675 — 6; 
but  rather  contradicts  the  statement,  as  we  apprehend,  in  the  same  para- 
graph, by  attributing  the  same  cause  to  the  “ rude  and  indiscrete  act  of  some 
English  seamen,”  who  either  for  mischief  overset  a canoe  in  which  was 
Squando's  wife  and  child,  or  to  see  if  young  Indians  could  swim  naturally 
like  animals  of  the  brute  creation,  as  some  had  reported.  * The  child  went 
to  the  bottom,  but  was  saved  from  drowning  by  the  mother’s  diving  down 
and  bringing  it  up,  yet  “within  a while  after  the  said  child  died.”  “The 
said  Squando , father  of  the  child,  hath  been  so  provoked  thereat,  that  he  hath 
ever  since  set  himself  to  do  all  the  mischief  he  can  to  the  English.”  The 
whites  did  not  believe  that  the  death  of  the  child  was  owing  to  its  immer- 
sion ; still  we  must  allow  the  Indians  to  know  as  well  as  they.  As  the 
most  memorable  exploit  in  which  Squando  was  engaged  was  the  burning 
of  Saco,  it  will  be  proper  to  enter  here  more  in  detail  into  it.  The  two  prin- 
cipal inhabitants  of  the  place  were  Captain  Bonithon  and  Major  Phillips, 
whose  dwellings  were  situated  on  opposite  sides  of  Saco  River ; the  former 
on  the  east  and  the  latter  on  the  west.  On  18  September,  1675,  Captain  Bon - 
ithon's  house  was  discovered  to  be  on  fire,  but  himself  and  family  had  just 


* “ They  can  Swim  naturally,  striking  their  paws  under  their  throat  like  a dog,  and  not 
spreading  their  arms  as  we  do.’’  Josselyn’s  Voyage  to  N.  E.  142. 


Chap.  VIII.] 


BURNING  OF  SACO. 


103 


before  escaped  across  the  river  to  Major  Phillip’s,  and  thus  fortunately  de- 
feated a part  of  the  design  of  their  enemies.  For  this  fortunate  escape, 
however,  they  were  under  deep  obligation  to  a friendly  Indian  who  lived 
near  by ; he  having  been  some  how  made  acquainted  with  the  design  of 
Squanto , immediately  imparted  his  information  to  the  English. 

The  fire  of  Bonithon’s  house,  says  Mr.  Hubbard , “ was  to  them  [at  Phillips's 
garrison,]  as  the  firing  of  a beacon,”  which  gave  them  “ time  to  look  to  them- 
selves.” A sentinel  in  the  chamber  soon  gave  notice  that  he  saw  an  Indian  near 
at  hand,  and  Major  Phillips  going  into  the  top  of  the  house  to  make  further 
discovery,  received  a shot  in  the  shoulder ; but  it  proved  to  be  only  a flesh 
wound.  Knowing  Phillips , and  supposing  him  to  be  slain,  the  Indians 
raised  a great  shout,  and  instantly  discovered  themselves  on  all  sides  of  the 
garrison  ; but  the  English,  being  well  prepared,  fired  upon  them  from  all 
quarters  of  their  works,  killing  some  and  wounding  others.  Among  the 
latter  was  a chief  who  died  in  his  retreat,  three  or  four  miles  from  the  place. 
He  advised  his  fellows  to  desist  from  the  enterprise,  but  they  refused,  and 
after  continuing  the  siege  for  about  an  hour  longer,  they  began  to  devise 
some  means  to  set  the  garrison  on  fire.  But  in  order  to  draw  out  the  men 
from  it  in  the  first  place,  they  set  a house  on  fire  near  it,  and  also  a saw  and 
grist  mill ; that  not  having  the  desired  effect,  they  called  to  them  in  an 
exulting  tone,  and  said,  “ You  cowardly  English  dogs , come  out  and  put  out  the 
Jure ! ” 

The  attack  had  begun  about  11  o’clock  in  the  day,  and  though  the  night 
partially  put  an  end  to  it,  yet  the  English  were  alarmed  every  half  hour, 
until  about  four  or  five  o’clock  in  the  morning,  when  the  work  of  the  preced- 
ing night  discovered  itself.  A noise  of  axes  and  other  tools  had  been  heard 
in  the  neighborhood  of  the  saw-mill,  and  it  was  expected  the  Indians  were 
preparing  some  engine  with  which  to  accomplish  their  object,  and  it  proved 
true.  A cart  with  four  wheels  had  been  constructed,  and  on  one  end  they 
had  erected  a breastwork,  while  the  body  of  the  cart  was  filled  with  birch, 
straw,  powder,  and  such  like  matters  for  the  ready  consummation  of  their 
stratagem.  The  approach  of  this  formidable  machine  dismayed  some  of 
the  Englishmen  in  the  garrison  ; but  being  encouraged  by  their  officers,  they 
stood  to  their  quarters,  and  awaited  its  approach.  Their  orders  were  not  to 
fire  until  it  came  within  pistol  shot.  When  it  had  got  within  about  that 
distance,  one  of  the  wheels  stuck  fast  in  a gutter,  which  its  impellers  not 
observing  in  season,  they  forced  the  other  wheels  onward,  and  brought  them- 
selves into  a position  to  be  effectually  raked  by  the  right  flank  of  the  garri- 
son. This  mistake  of  the  enemy  was  improved  to  great  advantage  by  the 
English.  They  poured  in  a sudden  fire  upon  them,  killing  six  and  wound- 
ing 15  more.  This  sudden  and  unexpected  reverse  decided  the  fate  of  the 
garrison.  The  Indians  immediately  retreated,  and  the  garrison  received  no 
further  molestation. 

As  was  generally  the  case  in  sieges  of  this  kind,  the  English  learned  what 
damage  they  did  their  enemy,  their  numbers,  &c.,  some  time  after  the  affair 
happened.  In  this  case,  however,  nothing  more  is  related  concerning  the  loss 
of  the  Indians  than  we  have  given,  and  their  numbers  Mr.  Hubbard  does  not 
expressly  state,  but  says  the  people  in  the  garrison  “espied  40  of  them 
marching  away  the  next  morning  at  sunrise,  but  how  many  more  were  in 
their  company  they  could  not  tell.”  # There  were  50  persons  in  the  garri- 
son, though  but  15  of  them  were  able  to  act  in  its  defence. 

But  few  days  before  the  affair  at  Saco,  viz.  on  12  f September,  the  family  of 
Tfwmas  Wakely  at  Presumpscot  River  were  massacred  in  a revolting  manner. 
The  “ old  man,”  his  son,  and  his  daughter-in-law,  then  enceinte , with  three 
grandchildren,  were  all  murdered,  and  when  discovered  by  their  neighbors, 
partly  burned  in  the  ruins  of  their  habitation,  to  which  the  Indians  had  set 
fire  on  leaving  the  place.  One  of  the  family  was  taken  captive,  a girl  about 
11  years  old,  who,  after  having  passed  through  all  the  tribes  from  the  Sokokis 
to  the  Narragansets,  was  restored  to  the  English  at  Dover  by  Squando.  But 


* Mr.  Folsom,  Hist.  Saco  and  Biddeford,  155,  says  they  were  computed  at  100. 
f Williamson’s  Hist.  Maine,  i.  520. 

3 


104 


MADOKAWANDO, 


[Book  III. 


it  does  not  appear  whether  this  chief  had  any  tiling  further  to  do  in  the 
matter,  although  it  may  be  inferred,  that  he  had  some  control  or  command 
over  those  that  held  her  prisoner.  From  the  circumstance  that  this  child 
was  shown  to  the  hostile  tribes  through  the  country,  it  would  seem  that  the 
eastern  Indians  were  in  concert  with  those  to  the  west ; and  it  is  probable 
that  this  captive  was  thus  exhibited  to  prove  that  they  had  taken  up  the 
hatchet.  Upon  her  being  returned,  Mr.  Hubbard  remarks,  “ She  having  been 
carried  up  and  down  the  country,  some  hundreds  of  miles,  as  far  as  Narra- 
ganset  fort,  was,  this  last  June,  returned  back  to  Major  Waldron's  by  one 
Squando,  the  sagamore  of  Saco  ; a strange  mixture  of  mercy  and  cruelty ! ” 
And  the  historian  of  Maine  observes,  that  his  “ conduct  exhibited  at  different 
times  such  traits  of  cruelty  and  compassion,  as  rendered  his  character 
difficult  to  be  portrayed.” 

He  was  a great  powwow,  and  acted  in  concert  with  Madokawando.  These 
two  chiefs  “ are  said  to  be,  by  them  that  know  them,  a strange  kind  of  mor- 
alized savages ; grave  and  serious  in  their  speech  and  carriage,  and  not 
without  some  show  of  a kind  of  religion,  which  no  doubt  but  they  have 
learned  from  the  prince  of  darkness.”  In  another  place,  Mr.  Hubbard  calls 
him  an  “ enthusiastical,  or  rather  diabolical  miscreant.”  His  abilities  in  war 
gained  him  this  epithet. 

Madokawando,  of  whom  we  have  just  made  mention,  was  chief  of  the 
Penobscot  tribe.  He  was  the  adopted  son  of  a chief  by  the  name  of  Assi- 
minasqua.  Some  mischief  had  been  done  by  the  Androscoggin  Indians  in 
Philip's  war,  and  the  English,  following  the  example  of  those  whom  they 
so  much  reprobated,  retaliated  on  any  Indians  that  fell  in  their  way. 

Madokawando  was  not  an  enemy,  nor  do  we  learn  that  his  people  had 
committed  any  depredations,  until  after  some  English  spoiled  his  corn,  and 
otherwise  did  him  damage. 

Many  of  the  eastern  Indians  had  been  kidnapped  and  sold  for  slaves, 
about  the  time  Philip's  war  commenced.  This,  it  will  not  be  questioned, 
was  enough  to  cause  a war,  without  Philip's  instigation,  or  the  affront  offered 
to  the  wife  and  child  of  Squando.  The  English  had  prohibited  the  sale  of 
arms  and  ammunition  to  them,  as  they  had  before  to  the  western  tribes, 
as  a means  of  lessening  their  power,  provided  they  should  declare  themselves 
hostile  ; thus  properly  regarding  their  own  safety,  and  totally  disregard- 
ing whatever  evils  might  accrue  from  the  measure  to  the  Indians.  Knowing 
enough  had  been  done  to  excite  their  resentment,  agents  were  sent  to  parley 
with  them,  in  the  spring  and  summer  of  1676,  to  hinder,  if  possible,  their 
taking  offence  at  these  proceedings. 

Meanwhile  the  Indians  had  complained  to  some  friendly  English  of  the 
outrage  upon  their  friends,  who  were  unacquainted  with  the  circumstance, 
and  hardly  believed  it ; still,  told  the  Indians,  that  if  it  were  so,  those  kid- 
napped should  be  restored,  and  the  perpetrators  punished.  But  knowing 
the  circumstance  to  be  as  they  had  represented,  it  is  rather  marvellous,  that 
Indians , instead  of  at  once  retaliating,  should  hearken  to  unsatisfactory  par- 
leyings,  as  will  appear ; for  when  the  English  agents  went  to  treat  with  them, 
or  rather  to  excuse  themselves  for  what  they  could  not,  or  pretended  they  could 
not,  amend,  the  Indians,  in  the  course  of  the  interview,  said,  “ We  were  driven 
from  our  corn  last  year  by  the  people  about  Kennebeck , and  many  of  us  died.  We 
had  no  powder  and  shot  to  kill  venison  and  fowl  with  to  prevent  it.  If  you  English 
were  our friends , as  you  pretend  you  are , you  would  not  suffer  us  to  starve  as  we  did." 
“ However,”  Says  Mr.  Hubbard , “ the  said  agent,  making  the  best  he  could  of  a bad 
cause , used  all  means  to  pacify  the  complainants."  The  great  “ all  means  " was, 
that  they  should  try  to  get  the  Androscoggin  Indians  to  come  and  hold  a treaty  ! 
so  that  if  the  English  could  effect  a treaty  with  them,  then  there  would  be  a 
general  peace  with  the  eastern  Indians.  This  talk,  it  was  said,  they  received 
with  joy.  “Yet,”  adds  the  same  author,  still  by  one  fatal  accident  or  other, 
jealousies  still  seemed  to  increase  in  their  minds,  or  else  the  former  injuries 
began  to  boil  afresh  in  their  spirits,  as  not  being  easily  digested,”  &c. 

A meeting  had  been  agreed  upon  at  Totononnock,  or  Taconnet,  and 
immediately  after  the  meeting  just  mentioned  a runner  was  sent  down  from 
thence,  with  worcl  that  Squando  would  be  there  with  “ divers  Amonoscoggan 


CHAt*.  VIII.] 


MADOKAWANDO. 


105 


sachems,”  Mugg  having  been  sent  as  a messenger  to  him.  Accordingly  the 
English  proceeded  to  Taconnet.  On  their  arrival,  they  were  honored  with 
a salute,  and  conducted  into  the  council  house,  where  they  found  Madoka - 
wando , Assiminasqua , Tarumkin , Hopehood,  Mugg , and  many  attendants. 
Madokawando  was  prime  negotiator,  and  Assiminasqua  chief  speaker,  who 
soon  after  proceeded  to  make  a speech,  and  among  other  things  said, — 

“ It  is  not  our  custom  when  messengers  come  to  treat  of  peace , to  seize  upon  their 
persons,  as  sometimes  the  Mohawks  do ; yea , as  the  English  have  done,  seizing  upon 
fourteen  Indians,  our  men,  who  went  to  treat  with  you— setting  a guard  over  them , 
and  taking  away  their  guns.  This  is  not  all,  but  a second  time  you  required  our 
guns,  and  demanded  us  to  come  down  unto  you,  or  else  you  would  kill  us.  This 
was  the  cause  of  our  leaving  both  our  fort  and  our  com,  to  our  great  loss” 

This  speech  caused  considerable  embarrassment  to  the  English,  “yet,” 
says  Hubbard,  “ to  put  the  best  construction  might  be,  on  such  irregular 
actions,  which  could  not  well  be  justified,  they  told  them,  the  persons  who 
had  so  done  # were  not  within  the  limits  of  their  government,  and  therefore, 
though  they  could  not  call  them  to  an  account  for  so  acting,  yet  they  did 
utterly  disallow  thereof.”  f And  to  be  as  expeditious  as  possible,  the  English 
commissioners  told  these  chiefs  that  they  came  to  treat  with  the  Androscog- 
gins,  and  were  sorry  that  Squando  was  not  there.  And  it  appears  that, 
though  the  English  reported  a peace  with  the  Penobscots,  yet  Madokawando 
and  his  coadjutors  scarcely  understood  as  much ; and  it  is  also  evident  that 
the  business  was  hurried  over  as  fast  as  possible  by  the  English  commis- 
sioners. 

Assiminasqua,  it  will  be  proper  here  to  observe,  was  a Kanibas  sachem, 
whose  residence  was  at  or  near  the  place  where  the  treaty  was  held. 

What  had  been  said  by  Assiminasqua  in  the  morning  was  merely  prelimi- 
nary, and  it  was  his  intention  in  the  afternoon  to  enter  more  particularly  into 
details ; but  the  English  cut  the  matter  short,  and  proceeded  to  treat  with 
such  of  the  Androscoggins  as  were  present.  Tarumkin  was  then*  orator,  and 
he  spoke  to  this  effect : — 

u I have  been  to  the  westward,  where  I have  found  many  Indians  unwilling  to 
make  peace ; but  for  my  own  part,  I am  willing f which  he  confirmed  by  taking 
the  English  by  the  hand,  as  did  seven  or  eight  of  his  men,  among  whom 
were  Mugg  and  JRobinhood's  son.  The  English  had  now,  as  they  supposed, 
got  matters  into  a regular  train  ; but  Madokawando,  it  appears,  was  not  will- 
ing to  leave  things  in  quite  so  loose  a manner,  as  it  regarded  his  people. 
He  therefore  interrupted : — 

“ What  are  we  to  do  for  powder  and  shot,  when  our  corn  is  consumed  ? what 
shall  we  do  for  a winter's  supply  ? Must  we  perish,  or  must  we  abandon  our  coun- 
try, andfiy  to  the  French  for  protection  ? ” 

The  English  replied  that  they  would  do  what  they  could  with  the  gov- 
ernor ; “ some  might  be  allowed  them  for  necessity .”  Madokawando  added : 
“ We  have  waited  a great  while  already , and  now  we  expect  you  will  say  yes  or  no.” 
The  English  rejoined:  “You  say  yourselves  that  many  of  the  western  In- 
dians would  not  have  peace,  and,  therefore,  if  we  sell  you  powder,  and  you 
give  it  to  the  western  men,  what  do  we  but  cut  our  own  throats  ? It  is  not  in 
our  power,  without  leave,  if  you  should  wait  ten  years  more,  to  let  you  have 
powder.”  Here,  as  might  reasonably  have  been  expected,  ended  the  nego- 
tiation, and  massacres  and  bloodshed  soon  after  desolated  that  part  of  the 
country. 

At  the  close  of  the  war  of  1675  and  6,  this  sachem’s  people  had  among 
them  about  60  English  captives.  When  it  was  known  to  him  that  the  Eng- 
lish desired  to  treat  about  peace,  he  sent  Mugg,  one  of  his  chiefs,  to  Pascata- 
qua,  to  receive  proposals ; and,  that  he  might  meet  with  good  acceptance, 
sent  along  with  him  a captive  to  his  home.  General  Gendal,  of  Massachu- 
setts, being  there,  forced  Mugg  on  board  his  vessel,  and  carried  him  to  Bos- 
ton, for  which  treacherous  act  an  excuse  was  pleaded,  that  he  was  not  vested 
with  sufficient  authority  to  treat  with  him.  Madokawando' s ambassador, 
being  now  in  the  power  of  the  English,  was  obliged  to  agree  to  such  terms 


That  is,  those  who  had  kidnapped  their  friends. 


f Hubbard,  part  ii,  35. 


106 


MADOKAWANDO.— DESTRUCTION  OF  YORK. 


[Book  III. 


as  the  English  dictated.* * * §  It  is  no  wonder,  therefore,  if  the  great  chief  soon 
appears  again  their  enemy.  Still,  when  Mugg  was  sent  home,  Madokawando 
agreed  to  the  treaty,  more  readily,  perhaps,  as  two  armed  vessels  of  the  Eng- 
lish conveyed  him. 

A son  ol  Reverend  Thomas  Cobbet  had  been  taken,  and  was  among  the  Indians 
at  Mount  Desert.  It  so  happened  that  his  master  had  at  that  time  sent  him 
down  to  Castein's  trading-house,  to  buy  powder  for  him.  Mugg  took  him  by 
the  hand,  and  told  him  he  had  been  at  his  father’s  house,  and  had  promised 
to  send  him  home.  Madokawando  demanded  a ransom,  probably  to  satisfy 
the  owner  of  the  captive,  “fearing,”  he  said  “ to  be  killed  by  him , if  he  yielded  him 
up  without  he  were  there  to  consent ; for  he  was  a desperate  man , if  crossed,  and 
had  crambd  f two  or  three  in  that  way.”  Being  on  board  one  of  the  vessels, 
and  treated  to  some  liquor,  “ he  walked  awhile,”  says  Cobbet,  “ to  and  again  on 
the  deck,  and  on  a sudden  made  a stand,  and  said  to  Captain  Moore,  ‘ Well 
captain,  since  it  is  so,  take  this  man : I freely  give  him  up  to  you ; carry  him 
home  to  his  friends.’  ” J A red  coat  was  given  to  Madokxtwando,  which  gave 
him  great  satisfaction. 

The  historians  of  the  war  have  all  observed  that  the  prisoners  under  Ma- 
dokawando were  remarkably  well  treated. 

In  February,  1677,  Major  Waldron,  and  Captain  Frost,  with  a body  of  men, 
were  sent  into  the  eastern  coast  to  observe  the  motions  of  the  Indians,  who 
still  remained  hostile.  At  Pemmaquid,  they  were  invited  on  shore  to  hold  a 
treaty,  but  the  English  finding  some  weapons  concealed  among  them,  thought 
it  a sufficient  umbrage  to  treat  them  as  enemies,  and  a considerable  fight 
ensued,  in  which  many  of  the  Indians  were  killed,  and  several  taken  prison- 
ers ; among  whom  was  a sister  of  Madokawando.  He  had  no  knowledge  of 
the  affair,  having  been  gone  for  several  months  at  a great  distance  into  the 
country,  on  a hunting  voyage. 

We  hear  no  more  of  Madokawando  until  1691.  It  will  be  found  mentioned 
in  the  account  of  Egeremet,  that  in  that  year  a treaty  was  made  with  him  and 
other  eastern  chiefs.  This  was  in  November,  and  it  was  agreed  by  them, 
that,  on  the  first  of  May  following,  they  would  deliver  all  the  captives  in  their 
possession,  at  Wells.  “But,”  says  Dr.  Mather, § “as  it  was  not  upon  the  film i 
land,  but  in  their  canoes  upon  the  water,  that  they  signed  and  sealed  this  in- 
strument; so,  reader,  we  will  be  jealous  that  it  will  prove  but  a fluctuating 
and  unstable  sort  of  business ; and  that  the  Indians  will  do  a lie  as  they  used 
to  do.” 

Meanwhile  Madokawando,  among  other  important  expeditions  which  he 
planned,  attempted  one  upon  York,  in  which  he  succeeded  nearly  to  his 
wishes,  if  not  beyond  his  expectations.  Such  was  his  manner  of  attack,  that 
the  English  scarce  knew  their  enemy ; from  whence  they  came,  or  their 
numbers.  But  it  was  afterwards  found  by  the  Indians’  own  confession,  and 
some  captives  they  had  liberated,  that  Madokawando  was  the  leader  in  the 
business.  Whether  he  had  during  the  winter  been  to  Canada,  and  got  the 
assistance  of  some  Frenchmen,  or  whether  Castiens,  his  son-in-law,  and  some 
other  Frenchmen  who  then  resided  among  his  people  at  Penobscot,  were 
with  him,  we  cannot  take  it  upon  us  to  state ; but  certain  it  is,  some  French 
were  in  his  company,  but  how  many  is  also  uncertain,  but  the  number  of 
Indians  was  stated  at  about  250.  It  was  on  Monday,  February  5,  in  the  year 
1692,  early  in  the  morning,  that  York  was  laid  in  ashes,  all  except  three  or 
four  garrisoned  houses,  and  about  75  of  its  inhabitants  killed,  and  85  taken 
captive. 

Such  only  escaped  as  reached  the  garrisons,  and  these  were  summoned  to 
surrender,  but  the  besiegers  dared  not  to  continue  long  enough  to  make  any 
effectual  assault  upon  them,  and  thus  they  escaped.  The  wretched  captives 


* A treaty  was  signed  9th  of  Dec.  1676.  Manuscript  Nar.  of  Rev.  T.  Cobbet.  It  may  be 
seen  in  Hubbard's  Narrative. 

t The  Indian  word  for  killed.  Wood's  N.  E,  Prospect. 

\ Manuscript  Narrative,  before  cited.  Perhaps  this  was  the  same  Captain  Moore  who  car- 
ried the  news  of  Philip’s  defeat  and  death  to  London  afterwards.  See  Old  Indian  Chron* 
icle,  105. 

§ Magnalia,  vii,  76. 


MADOKAWANDO. 


107 


Chap.  VIII.] 

were  hurried  into  the  wilderness,  and  many  suffered  and  died  by  the  way. 
The  Reverend  Shubael  Dimmer,  minister  of  the  place,  a man  in  high  estima- 
tion for  his  virtues,  was  about  the  first  victim ; he  was  shot  as  he  was  mount- 
ing his  horse  at  his  own  door ; his  wife  was  among  the  captives,  and  died  in 
captivity.  York  was  at  this  time  one  of  the  most  important  towns  in  the 
country.* 

Circumstances  having  thus  transpired,  the  English  had  very  little  reason  to 
expect  an  observance  of  the  articles  of  the  treaty  before  alluded  to,  yet  per- 
sons were  sent  to  Wells  to  receive  the  captives,  provided  they  should  be  of- 
fered. They  took  care  to  be  provided  with  an  armed  force,  and  to  have  the 
place  of  meeting  at  a strong  place,  which  was  Storer's  garrison-house.  But, 
as  the  author  just  cited  observes,  “ The  Indians  being  poor  musicians  for  keep- 
ing of  time,  came  not  according  to  their  articles.”  The  reason  of  this  we 
cannot  explain,  unless  the  warlike  appearance  of  the  English  deterred  them. 
After  waiting  a while,  Captain  Converse  surprised  some  of  them,  and  brought 
them  in  by  force,  and  having  reason  to  believe  the  Indians  provoked  by  this 
time,  immediately  added  35  men  to  his  force.  These,  says  Mather,  “ were 
not  come  half  an  hour  to  Storer's  house,  on  the  9th  of  June,  1691,  nor  had 
they  got  their  Indian  weed  fairly  lighted,  into  their  mouths,  before  fierce 
Moxus,  with  200  Indians,  made  an  attack  upon  the  garrison,”  f but  were  re- 
pulsed and  soon  drew  off.  Madokawando  was  not  here  in  person,  but  when 
lie  knew  of  the  disaster  of  his  chief  captain,  he  said,  “ My  brother  Moxus  has 
missed  it  now,  but  I will  go  myself  the  next  year,  and  have  the  dog  Converse  out 
of  his  holey 

The  old  chief  was  as  good  as  his  word,  and  appeared  before  the  garri- 
son 22  June,  1692.  He  was  joined  by  Portneuf  and  Labrocre,  two  French 
officers,  with  a body  of  their  soldiers,  and  their  united  strength  was  esti- 
mated at  about  5(J0  men.  They  were  so  confident  of  success,  that  they 
agreed  before  the  attack,  how  the  prisoners  and  property  should  be  divided. 
Converse  had  but  15  men,  but  fortunately  there  arrived  two  sloops  with  about 
as  many  more,  and  supplies,  the  day  belore  the  battle. 

Madokawando'1 s men  had  unwisely  given  notice  of  their  approach,  by  firing 
upon  some  cattle  they  met  in  the  woods,  which  running  in  wounded,  gave 
the  inhabitants  time  to  fly  to  the  garrison.  The  Indians  were  not  only 
seconded  by  the  two  French  officers  and  a company  of  their  men,  as  before 
observed,  but  Moxus,  Egeremet  and  Worombo  were  also  among  them. 

They  began  the  attack  before  day,  with  great  fierceness,  but  after  continu- 
ing it  lor  some  time  without  success,  they  lell  upon  the  vessels  in  the  river; 
and  here,  although  the  river  was  not  above  twenty  or  thirty  feet  broad,  yet 
they  met  with  no  better  success  than  at  the  garrison.  They  tried  many 
stratagems,  and  succeeded  in  setting  fire  to  the  sloops  several  times,  by  means 
of  fire  arrows,  but  it  was  extinguished  without  great  damage.  Tired  of 
thus  exposing  themselves  and  throwing  away  their  ammunition,  they  return- 
ed again  to  the  garrison,  resolving  to  practise  a stratagem  upon  that,  and 
thus  ended  the  first  day  of  the  attack.  They  tried  to  persuade  the  English 
to  surrender,  but  finding  they  could  not  prevail,  made  several  desperate 
charges,  in  which  they  lost  many.  Beginning  now  to  grow  discouraged, 
they  sent  a flag  to  the  garrison  to  effect  a capitulation,  but  Converse,  being  a 
man  of  great  resolution,  replied,  “ that  he  wanted  nothing  but  men  to  come 
and  fight  him.”  To  which  the  bearer  of  the  flag  said,  “ Being  you  are  so 
stout , why  don't  you  come  and  fight  in  the  open  field,  like  a man,  and  not  fight 
in  a garrison  Woe  a squaw  ? ” This  attempt  proving  ineffectual  also,  they  cast 
out  many  threats,  one  of  which  was,  “ We  will  cut  you  as  small  as  tobbaco, 
before  to-morrow  morning."  The  captain  ordered  them  “ to  come  on,  for  he 
wanted  work.” 

Having  nearly  spent  their  ammunition,  and  General  Labrocre  being  slain, 
they  retired  in  the  night,  after  two  days’  siege,  leaving  several  of  their  dead 
behind ; among  whom  was  the  general  just  named,  who  was  shot  through 
the  head.  They  took  one  Englishman,  named  John  Diamond,  who  had  ven- 


Magnalia,  vii.  77. — Williamson , Hist.  Maine  i.  628 — 9. 


f Magnalia,  vii.  76. 


108 


MADOKAWANDO. 


[Book  III. 


tured  out  of  the  garrison  on  some  occasion,  whom  they  tortured  in  a most 
barbarous  manner.  About  the  time  of  their  retreating,  they  fired  upon  the 
sloops,  and  killed  the  only  man  lost  by  the  vessels  during  the  assault.  In 
the  attack  upon  the  vessels,  among  other  stratagems,  they  prepared  a breast- 
work upon  wheels,  which,  notwithstanding  their  previous  experience  in  this 
kind  of  engine,  at  Brookfield  and  Saco,  they  again  resolved  to  try,  and  there- 
fore endeavored  to  bring  it  close  to  the  edge  of  the  river.  When  they 
had  got  it  pretty  near,  one  wheel  sunk  in  the  ground,  and  a French  soldier, 
endeavoring  to  lift  it  out  with  his  shoulder,  was  shot  down  ; a second  was 
also  killed  in  the  like  attempt,  and  it  was  abandoned.  They  also  built  a raft 
in  the  creek  above  the  vessels,  and  placed  on  it  an  immense  pile  of  combus- 
tibles, and,  setting  them  on  fire,  floated  it  down  towards  them.  But  when 
within  a few  rods  of  the  sloops,  the  wind  drove  it  on  shore,  and  thus  they 
were  delivered  from  the  most  dangerous  artifice  of  the  whole.  For  it.  was 
said  that,  had  it  come  down  against  them,  they  could  not  have  saved  them- 
selves from  the  fury  of  its  flames. 

As  late  as  1736  an  attempt  was  made  to  prove  that  Madokawando  was  not 
chief  sachem  of  the  Penobscots,  which  it  seems  no  one  in  his  lifetime 
thought  of  questioning.  Nor  had  the  fact  at  this  time  been  questioned  but 
from  mercenary  motives.  A claim  having  been  set  up  to  lands  upon  St. 
George’s  River,  in  opposition  to  that  of  the  heirs  of  Governor  Leverett , that 
falsehood  was  resorted  to,  to  maintain  it.  The  foundation  of  Leverett’s  claim 
was  in  a deed  dated  Pemmaquid,  9 May,  1694,  by  which  Madokawando  con- 
veyed to  Sir  William  Phips  the  tract  of  land  on  both  sides  of  St.  George’s 
River,  bounded  east  by  Wessamesskek  River,  west  by  Hatthett’s  Cove  Island, 
thence  by  a line  to  the  upper  falls  of  St.  George’s  River ; also  Mastomquoog 
Island  in  the  mouth  of  said  river,  and  St.  George’s  Islands.  A valuable  con- 
sideration is  said  to  have  been  paid,  but  what  it  was  does  not  appear  from  the 
deed.  The  deponents  called  upon  afterwards  to  prove  Madokawando's  power 
to  sell  that  tract,  state  the  consideration  variously,  though  none  of  them  defi- 
nitely ; some  said  Sir  William  Phips  gave  a large  amount  in  money,*  and 
one  that  he  gave  a hatfull.\  To  this  deed  were  the  following  signatures  : — 

Signed , sealed  and  delivered  in  The  mark  of 

presence  of  Madokawando,  .y.  Sagamore 

The  mark  21  of  Edgar  Emit,  of  Penobscot , ^ and  a seal . 

Sagamore  of  Kennebek. 

The  mark  ^ of  W enemouf.t, 

cozin  to  Madokawando. 

The  mark  X of  John  Saugmore, 

of  Sheepsgut  River , interpreter. 

Also  6 or  7 whites. 

From  an  examination  of  the  various  affidavits  before  mentioned  we  derive 
the  following  interesting  historical  facts  in  the  life  of  Madokawando ; viz. 
that  he  died  in  1698,  and  was  succeeded  by  Wenamouet , or,  as  his  name  is 
sometimes  spelled,  Wenoggonet.  This  appears  from  the  deposition  of  Cap- 
tain Cyprian  Southack , who  further  says  “ that  he  was  with  Madokawando , 
when  a present  of  10  barrels  of  guiflpowder,  a quantity  of  fire-arms,  and 
some  clothes,  were  delivered  him  by  Governor  Willebone , which  was  a present 
sent  him  by  the  King  of  France.”  “ And  that  Monsieur  Castain  married 
the  said  Madokawando' s daughter.” 

Joseph  Bane  deposed,  “ that,  in  1691,  he  was  with  Theodore  Atkinson , late 
of  Newcastle,  in  N.  Hampshire,  Esq.,  said  Atkinson's  wife,  and  Mrs.  Elizabeth 
Alcock  of  Portsmouth,  widow,  and  many  others  at  the  house  of  Joseph 
Moulton  of  York  in  the  county  of  York,  when  they  were  taken  captive  by 
a large  number  of  Indians,”  that  Madokawando  was  then  commander  of 
said  Indians,  and  was  then  reputed  chief  sachem  of  Penobscot.  Bane 
further  relates  that  he  was  sold  to  an  Amaroscoggen  Indian,  with  whom  he 
lived  till  1699,  and  that  he  was  present  when  Madokawando  ordered  Theodore 


Deposition  of  John  Phillips , 2 July,  1736. — Waldo’s  Defence,  3. 


\ Ibid.  35. 


MADOKAWANDO.— BARON  CASTEINS. 


109 


Chat.  VIII.] 

Atkinson,  who  was  his  captive,  to  write  to  the  governor  of  Massachusetts  to 
send  a vessel  to  Sagadaliok  with  goods  to  redeem  the  captives  ; that  it  was 
accordingly  sent  there,  and  Atkinson,  his  wife,  and  about  40  others  were 
redeemed. 

John  Langley  was  taken  prisoner  at  Groton  in  July,  1694,  and  was  servant 
to  Madokawando  two  years  and  a half. 

The  inhabitants  of  Black  Point  gave,  yearly,  a peck  of  corn  each  to  Ma - 
dokatvando , as  an  acknowledgment  that  he  was  sachem  of  Penobscot. 

In  1690  Tobias  Oakman  was  taken  by  the  Indians  at  Black  Point.  At 
which  time  he  says  he  “ personally  knew  Edgalr  Emet  who  was  then  chief 
sachem  of  Kenebeck  and  Squando  who  was  then  chief  sachem  of  Saco,  and 
Moxus  who  was  then  chief  sachem  of  Noridgawock,  and  Shepcot  John  who 
was  then  chief  sachem  of  Shepscot  and  wilh  Oorumby,  who  was  then  chief 
sachem  of  Pejemscot.”  Oakman  was  taken  prisoner  by  30  Indians  in  3 
parti,  s under  3 chiefs  ; one  from  Penobscot,  one  from  Norridgewok  and  the 
other  from  Pejepscot ; Madokawando , Moxus  and  Oorumby  being  the  respec- 
tive sachems  ; hence  Madokawando  was  sachem  of  Penobscot  at  that  time. 

In  the  treaty  which  the  eastern  chiefs  made  with  Sir.  William  Phips  at 
Pemmaquid,  11  August,  1693,  the  following  hostages  were  delivered  to  the 
English  to  ensure  its  observance.  “ Ahassamhamet,  brother  to  Edger  Emet ; 
Wenomouett,  cousin  to  Madokawando ; Bagatawawongon,  andSHEEPScoTT 
John.”  * 

A daughter  of  Madokawando , as  we  have  seen,  married  the  Barpn  De  eas- 
terns, by  whom  he  had  several  children. 

In  all  of  our  former  editions  we  gave  Lahontari’s  account  of  Casteins  in  a 
note,  and  in  the  French  language  ; but  it  having  been  suggested  by  friends, 
that  it  should  not  only  occupy  a place  in  the  text,  but  be  rendered  in  English, 
I improve  the  opportunity  to  make  the  change. 

The  Baron  De  St  Casteins , a gentleman  of  Oleron  in  Bearn,  having  for 
about  20  years  resided  among  the  Abenakis,  gained  so  much  of  their  esteem, 
that  they  regarded  him  as  their  tutelar  deity.  He  had  been  an  officer  of  the 
Carignan  regiment  in  Canada ; but  when  that  regiment  was  disbanded,  he 
cast  himself  among  the  savages,  of  whom  he  learned  their  language.  He 
took  irom  them  a wife  after  their  manner,  preferring  the  forests  of  Acadie, 
to  the  Pyrenean  mountains,  which  environ  his  native  country.  He  lived, 
during  the  first  years  of  his  abode  with  the  Indians,  in  such  a manner  as  to 
gain  a respect  from  them,  above  what  can  be  imagined.  They  made  him 
great  chief;  which  is  the  same  as  sovereign  of  the  nation,  and  by  little  and 
little  he  has  worked  up  a fortune,  which  any  other  man  would  have  turned 
to  good  account,  and  withdrawn  from  the  country  with  two  or  three  hundred 
thousand  crowns  of  gold  in  his  coffers.  However,  he  only  uses  it  to  buy 
merchandise,  with  which  to  make  presents  to  his  Indian  brethren,  who, 
when  they  return  from  their  hunting  excursions,  reimburse  him  for  his 
presents  with  a triple  amount  in  beaver.f  The  governors  of  Canada 
direct  him,  and  those  of  New  England  fear  him.  He  has  several  daughters, 
all  of  whom  are  advantageously  married  to  Frenchmen,  with  each  a rich 
dowry.  He  has  never  changed  his  wife,];  showing  the  Indians  by  his 
example  that  God  is  not  pleased  with  inconstant  men.  It  is  said  that  he  has 
endeavored  to  convert  these  poor  people,  but  that  his  words  produce  no 
good  fruit,  and  hence  it  is  of  no  use  for  the  Jesuits  to  preach  the  truths  of 
Christianity  to  them  ; yet  these  fathers  relax  not  their  labors,  and  consider 
that  to  confer  baptism  upon  a dying  infant  repays  them  ten  fold  for  the  suf- 
ferings and  privations  they  experience  in  living  among  that  people.^ 


* Waldo’s Defence,  39. — The  names  of  these  hostages  differ  mateiially  from  those  in  the 
Magnalia,  vii.  85. 

f We  should  think  that  to  a man  of  a sordid  mind,  this  was  “ turning  a fortune  to  good 
account.” 

t That  this  amounts  to  a denial,  as  Mr.  Halket  reads  it,  (Notes  on  the  American  Indians, 
230,)  that  Casteins  had  but  one  wife,  we  do  not  agree.  His  not  changing  his  wife,  (II  n’a 
jamais  change  de  femme,)  might  be  true,  if,  as  some  assert,  he  had  several  at  the  same  time. 

$ Memoir es  de  I’Amerique,  ii.  29,  30. 


110 


MOXUS.— DEATH  OF  MUGG. 


[Book  Iff, 


The  town  now  called  Castine , on  the  Penobscot  River,  was  the  place  of 
the  residence  of  the  French  baron,  and  a son  of  his  succeeded  him  in  the 
sachemdom  of  the  Penobscots.  He  was  with  Iberville  at  the  capture  of 
Pemmaquid  in  1696,  in  which  expedition  he  led  200  Indians.  Captain  Chubby 
of  whom  we  have  spoken  belbre,  commanded  the  fort,  which  was  well 
manned  and  supplied,  having  15  pieces  of  cannon  and  90  men,  but  surren- 
dered it  in  a cowardly  manner.  He  helped  defend  Port  Royal  in  1706,  in 
defence  of  which  he  was  wounded  in  1707.  He  finally  retired  to  his  native 
country,  where  he  ended  his  days.  In  1688,  Governor  Andros , with  an  arma- 
ment, took  possession  of  CastairCs  village,  plundered  his  house,  and  committed 
other  depredations,  but  himself  escaped.  In  1721,  his  son  was  seized  by 
the  English,  and  carried  to  Boston  ; but  they  not  long  after  set  him  at  liberty. 

Some  have  endeavored  to  ground  an  argument  upon  the  similarity  of  the 
name  of  this  chief  to  that  of  Madock  the  Welshman,  that  the  eastern  In- 
dians were  descended  from  a Welsh  colony,,  who,  in  1170,  left  that  country, 
and  were  never  heard  of  alter.  The  story  of  some  white  Indians  speaking 
Welsh,  on  the  Missouri  River,  has  gained  supporters  in  former  and  latter 
periods.  * 

Moxus,  or,  as  he  was  sometimes  called,  Agamagus,  was  also  a noted  chief 
We  can  add  little  concerning  him,  to  what  has  already  been  said.  After 
Madokawando  was  dead,  and  the  war  between  the  French  and  English  nations 
had  ceased,  the  eastern  chiefs  were  ready  to  submit  to  terms.  Moxus  seems 
the  successor  of  Madokawando , and  when  delegates  were  sent  into  the  east- 
ern country  to  make  peace  with  the  Indians,  in  1699,  his  name  stood  first 
among  the  signers  of  the  treaty .f  He  concluded  another  treaty  with  Governor 
Dudley , in  1702.  The  next  year,  in  company  with  Wanungonet,  Assacambuit , 
and  a number  of  French,  he  invested  Captain  March  in  the  fort  at  Casco . 
After  using  every  endeavor  to  take  it  by  assault,  they  had  recourse  to  the 
following  stratagem.  They  began  at  the  water’s  edge  to  undermine  it  by 
digging,  but  were  prevented  by  the  timely  arrival  of  an  armed  vessel  under 
Captain  Southack.  They  had  taken  a vessel  and  a great  quantity  of  plunder. 
About  200  canoes  were  destroyed,  and  the  vessel  retaken.  From  which 
circumstance  it  may  be  inferred  that  their  number  was  great. 

Moxus  was  at  Casco  in  1713,  to  treat  with  the  English,  and  at  Georgetown, 
upon  Arowsike  Island,  in  1717.  There  were  seven  other  chiefs  who  attended 
also  at  the  time  and  place  last  mentioned. 

Mugg  was  a chief  among  the  Androscoggins,  and  very  conspicuous  in  the 
eastern  war  of  1676-7,  into  which  he  seems  to  have  been  brought  by  the 
same  cause  as  Madokawando,  already  stated.  He  had  been  very  friendly  to> 
the  English,  and  had  lived  some  time  with  them. 

On  the  12  October,  1676,  he  made  an  assault  upon  Black  Point,  now  in 
Scarborough,  with  about  100  warriors.  All  the  inhabitants  being  gathered  into 
one  fortified  place  upon  that  point,  a few  hands  might  have  defended  it  against 
all  the  Indians  on  that  side  of  the  country.!  While  the  captain  of  the  garri- 
son was  gone  out  to  hold  a talk  with  Mugg,  the  people  fled  from  the  garrison 
and  took  all  their  effects  along  with  them.  A few  of  his  own  servants,  how- 
ever, remained,  who  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  chief,  who  treated  them  kindly. 
When  Francis  Card  was  a prisoner  among  his  men,  he  told  him  “that  he  had 
found  out  the  way  to  burn  Boston,”  and  laughed  much  about  the  English; 
saying  he  would  have  all  their  vessels,  fishing  islands,  and  whole  country, 
and  bragged  about  his  great  numbers.  He  was  killed  at  Black  Point,  on  16 
May,  the  same  place  where,  the  year  before,  he  had  had  such  good  success.  He 
had  besieged  the  garrison  three  days,  killed  three  men,  and  taken  one  captive. 
The  celebrated  Symon , who  had  done  so  much  mischief  in  many  places,  was 
with  him  here.  Lieutenant  Tippin,  who  commanded  the  garrison,  “ made  a 


* See  Janson’s  Stranger  in  America,  270.  ed.  4to.  London,  1807;  Universal  Magazine,  vol. 
xciii.  21 ; Dr.  Southey’s  Preface  to  his  Madock ; Bouquet’s  Exped.  against  Ohio  Indians,  09- 
ed.  4to.  London,  1766;  Ker’s  Travels  in  America,  167 — 172;  Burk,  Hist.  Virginia,  ii.  84. 
Beatty,  Jour.  24;  Moulton’s  New-York,  i.  45.;  Barton's  Physical  Jour.  i.  pt.  ii.  79. 
Colnvib.  Mag.  for  1787. 

f Magnalia,  vii.  94.  It  is  dated  7 Jan.  1698 — 9.  i Hubbard,  Ind.  Wars,  ii.  46. 


Chap.  VIIL] 


SIMON  ATTACKS  BRADFORD. 


Ill 


successful  shot  upon  an  Indian,  that  was  observed  to  be  very  busy  and  bold 
in  the  assault,  who  at  that  time  was  deemed  to  be  Symon , the  arch  villain  and 
incendiary  of  all  the  eastward  Indians,  but  proved  to  be  one  almost  as  good 
as  himself,  who  was  called  Mogg .”  # 

Soion,  just  named,  was  a troublesome  fellow,  who  continued  to  create 
considerable  alarm  to  the  inhabitants  upon  the  Merrimack  River,  in  the  vicin- 
ity of  Newbury  and  Amesbury,  about  which  part  seems  to  have  been  his 
residence,  as  late  as  the  month  of  July,  1677.  On  the  9th  of  July,  six  Indians 
were  seen  to  go  into  the  bushes  not  far  from  the  garrison  at  Amesbury ; two 
days  before,  several  men  had  been  killed  in  the  neighborhood,  and  one  woman 
wounded,  whose  name  was  Quimby.  Symon  was  the  alleged  leader  of  the 
party  which  committed  the  depredation.  Mrs.  Quimby  was  sure  that  it  was 
he  who  “ knocked  her  on  the  head,”  and  she  knew  the  names  of  many  of  the 
rest  with  him,  and  named  Andrew , Geoffrey , and  Joseph.  She  begged  of  Symon 
not  to  kill  her.  He  replied,  “ Why,  goodwife  Quimby , do  you  thinlc  that  I ivill 
kill  you  ? ” She  said  she  was  afraid  he  would,  because  he  killed  all  the 
English.  Symon  then  said,  “ I will  give  quarter  to  never  an  English  dog  of 
you  all,”  and  then  gave  her  a blow  on  the  head,  which  did  not  happen  to  hurt 
her  much ; at  which,  being  a woman  of  great  courage,  she  threw  a stone  at 
him ; he  then  turned  upon  her,  and  “ struck  her  two  more  blows,”  at  which 
she  fell,  and  he  left  her  for  dead.  Before  he  gave  her  the  last  blows,  she 
called  to  the  garrison  for  help.  He  told  her  she  need  not  do  that,  for,  said 
he,  “ I will  have  that  too,  by  and  by.”  Symon  was  well  known  to  many  of 
the  inhabitants,  and  especially  to  Mrs.  Quimby , as  he  had  formerly  lived  with 
her  father,  William  Osgood. f In  April,  1677,  Symon  and  his  companions  burnt 
the  house  of  Edward  Weymouth  at  Sturgeon  Creek,  and  plundered  the  house 
of  one  Crawley , but  did  not  kill  him,  because  he  had  shown  kindness  to 
Symon’s  grandmother.! 

Symon  was  one  of  the  Christian  Indians,  as  were  Andrew , Geoffrey , Peter, 
and  several  others  of  the  same  company,  a circumstance  which,  with  many, 
much  aggravated  their  offences.  The  irruption  just  mentioned  is  thus  re- 
lated by  Mr.  Hubbard : § “ Symon  and  Andrew,  the  two  brethren  in  iniquity, 

with  a few  more,  adventured  to  come  over  Pascataqua  River  on  Portsmouth 
side,  when  they  burnt  one  house  within  four  or  five  miles  of  the  town,  and 
took  a maid  and  a young  woman  captive ; one  of  them  having  a young  child 
in  her  arms,  with  which  not  willing  to  be  troubled,  they  gave  leave  to  her 
that  held  it,  to  leave  it  with  an  old  woman,  whom  the  Indian  Symon  spared 
because  he  said  she  had  been  kind  to  his  grandmother ; yet  one  of  the  two 
captives  escaped  from  their  hands  two  days  after,  as  did  the  other,  April  22, 
who  gave  notice  of  the  Indians,  (being  not  so  narrowly  looked  to  as  they 
used  to  do  others.”) 

It  was  on  3 May,  1676,  that  Symon,  Andrew  and  Peter  fell  upon  the  house 
of  Thomas  Kimbal,  of  Bradford,  killed  him,  and  carried  off  his  wife  and  five 
children  into  the  wilderness. ||  Having  on  the  whole  concluded  to  make 
peace  with  the  English  while  they  could,  did,  before  the  end  of  six  weeks, 
restore  the  captives.  Instead  of  improving  the  opportunity  of  securing  their 
friendship,  the  English  seized  Symon  and  Andrew,  and  confined  them  in  the 
jail  at  Dover.  This  treatment  they  considered,  as  very  naturally  they  should, 
only  a precursor  of  something  of  a different  character ; and  therefore  found 
means  to  break  jail,  and  make  good  their  escape.  They  joined  their  eastern 
friends,  and  hence  followed  many  other  cruelties,  some  of  which  we  have 
already  related.  About  the  first  depredation  which  followed  their  flight  from 
Dover,  was  committed  at  Greenland.  One  John  Keniston  was  killed,  and  his 
house  burned.  A writer  of  that  day,  after  observing  that  the  perpetrators  of 
the  outrage  were  Symon,  Andrew,  and  Peter , observes  that  they  were  the  “ three 
we  had  in  prison,  and  should  have  killed,”  and  closes  with  this  exclamation, 


* Hist.  N.  England.  + MS.  Documents.  t Belknap’s  N.  Hampshire. 

§ Hist.  N.  England,  631. 

j|  See  the  very  creditable  History  of  Haverhill,  (p.  53.)  by  Mr.  Myricfc,  for  other  interesting 
particulars  respecting  this  affair. 


112 


SYMON. — ESCAPE  OF  CAPTIVES.  [Book  III. 

“The  good  Lord  pardon  us.”  * Thus  some  considered  they  had  need  of  par- 
t/on lor  not  dealing  with  more  rigor  towards  the  Indians ! 

One  of  the  most  important  actions  in  which  Symon  was  engaged  remains 
to  be  related.  Mr.  Anthony  Brackett , who  lived  at  Back  Cove,  upon  a large 
estate  now  owned  in  part  by  Mr.  Deering  ot  Portland,  had  been  visited  by 
Symon,  occasionally,  who,  like  Totoson,  in  the  case  of  Clarke  at  Eel  River,  in 
Plimouth,  had  made  himself  well  acquainted  with  the  situat  on  of  his  house 
and  lamily.  On  the  9th  ol  August,  1070,  some  Indians  had  killed  one  of  Brack- 
etfs  cows.  Brackett  immediately  complained  to  Symon  of  the  outrage,  who 
promised  to  bring  to  him  the  perpetrators.  Meanwhile  a complaint  was  de- 
spatched to  Major  Waldron  at  Dover,  which  might  have  been  the  cause  of  the 
course  Symon  immediately  after  pursued ; lor,  if,  when  he  had  promised  to 
aid  in  adjusting  the  affair,  he  learned  that,  at  the  same  time,  a force  had  been 
secretly  applied  lor,  it  is  a sufficient  reason,  in  this  ruffled  state  of  things, 
that  he  should  show  himself  an  enemy,  as  he  did,  on  the  morning  of  the 
11th,  two  days  alter  the  injury  was  done.  Friday  was  the  11  August,  and  it 
was  early  in  the  morning  that  Symon  appeared  at  the  head  of  a party,  at  the 
house  of  Captain  Anthony  Brackett.  “ These  are  the  Indians,”  said  he,  “that 
killed  the  cow.”  No  sooner  was  this  said,  than  the  house  was  entered,  and 
the  guns  seized  upon  belonging  to  the  family.  Brackett  then  asked  what  was  the 
meaning  of  their  carriage,  and  Symon  replied,  “ So  it  must  be,”  and  demanded 
of  him  whether  he  would  go  with  them,  as  a captive,  or  be  killed  ; to  which 
he  answered,  that  if  the  case  were  so,  he  preferred  to  serve  as  a cap- 
tive ; Symon  then  said  they  must  be  bound,  and,  accordingly,  Mr.  Brackett , 
his  wife,  (who  was  a daughter  of  Michael  Mitton,)  and  a negro,  were  bound. 
Mrs.  Brackett's  brother  Nathaniel,  only  son  of  M.  Mitton,  wras  of  the 
family,  and  made  some  resistance  when  they  were  about  to  bind  him,  and 
was  killed  upon  the  spot.  The  rest,  Brackett,  his  wife  and  five  children  were 
carried  away  prisoners.  They  continued  in  captivity  until  the  November 
following,  when  some  of  them  found  means  to  effect  an  escape ; which  was 
singularly  fortunate,  and  worth  relating.  In  their  wanderings,  those  wrho 
held  them  captive,  came  to  the  north  side  of  Casco  Bay.  Here  news  reached 
the  Indians  that  Arowsike  Island  had  been  captured  by  their  brethren,  and 
they  at  once  determined  to  share  in  the  booty ; so,  in  their  hurry,  their  eager- 
ness lor  the  spoil  of  Arowsike  outweighed  their  fears  of  losing  their  prison- 
ers. Therefore  they  promised  Captain  Brackett  and  the  rest,  that  if  they  would 
come  after  them,  they  should  have  a share  in  the  good  things  which  had 
been  taken ; and  accordingly  set  off  and  left  them.  Mrs.  Brackett,  taking  ad- 
vantage of  their  good  feeling,  just  before  they  left,  asked  them  for  some 
meat,  which  was  readily  granted ; she  found  an  old  birchen  canoe,  which  had 
been  probably  abandoned  by  the  Indians,  by  reason  of  its  being  nearly  brok- 
en up,  but  in  which  it  was  resolved  to  attempt  an  escape ; and  with  the  help  of 
a needle  which  Mrs.  Brackett  also  found  in  an  old  house  at  that  place,  she 
was  enabled  so  to  mend  the  canoe,  that  it  wafted  herself  and  child,  her  hus- 
band and  the  negro  man  to  the  opposite  shore  of  the  bay,  a distance  of  eight 
or  nine  miles,  in  safety.  They  hardly  could  have  expected  but  what,  on 
landing  near  Black  Point,  they  would  have  been  in  the  very  presence  of  In- 
dians, yet  it  so  happened  that  although  they  had  but  just  destroyed  the  settle- 
ments there,  they  had  all  left  the  place.  And  a vessel,  which  happehed  very 
fortunately  in  that  neighborhood,  took  them  in  safety  to  Portsmouth. 

The  wile  of  Captain  Anthony  Brackett  should  not  be  overlooked  in  enume- 
rating the  heroines  of  our  country.  Her  name  was  Ann.  She  di  d after  this 
war,  but  the  time  is  not  ascertained.  Her  husband  married  again,  a daughter 
of  Abraham  Drake,  Senior,  of  Hampton,  whose  name  was  Susannah ,f  by  whom 
he  had  several  children.  When  Colonel  Church  had  the  memorable  fight 
with  the  Indians  at  Casco,  21  September,  1689,  Captain  Brackett  was  killed. 
After  this  his  wife  and  children  went  to  her  father’s  at  Hampton,  but  finally 
returned  to  their  possessions. 

We  are  now  to  commence  upon  the  recital  of  one  of  the  most  horrid  mas- 
sacres any  where  recorded — the  sacking  of  Dover  by  the  famous  chiefs  Kan- 


t Hubbard's  Nar.  and  Willis’s  Portland,  i.  143 — 165. 


* Hist.  N.  England,  i.  158. 


KANKAMAGOS.— IN Di AN  LETTERS. 


vm.j 


113 


kamagus  and  Massandowet , and  tlie  barbarous  murder  of  Major  Waldron  and 
many  of  his  people. 

KAN  KAMAGUS,  commonly  in  the  histories  called  Hogkins,  Hawkins , or 
Hakins,  was  a Pennakook  sachem,  and  an  artful,  persevering,  faithful  man,  as 
long  as  he  could  depend  upon  the  English  for  protection.  But  when  Governor 
Cranjield , of  New  Hampshire,  used  his  endeavors  to  bring  down  the  Mohawks 
to  destroy  the  eastern  Indians,  in  1684,  who  were  constantly  stirred  up  by  the 
French  to  commit  depredations  upon  the  English,  Kankamagus,  knowing  the 
Mohawks  made  no  distinction  where  they  came,  fled  to  the  eastward,  and 
joined  the  Androscoggins.  He  had  a fort  upon  that  river,  where  his  family 
and  that  of  another  sachem,  called  Worombos,  or  Worombo , lived.  But  before 
he  fled  his  country,  he  addressed  several  letters  to  the  governor,  which  dis- 
cover his  fidelity  as  well  as  his  fears  ; and  from  which  there  is  no  doubt  but 
he  would  always  gladly  have  lived  in  his  own  country,  and  on  the  most  inti- 
mate and  friendly  terms  with  the  English,  to  whom  he  had  become  attached, 
and  had  adopted  much  of  their  manner,  and  could  read  and  write,  but  for 
the  reasons  just  stated.  The  following  letters  fully  explain  the  situation  of 
his  mind  and  his  feelings,  at  the  time  he  expected  the  Mohawks  would  ravage 
his  country : — 

“ May  15th,  1685.  Honor  governor  my  friend.  You  my  friend  I desire  your 
worship  and  your  power,  because  I hope  you  can  do  som  great  matters  this  one.  1 
am  poor  and  naked , and,  have  no  men  at  my  place  because  I afraid  allways  Mohogs 
he  will  kill  me  eveiy  day  and  night.  If  your  worship  when  please  pray  help  me  you 
no  let  Mohogs  kill  me  at  my  place  at  Malamake  River  called  Panukkog  and  Na- 
tukkog,  I will  submit  your  worship  and  your  power.  And  now  I want  ponder  and 
such  alminishon,  shatt  and  guns,  because  I have  forth  at  my  horn,  and  I plant 
theare.” 


This  all  Indian  hand,  but  pray  you  do  consider  your  humble  servant. 


Simon  Detogkom,* 

Joseph  X Trask, 

King  £ Harry, 

Sam  Linis, 

Wapeguanat  tij?  Saguachuwashat, 
Old  X Robin  , 

Mamanosgues  J Andra. 


JOHN  HOGKINS, 

Petep  do  Robin, 

Mr.  Jorge  X Rodunnonukgus, 
Mr.  Hope  X HoTH,f 
John  Toneh, 

John  OO  Canowa, 

John  X Owamosimmin, 
Natonill  Indian. 


The  same  day,  as  appears  by  the  date  of  it,  Hogkins  wrote  the  following 
letter,  which  bears  the  same  signature  as  the  above  : — 

“Honor  Mr.  Governor , — JYow  this  day  I com  your  house,  I vant  se  you,  and  I 
bring  my  Jmnd  at  before  you  I want  shake  hand  to  you  if  your  worship  when  please, 
then  receive  my  hand  then  shake  your  hand  and  my  hand.  You  my  friend  because 
I remember  at  old  time  when  live  my  grant  father  and  grant  mother  then  English- 
men com  this  country,  then  my  grant  father  and  Englishmen  they  make  a good 
government,  they  friend  allwayes , my  grant  father  living  at  place  called  Malamahe- 
revcr,  other  name  chef  Natukko  and  Panukkog , that  one  rever  great  many  names 
and  I bring  you  this  few  skins  at  this  first  time  I will  sfiue  my  friend. 

“ This  all  Indian  handP 

The  two  following  are  from  the  same. 

“ Please  your  worship , — I ivill  intreat  you  malther  you  my  friend  now  [ ] ' 

this  if  my  Indian  he  do  you  long  pray  you  no  put  your  law,  because  som  my  Indians 
fool,  som  men  much  love  drunk  then  he  no  know  what  he  do,  may  be  he  do  mischief 
when  he  drunk  if  so  pray  you  must  let  me  know  what  he  done  because  I will  ponis 


* The  same  called  Betokom  in  Gookin,  probably. — See  ante,  Book  ii.  Chap.  vii. 
t Perhaps  Hovehood.  ; 

10* 


114 


KANKAMAGUS.— INDIAN  TREATY. 


[Rook  III, 


him  about  what  he  haue  done , you , you  my  fiend  if  you  desire  my  business,  then 
sent  me  I will  help  you  if  I can.  John  Hogkins.” 

“ Mr.  Mason, — Pray  I want  speak  you  a few  words  if  your  worship  when  please 
because  I com  parfas  I will  speake  this  governor  but  he  go  away  so  he  say  at  last 
night,  and  so  far  I understand  this  governor  his  power  mat  your  power  no  w,  so  he 
speak  his  own  mouth.  Pray  if  you  take  what  I want  pray  com  to  me  because  I 
want  go  horn  at  this  day.  Your  humble  servant, 

‘ May  16, 1685.  John  Hogkins,  Indian  sagmor .” 

About  the  time  these  letters  were  written,  persons  were  sent  among  the 
Indians  to  ascertain  whether,  as  was  reported,  they  were  assuming  a warlike 
attitude.  Those  to  whom  the  inquiry  was  intrusted,  on  their  return  report- 
ed, “ that  four  Indians  came  from  fort  Albany  to  the  fort  at  Penacook,  and  in- 
formed them  [the  Indians  there]  that  all  the  Mohawks  did  declare  they  would 
kill  all  Indians  from  Uncas  at  Mount  Hope  to  the  eastward  as  far  as  Pegypscot. 

“ The  reason  of  JVatombamat,  sagamore  of  Saco,  departed  his  place  was,  be- 
cause the  same  news  was  brought  there,  as  himself  declared,  upon  reading 
my  orders  at  Penacook.  JVatombamat  is  gone  to  carry  the  Indians  down  to 
the  same  place,  where  they  were  before  departed  from  us  on  Sunday  morn- 
ing, and  desired  Captain  Hooke  to  meet  him  at  Saco  five  days  after.  Both 
sagamores  of  Penacook,  viz.  Wonalanset  and  Mesandowit,  the  latter  of  which 
is  come  down,  did  then  declare  they  had  no  intention  of  war,  neither  indeed 
are  they  in  any  posture  for  war,  being  about  24  men,  besides  squaws  and 
papooses.  The  reason,  they  said,  why  they  did  not  come  among  the  English 
as  formerly,  was,  their  fear,  that  if  the  Mohawks  came  and  fought  them,  and 
they  should  fly  for  succor  to  the  English,  that  then  the  Mohawks  would  kill 
all  the  English  for  harboring  them.” 

Notwithstanding  this  state  of  affairs,  commissioners  met  the  Indians  on 
the  8 September,  1685,  and  a peace  was  concluded  “between  the  subjects  of 
his  Majesty  King  James  H,  inhabiting  N.  Hampshire  and  Maine,  and  the  In- 
dians inhabiting  the  said  provinces.”  The  articles  were  subscribed  on  the 
part  of  the  Indians  by 

The  mark  ^ of  Mesandowit., 

“ X of  Wahowah, 

alias  Hofehood. 

“ ds  of  Teeamorisick, 

alias  J osias. 

The  following  signers  agree  to  comply  with  the  terms  of  the  treaty  “ as 
their  neighbors  have  done.” 

The  mark  ^ of  Netambomet.  KANCAMAGUS,  alias 

“ of  Wahowah,  alias  John  Hawkins,  sagamore, 

Hofehood.  signed  this  instrument , 19th  7ber, 

“ C of  Ned  Higgon  1685,  his  □ mark. 

“ 3 ofNEwcoME  Bagesson,  a/ias  Joseph  Traske, 

his  p'  mark.  And  agreed  to  all 
within  written. 

Whether  Hogkins  were  among  the  Penakooks  seized  by  Major  Waldron 
about  ten  years  before,  is  not  certain,  or,  if  he  were,  it  is  not  probable  any 
resentment  remained  in  his  breast  against  him  on  that  account,  as  the  Pen- 
nakooks  were  all  permitted  to  return  home ; but  it  is  certain  that  he  was  the 
director  and  leader  in  the  dreadful  calamity  which  fell  upon  Waldron  not 
long  afterward,  and  which  is  as  much  chargeable  upon  the  maltreatment 
they  received  from  the  English,  at  least,  as  upon  any  agency  of  the  French. 
It  may  be  true  that  many  belonging  to  the  eastward,  who  were  seized  with 
the  Pennakooks,  and  sold  or  left  in  foreign  countries,  had  found  their  way 
back  among  their  friends  again,  and  were  glad  of  the  first  opportunity  of 
revenging  themselves  upon  the  author  of  their  unjust  expatriation. 

Major  Waldron  lived  at  Dover,  then  called  by  its  Indian  name,  Quochecho , 


The  mark  ^ of  John  Nomony, 

alias  Upsawah. 
“ B of  Umbesnowah, 
alias  Robin. 


<L'hap.  VIII.]  KaNK.AMAGOS.-~ DESTRUCTION  OF  DOVER.  1 15 

an  New  Hampshire,  in  a strong  garrison-house,  at  which  place  were  also 
four  others.  Kankamagus  had  artfully  contrived  a stratagem  to  effect  the 
surprise  of  the  place,  and  had  others  beside  the  Pennakooks  from  different 
places  ready  in  great  numbers,  to  prosecute  the  undertaking.  The  plan  was 
this.  Two  squaws  were  sent  to  each  garrison-house  to  get  liberty  to  stay  for 
the  night,  and  when  all  should  be  asleep,  they  were  to  open  the  gates  to  the 
warriors.  Masandowet , who  was  next  to  Kankamagus , went  to  Major  W %L- 
dron's , and  informed  him  that  the  Indians  would  come  the  next  day  and  trade 
with  him.  While  at  supper  with  the  major,  Masandowet  said  to  him,  with  an  air 
of  familiarity,  “Brother  tValdron , what  would  you  do  if  the  strange  Indians 
should  come  ? ” To  which  he  vauntingly  replied,  “ that  he  could  assemble 
an  hundred  men  by  lifting  up  his  finger.”  In  this  security  the  gates  were 
opened  at  midnight,  and  the  work  of  death  raged  in  all  its  fury.  One  garri- 
son only  escaped,  who  would  not  admit  the  squaws.  They  rushed  into 
Waldron's  house  in  great  numbers,  and  while  some  guarded  the  door,  others 
commenced  the  slaughter  of  all  who  resisted.  Waldron  was  now  80  years 
of  age,  yet,  seizing  his  sword,  defended  himself  with  great  resolution,  and  at 
first  drove  the  Indians  before  him  from  room  to  room,  until  one  getting  be- 
hind him,  knocked  him  down  with  his  hatchet.  They  now  seized  upon,  and 
dragged  him  into  the  great  room,  and  placed  him  in  an  armed  chair  upon  a 
table.  While  they  were  thus  dealing  with  the  master  of  the  house,  they 
obliged  the  family  to  provide  them  a supper,  which  when  they  had  eaten,  they 
took  off  his  clothes,  and  proceeded  to  torture  him  in  the  most  dreadful  man- 
ner. Some  gashed  his  breast  with  knives,  saying,  “ I cross  out  my  account ; ” 
others  cut  off  joints  of  his  fingers,  and  said  to  him,  “ Now  will  your  Jist  weigh 
a pound ? ” 

After  cutting  off  his  nose  and  ears,  and  forcing  them  into  his  mouth,  he 
became  faint  from  loss  of  blood ; and  some  holding  his  own  sword  on  end 
upon  the  floor,  let  him  fall  upon  it,  and  thus  ended  his  misery. 

The  Indians  had  been  greatly  abused  and  wronged  in  their  trading  with 
the  whites,  and  it  is  a tradition  to  this  day  all  over  that  part  of  the  country, 
that  Major  Waldron  took  great  advantage  of  them  in  trade,  and  did  not  cross 
out  their  accounts  when  they  had  paid  him ; and  that,  in  buying  beaver,  his 
fist  was  accounted  to  weigh  a pound.  Although  he  may  have  taken  no  more 
advantage  of  the  Indians  than  the  majority  of  Indian  traders,  yet,  at  this  dis- 
tant day,  extenuation  will  not  be  looked  for  in  impartial  accounts  of  the 
transactions  of  our  ancestors  with  the  Indians. 

To  enumerate  the  villanies  practised  upon  this  devoted  people,  would  be 
to  expose  to  everlasting  odium  the  majority  of  frontier  traders  from  the 
earliest  to  the  present  time ; but  true  history,  now-a*days,  is  but  little  read, 
and  little  indeed  where  the  facts  militate  against  the  pride  of  ancestry.  A 
history  of  wrongs  and  sufferings  preserved  only  to  be  read  by  those  who 
have  committed  them,  must  be  an  unwelcome  record ! It  was,  and  to  this 
day  is,  in  many  places,  a uniform  practice  among  speculators  or  land-jobbers, 
to  get  the  Indians  drunk,  and  then  make  their  bargains  with  them ! In  the 
time  of  Philip's  war,  an  Androscoggin  Indian  said  “that  he  had  given  an 
hundred  pound  for  water  drawn  out  of  Mr.  P.  [Purchas]  his  well.”  * But  to 
return  to  our  narrative. 

Several  were  killed  at  each  of  the  garrison-houses  that  fell  into  their  hands. 
They  kept  the  place  until  the  next  morning,  when,  after  collecting  all  the 
plunder  they  could  carry,  took  up  their  march,  with  29  captives,  into  the  wil- 
derness towards  Canada  ; where  the  chief  of  them  were  bought  by  the  French, 
and  in  time  got  home  to  their  country  again.  Twenty-three  were  killed  be- 
fore they  left  the  place.  This  affair  took  place  on  the  night  of  the  27th  of 
June,  1689.  Several  friendly  Indians  informed  the  English  at  Chelmsford 
of  the  certainty  of  an  attack  upon  Dover,  and  they  caused  a letter  to  be  de- 


* Hubbard,  ii.  77. — Thomas  Purchase's  house  at  Pegypscot  was  among  the  first  that  fell  a 
prey  to  the  eastern  Indians  in  Philip's  war.  In  the  beginning  of  September,  about  20  of  them 
went  there,  and  at  first  offered  to  trade,  but  Mr.  Purchase  and  his  son  being  from  home,  they 
took  what  they  liked  without  even  asking  the  price  of  it,  killed  a few  sheep  and  calves,  and 
departed.  Ibid,  14, 15. 


116 


HOPEHOOD.— ATTACK  ON  NEWICHEWANNOK.  [Book  HI. 


spatched  in  season  to  have  notified  the  people,  but  on  account  of  some  delay 
at  Newbury  ferry,  the  benefit  of  that  information  was  lost. 

Four  years  after,  Colonel  Church  took  Worombo’s  fort,  in  which  were  Kan- 
kamagus’s wife  and  children.  This  fort  was  upon  the  Androscoggin,  about 
25  or  30  miles  from  its  mouth.  In  another  place,  we  have  given  a history 
of  Church’s  expedition  to  this  fort.  The  prisoners  taken  here  informed  Church 
that  there  had  been  lately  a great  council  held  there  by  the  Indians,  in  which 
“many  were  for  peace  and  many  against  it;”  but  they  finally  agreed  to  go 
with  300  warriors  to  Wells  with  a flag  of  truce,  and  to  offer  the  English 
peace,  which  if  not  accepted,  they  would  then  fall  upon  them.  “ If  they 
could  not  take  Wells,  then  they  resolved  to  attack  Piscataqua.  The  which, 
says  Church , when  we  were  well  informed  of,  we  left  two  old  squaws  that 
were  not  able  to  march,  gaue  them  victuals  enough  for  one  week  of  their  own 
corn,  boiled,  and  a little  of  our  pruisions,  and  buried  their  dead,  and  left  them 
clothes  enough  to  keep  them  warmfc,  and  left  the  wigwams  for  them  to  lye 
in : gaue  them  orders  to  tell  their  friends  how  kind  we  were  to  them,  biding 
them  doe  the  like  to  ours.  Also  if  they  were  for  peace  to  come  to  goodman 
Small’s , att  Barwick,  within  14  days,  who  would  attend  to  discourse  them ; 
then  we  came  away  with  our  own  five  captiues,  [English  that  they  had  de- 
livered,] and  nine  of  theirs.”  # 

In  the  same  letter  we  are  informed  that  among  these  prisoners  were 
Kankamagus’s  wife  and  four  children.  Ilis  brother-in-law  was  taken,  but  he 
“ran  away  from  them.”  Among  the  slain  was  Kankamagus’s  own  sister.  A 
girl  was  brought  away  whose  father  and  mother  had  been  slain  before  her 
eyes.  Two  of  the  children  of  JVorombo  were  also  among  the  prisoners,  all  of 
whom  were  carried  to  Plimouth.  This  expedition  upon  the  Androscoggin 
was  on  Sunday,  14  September,  1690. 

A few  days  after  this,  Church  landed  at  Casco,  where  the  Indians  fell  upon 
him  by  surprise,  and  were  not  beaten  off  for  some  'time,  and  then  only  by 
hard  fighting.  This  was  on  the  21  September.  Church  had  seven  men  killed 
and  24  wounded,  two  of  whom  died  in  a day  or  two  after.  The  Indians  who 
made  this  attack  were  probably  led  by  Kankamagus  and  Worombo. 

Hopehood  was  a chief  nearly  as  celebrated,  and  as  much  detested  in  his 
time,  as  the  chiefs  of  whom  we  have  just  spoken.  He  was  chief  of  the  tribe 
Kof  the  Kennebecks  generally  known  as  the  Nerigwoks.  He  was  the  son  of 
Robinhood , a sachem  of  whom  we  have  spoken  in  a former  chapter.  Accord- 
ing to  some  writers  Hopehood  was  also  known  by  the  name  Wohawa.\  The 
career  of  his  warlike  exploits  was  long  and  bloody.  Our  first  notice  of  him 
is  in  Philip’s  war,  at  the  attack  of  a house  at  Newichewannok,  since  Berwick, 
in  Maine.  Fifteen  persons,  all  women  and  children,  were  in  the  house,  and 
Hopehood , with  one  only  beside  himself,  Andrew  of  Saco,  whom  we  have  be- 
fore mentioned  as  an  accomplice  with  Symon , thought  to  surprise  them,  and 
but  for  the  timely  discovery  of  their  approach  by  a young  woman  within, 
would  have  effected  their  purpose.  She  fastened  and  held  the  door,  while 
all  the  others  escaped  unobserved.  Hopehood  and  his  companion  hewed 
down  the  door,  and  knocked  the  girl  on  the  head,  and,  otherwise  wounding 
her,  left  her  for  dead.  They  took  two  children,  which  a fence  had  kept  from 
escaping.  One  they  killed,  the  other  they  eu-tied  off  alive.  The  young 
woman  recovered,  and  was  entirely  well  afterw  irds. 

One  of  the  most  important  actions  in  which  Hopehood  was  engaged  was 
that  against  Salmon  Falls  in  New  Hampshire,  .vhich  is  minutely  detailed  by 
Charlevoix,  from  whose  history  we  translate  as  follows.  Three  expeditions  had 
been  set  on  foot  by  Governor  Frontenac , the  troops  for  which  had  been  raised 
at  three  places,  Montreal,  Three  Rivers,  and  Quebeck.  Those  raised  at 
Three  Rivers  were  ordered  against  New  England ; and  such  was  the  insig- 
nificance of  that  place,  that  but  52  men  could  be  raised,  including  5 Algon- 
quins  and  20  Sokokis : these  Indians  had  lately  returned  from  an  eastern 
expedition.  They  had  at  their  head  one  of  the  officers  of  the  colony,  to 

* Manuscript  letter  written  at  the  time  by  Church , and  sent  to  Governor  Hinckley  of 
Plimouth. 

t Harris,  in  his  Voyages,  ii.  302,  who  says  he  was  a Huron;  but  as  he  cites  no  authorities, 
we  know  not  how  he  came  by  his  information. 


Chap.  VIII.]  HOPEHOOD.— DESTRUCTION  OF  SALMON  FALLS.  117 

whom  could  be  intrusted  the  execution  of  an  enterprise  of  such  a nature, 
with  the  greatest  confidence ; such  is  the  testimony  which  Count  Frontenac 
gave  in  a letter  which  he  wrote  at  the  time  to  M.  de  Seignelay.  That  officer 
was  the  Sieur  Hertel.  In  the  small  company  which  he  commanded,  he  had 
three  of  his  sons  and  two  of  his  nephews ; viz.  The  Sieur  Crevier , Lord 
of  S.  Frangois,  and  the  Sieur  Gatineau . 

He  left  Three  Rivers  the  28  January  1690,  proceeding  direetly  south  into 
the  country,  leaving  Lake  Champlain  to  his  left,  then  turning  to  the  east,  and 
after  a long  and  rugged  march  he  arrived  on  the  27  * * * § ** * * §§ March,  near  Salmon 
Falls, f which  he  had  reconnoitred  by  his  spies.  He  then  divided  his  men 
into  three  companies  ; the  first,  composed  of  15  men,  was  ordered  to  attack 
a large  fortified  house.  The  second,  consisting  of  11  men,  was  ordered  to 
seize  upon  a fort,  defended  by  four  bastions.  The  third,  which  Hertel  com- 
manded in  person,  marched  to  attack  a still  greater  fort,  which  was  defended 
by  cannon.  All  was  executed  with  a conduct  and  bravery  which  astonished 
the  English,  who  made  at  first  stout  resistance ; but  they  could  not  with- 
stand the  fire  of  the  assailants : the  bravest  were  cut  to  pieces,  J and  the 
rest,  to  the  number  of  54,  were  made  prisoners  of  war.  It  cost  the  victors 
but  one  Frenchman,  who  had  his  thigh  broken,  and  who  died  the  next  day : 
27  houses  were  reduced  to  ashes,  and  2000  § domestic  animals  perished  in 
the  barns,  which  had  been  set  on  fire. 

Salmon  Falls  was  but  sik  leagues  from  a great  town  called  Pascataqua^J! 
from  whence  men  enough  might  be  sent  to  swallow  up  Hertel,  and  cut  off 
his  retreat.  In  fact,  upon  the  evening  of  the  same  day  two  savages  gave 
notice  that  200  IF  English  were  advancing  to  attack  them.  Hertel  expected 
it,  and  had  taken  his  measures  to  frustrate  those  of  his  enemy.  He  drew 
up  his  men  in  order  of  battle  upon  the  edge  of  a river, ##  over  which  there 
was  a very  narrow  bridge,  one  extremity  of  which  he  had  secured,  and  it 
was  impossible  for  the  English  to  come  upon  him  at  any  other  point.  They, 
however,  attempted  it,  despising  the  small  numbers  of  the  French,  whom 
they  engaged  with  great  confidence.  Hertel  suffered  them  to  advance  with- 
out firing  a gun,  and  all  at  once  fell  upon  them,  sword  in  hand ; 8 were 
killed  and  10  wounded  in  the  first  shock,  and  the  rest  fled  with  precipita- 
tion. ff  He  lost  in  this  encounter  the  brave  Crevier , his  nephew,  and  one  of 
the  Sokokis.  La  Fresniere , his  elder  son,  was  shot  in  the  knee ; the  scar  of 
which  wound  he  bore  for  50  years,  ff 

As  Hertel  §§  was  returning  to  Canada,  he  fell  in  with  another  party  of  his 
countrymen,  which  proved  to  be  that  raised  at  Quebec,  before  mentioned, 
under  M.  de  Portneuf  ] j|  ||  and  with  him  agreed  upon  an  expedition  against 


* Belknap,  Hist.  N.  H.  i.  132,  following  Mather,  Magnalia,  vii.  68,  dates  this  affair  18 
March  : there  is  in  reality  no  error,  allowing  for  the  difference  .of  style,  (except  one  day  5)  the 
English  not  yet  having  adopted  the  Gregorian  method,  which  the  French  had. — See  Book  II. 
Cap.  II. 

f Pres  d’une  bourgade  Angloise,  appellee  Sementels. 

% About  30  were  killed,  according  to  Belknap,  Hist.  N.  H.  i.  132. 

§ Charlevoix  has  been  misconstrued  by  some  authors,  and  made  to  say  2000  head  of  cattle 
were  burned. — See  Williamson,  Hist.  Maine,  i.  619,  who  probably  did  not  refer  to  the  text  of 
Charlevoix,  or  perhaps  used  an  exceptionable  translation.  “ Deux  mille  pieces  de  detail  peri- 
rent  dans  les  etables,  ou  Von  avoit  mis  le  feu.”  Nouvelle  France,  ii.  51. 

j|  Sementels  n’etoit  qu’a  six  lieugs  d’une  assez  grosse  bourgade  de  la  Nouvelle  Angleterre, 
nominee  PescadouM.  Nouvelle  France,  ii.  51. 

IF  “ About  140  men.”  Belknap,  ii.  132. 

**  Wooster’s  River,  in  Berwick.  Ibid. 

ft  The  English  advanced  with  great  intrepidity,  and  a warm  engagement  ensued,  which 
lasted  till  night,  when  they  retired  with  the  loss  of  four  or  five  killed.  Ibid. 

ff  The  English,  although  warned  by  the  fate  of  Schenectaday,  “ dreamt,”  says  Mather , “ that 
while  the  deep  snow  of  the  winter  continued,  they  were  safe  enough ; but  this  proved  as  vain 
as  a dream  of  a dry  summer.  On  March  18,  the  French  and  Indians,  being  half  one,  half 
t’other,  half  Indianised  French,  and  half  Frenchified  Indians,  commanded  byJVIonsieur  Artel 
and  Hoop-Hood,  fell  suddenly  upon  Salmon-falls,”  &c.  Magnalia,  vii.  68. 

§§  The  English  called  him  Artel,  as  his  name  was  pronounced.  See  Magnalia,  ibid. 

if  ||  The  French  wrote  English  names  queer  enough,  but  really  I should  be  sadly  puzzled  to 
tell  which  should  laugh  at  the  other  : however,  modern  writers  should  not  copy  old  errors  of 
ignorance  It  is  easy  to  see  how  we  come  by  the  name  of  Burneffe  in  our  Histories  of  New 
England. — -See  Hist.  Maine,  i.  621. 


118 


KOPLHOOD  — DESTRUCTION  OF  CASCO. 


[Book  III. 


Casco.  As  Porlneuf  marched  through  the  country  of  the  Abenakis,  many 
of  them  joined  him,  and  lie  came  into  the  neighborhood  of  Casco,  accord- 
ing 10  the  French  account,  on  the  25  May.  On  the  following  night,  he  pre- 
pared an  ambush,  and  towards  morning  an  Englishman  fell  into  it  and  was 
killed.  The  Indians  then  raised  the  war-whoop,  and  about  noon  50  English 
marched  out  from  the  garrison  to  learn  what  was  the  occasion  of  it ; they 
made  no  discovery  until  they  were  within  a few  paces  of  the  ambush,  when 
they  were  fired  upon  : and  before  they  could  resist  were  fallen  upon  by  the 
French  and  Indians  with  their  swords  and  tomahawks  with  great  slaughter: 
but  lour  escaped,  and  these  were  badly  wounded. 

The  English  seeing  now  they  must  stand  a siege,  abandoned  four  garri- 
sons, and  all  retired  into  one,  which  was  provided  with  cannon.  Before  these 
were  abandoned,  an  attack  was  made  upon  one  of  them,  in  which  the 
French  were  repulsed,  with  the  loss  of  ohe  Indian  killed  and  one  French- 
man wounded.  Portneuf  began  now  to  doubt  of  his  ability  to  take  Casco, 
fearing  the  issue ; for  his  commission  only  ordered  him  to  lay  waste  the 
English  settlements,  and  not  to  attempt  fortified  places  ; but  in  this  dilemma 
Hertel  and  Hopehood  arrived.*  It  was  now  determined  to  press  the  siege. 
In  the  deserted  forts  they  found  all  the  necessary  tools  for  carrying  on  the 
work,  and  they  began  a mine  within  50  feet  of  the  fort,  under  a steep  bank, 
which  entirely  protected  them  from  its  guns.  The  English  became  dis- 
couraged, and  on  the  28  f May  surrendered  themselves  prisoners  of  war. 
There  were  70  men,  and  probably  a much  greater  number  of  women  and 
children.  All  of  whom,  except  Captain  Davis , who  commanded  the  garrison, 
and  three  or  four  others,  were  given  up  to  the  Indians,  who  murdered  most 
of  them  in  their  cruel  manner;  and  if  the  accounts  be  true,  Hopehoc\l 
excelled  all  other  savages  in  acts  of  cruelty.  In  the  course  of  the  same 
month,  with  a small  party  he  fell  upon  Fox  Point,  in  New  Hampshire,  killed 
about  fourteen  persons,  and  carried  away  six,  after  burning  several  houses. 
This  was  as  easily  done,  says  Cotton  Mather , J “ as  to  have  spoiled  an  ordinary 
hen-roost .”  Two  companies  of  English  soon  collected  and  pursued  them  ; 
came  up  with  them,  killed  some,  and  recovered  considerable  plunder.  In 
this  action  Hopehood  was  wounded,  and  lost  his  gun.  § 

Many  were  the  horrid  acts  of  barbarity  inflicted  on  the  prisoners  taken 
at  this  time.  Not  long  after  this,  Hopehood  went  to  the  westward,  “ with  a 
design,  says  Mather , to  bewitch  another  crew  at  Aquadocta  into  his  assist- 
ance.” The  Indians  of  Canada  and  the  Five  Nations  were  then  at  war, 
and  he  being  in  their  country,  was  met  by  some  of  the  Canada  Indians, 
who,  taking  him  to  be  of  the  Iroquois  nation,  slew  him  and  many  of  his 
companions.  He  had  been  once  a captive  to  the  English,  and  served  a time 
in  Boston  as  a slave.  There  appears  to  have  been  another  Nerigwok  chief 
of  the  same  name,  who  treated  with  Governor  Dudley  at  Casco,  in  1703.  \ 

We  have,  in  narrating  the  events  in  the  life  of  Madokawando , noticed  the 
voyage  of  Major  Waldron  to  the  eastern  coast  of  Maine,  which  was  at  the 
close  of  Philip's  war.  How  much  treachery  was  manifested  at  that  time  by 
the  Indians,  which  caused  the  English  to  massacre  many  of  them,  we  shall 
not  take  upon  us  to  declare ; yet  this  we  should  bear  in  mind,  that  wre  have 
only  the  account  of  those  who  performed  the  tragedy,  and  not  that  of  those 
who  suffered  in  it. 

Captain  Charles  Frost , of  Kittery,  was  with  Waldron  upon  that  expedition, 
and,  next  to  him,  a principal  actor  in  it ; and,  like  him,  was  killed  by  the 
Indians  afterwards.  ||  Mr.  Hubbard  gives  this  account  of  his  taking  a noted 
warrior  as  follows : — “ Capt.  Frost  seized  an  Indian  called  Megunneway , a 
notorious  rogue,  that  had  been  in  arms  at  Connecticut  last  June,  at  the  falls, 


* Madokawando  was  also  at  the  taking  of  Casco,  as  were  the  Doneys  and  the  Higners 
[Higgins]  Captain  Davis’s  Nar.  in  3 Coll.  Mas.  Hist.  Soc.  104,  5. — Hopehood  had  been  taken 
prisoner,  and  held  as  a hostage,  with  about  a dozen  others,  and  was  set  at  liberty  by  Andros, 
some  time  before.  Ibid. 

f This  agrees  with  the  English  accounts,  abating  10  days,  as  observed  in  a note  on  the  last  page, 
t Magnalia  Christ.  Americana,  b.  vii.  73. 

6 “ An  heathen  Indian  would  rather  part  with  his  head  than  with  his  gun.”  Loskiel , ii.  214. 
|]  At  his  native  place,  4 July,  1697.  MS.  letter  of  John  Farmer,  Esq. 


BOMAZEEN. 


119 


Chap.  IX.] 

and  saw  that  brave  and  resolute  Capt.  Turner , when  he  was  slain  about 
Green. River;  and  helped  to  kill  Thomas  Bracket*  at  Casco,  [11th]  August 
last,  [1676.]  And  with  the  help  of  Lieut.  Nutter , according  to  the  major’s 
order,  carried  hiip  aboard  ” their  vessel.  “ By  this  time,”  the  same  author 
continues,  “some  of  the  soldiers  were  got  ashore,  and  instantly,  according 
to  their  major’s  command,  pursued  the  enemy  towards  their  canoes.  In  the 
chase,  several  of  the  enemy  were  slain,  whose  bodies  these  [soldiers]  found 
at  their  return,  to  the  number  of  seven ; amongst  whom  was  Mattahando , 
the  sagamore,  with  an  old  powow,  to  whom  the  Devil  had  revealed,  as  some- 
times he  did  to  Saul , that  on  the  same  day  he  should  be  with  him  ; for  he 
had  a little  before  told  the  Indians,  that  within  two  days  the  English  would 
come  and  kill  them  all,  which  was  at  the  very  same  time  verified  upon 
himself.”  Here  we  must  acknowledge,  notwithstanding  our  great  respect 
for  this  author,  that  his  commentary  upon  that  passage  was  rather  gratuitous. 
He  might  have  considered  that  Sauls  among  the  English  would  not  be  want- 
ing of  whom  parallels  might  be  made.  Indeed,  the  historian  of  Kankamagus 
might  say  the  Devil  was  less  deceitful  with  this  powwow  than  he  was  after- 
wards in  the  case  of  Major  Waldron . 

The  English  took  much  plunder  from  the  Indians  at  this  time,  among 
which  were  about  1000  lbs.  of  dried  beef,  and  various  other  commodities. 
Megunneway , after  having  fallen  into  their  hands  as  we  have  stated,  was  shot 
without  ceremony. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Bomazeen — Treachery  of  the  whites  totcards  him — Is  imprisoned  at  Boston — Saves 
the  life  of  a female  captive — Captures  Saco — Is  killed — Arruhawikwabemt — 
His  capture  and  death — Egeremet — Seized  at  Pemmaquid — Barbarously  mur- 
dered— Treachery  of  Chubb — Its  requital — Captain  Tom — Surprises  Hampton — 
Dony — His  fort  captured  by  Colonel  Church — Events  of  Church's  expedition — Captain 
Simmo — Treats  with  the  English  at  Casco — His  speech — Wattanummon — Captain 
Samuel — His  fight  at  Damaris  Cove — Hegan — One  of  the  name  barbarously  de- 
stroyed by  the  whites — Mogg — Westbrook  burns  Nerigwok — Some  account  of  the 
Jesuit  Rasle — Moulton's  expedition  to  JYerigwok — Death  of  Mogg — Death  of  Father 
Rasle — Notice  of  Moulton — Charlevoix's  account  of  this  affair — Paugus — Bounty 
offered  for  Indian  scalps — Captain  John  Lovewell's  first  expedition — His  second 
hunt  for  Indians — Falls  in  with  Paugus — Fights  him , and  is  slain — Particulars  of 
the  affair — Incidents — Songs  composed  on  the  event. 

We  will  continue  here  our  catalogue  of  eminent  chiefs  of  the  east,  which, 
though  a remote  section,  has  no  less  claim  than  any  other;  and  the  first  of 
them  which  we  shall  introduce  was  called,  by  the  whites, 

Bomazeen,  who  was  a sachem  of  a tribe  of  the  Canibas,  or  Kennebecks, 
whose  residence  was  at  an  ancient  seat  of  sagamores,  upon  a river  bearing 
their  name,  at  a place  called  JYorridgewock.  f Whether  Bomazeen  were  the 
leader  in  the  attack  upon  Oyster  River  in  New  Hampshire,  Groton  in  Massa- 
chusetts, and  many  other  places,  about  the  year  1694,  we  cannot  determine, 
but  Hutchinson  says  he  was  “a  principal  actor  in  the  carnage  upon  the 


* He  was  brother  to  Anthony,  and  was  killed  the  11  August,  as  we  have  mentioned  in  our 
account  of  Sijmon.  These  Indians,  or  some  of  their  party  [that  captured  Anthony  Bracket\ 
went  over  upon  the  neck,  where  they  shot  John  Munjoy  and  Isaac  Wakely.  Three  men.  who 
were  going  to  reap  at  Anthony  Bracket’s,  having  heard  from  Munjoy  and  Wakely  of  the  trans- 
action there,  left  them  to  return,  when,  hearing  the  guns,  they  turned  towards  Thomas  Bracket's, 
who  lived  near  Clark’s  Point,  where  they  had  left  their  canoe,  having  probably  crossed  over 
from  Purpooduck.  Here  they  saw  Thomas  Bracket  shot  down,  and  his  wife  and  children 
taken  ; they  then  made  their  escape  to  Munjoy' s garrison,  at  the  lower  end  of  the  neck,  which 
had  become  a place  of  refuge.  Willis's  Hist.  Portland,  i.  144.— This  was  an  extensive  depre- 
dation, 34  persons  having  been  killed  and  carried  into  captivity. 

t Nerigwok  is  believed  to  be  the  most  proper  way  of  spelling  the  name  of  this  place,  as 
agreeing  best  with  its  orthoepy  ; at  least,  with  that  heard  at  and  in  the  vicinity  of  it,  at  this 
day,  as  pronounced  by  the  oldest  inhabitants.  It  is  a delightful  place,  and  will  be  found  else- 
where described. 


120 


A RRUII AWIK WABEMT. — TAKEN  AND  KILLED.  [Book  III. 


English,”  after  the  treaty  which  he  had  made  with  Governor  Phips , in  1693. 
In  1694,  he  came  to  the  fort  at  Pernrnaquid  with  a flag  of  truce,  and  was 
treacherously  seized  by  those  who  commanded,  and  sent  prisoner  to  Boston, 
where  he  remained  some  months,  in  a loathsome  prison.  In  1706,  new  bar- 
barities were  committed.  Chelmsford,  Sudbury,  Groton,  Exeter,  Dover,  and 
many  other  places,  suffered  more  or  less.*  Many  captives  were  taken  and 
carried  to  Canada,  and  many  killed  on  the  way.  A poor  woman,  one  Rebecca 
Taylor,  who  had  arrived  at  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  was  about  to  be  hanged 
by  her  master,  an  “ overgrown  Indian,”  named  Sampson.  The  limb  of  the 
tree  on  which  he  was  executing  his  purpose  gave  way,  and,  while  he  was 
making  a second  attempt,  Bomazeen  happened  to  be  passing,  and  res- 
cued her. 

We  hear  of  him  just  after  the  death  of  Arruhawikwabemt , in  October, 
1710,  when  he  fell  upon  Saco  with  60  or  70  men,  and  killed  several  people, 
and  carried  away  some  captives.  He  is  mentioned  as  a “ notorious  fellow,” 
and  yet  but  few  of  his  acts  are  upon  record.  Some  time  after  the  peace  of 
1701,  it  seemed  to  be  confirmed  by  the  appearance  of  Bomazeen , and  another 
principal  chief,  who  said  the  French  friars  were  urging  them  to  break  their 
union  with  the  English,  “ but  that  they  had  made  no  impression  on  them,  for 
they  were  as  firm  as  the  mountains , and  should  continue  so  as  long  as  the  sun  and 
moon  endured '.”  On  peace  being  made  known  to  the  Indians,  as  having  taken 
place  between  the  French  and  English  nations,  they  came  into  Casco,  with 
a flag  of  truce,  and  soon  after  concluded  a treaty  at  Portsmouth,  N.  II., 
dated  13  July,  1713.  Bomazeen's  name  and  mark  are  to  this  treaty. 

When  Captain  Moulton  was  sent  up  to  Nerigwok,  in  1724,  they  fell  in  with 
Bomazeen  about  Taconnet,  where  they  shot  him  as  he  was  escaping  through 
the  river.  Near  the  town  of  Nerigwok,  his  wife  and  daughter  were,  in  a 
barbarous  manner,  fired  upon,  the  daughter  killed,  and  the  mother  taken. 

We  purposely  omit  Dr.  C.  Mather’s  account  of  Bomazeen' s conversation 
with  a minister  of  Boston,  while  a prisoner  there,  which  amounts  to  little 
else  than  his  recounting  some  of  the  extravagant  notions  which  the  French 
of  Canada  had  made  many  Indians  believe,  to  their  great  detriment,  as  he 
said ; as  that  Jesus  Christ  was  a French  man,  and  the  Virgin  Mary  a French 
woman  ; thafithe  French  gave  them  poison  to  drink,  to  inflame  them  against, 
the  English,  which  made  them  run  mad.  We  hear  of  others,  who,  to  excite 
them  against  the  English,  endeavored  to  make  them  believe,  among  other 
absurdities,  that  they  put  Jesus  Christ  to  death  in  London. 

Arruhawikwabemt,  just  mentioned,  was  a sachem  of  the  same  tribe,  and 
was  said  to  be  of  Norridgewock  also.  We  can  find  but  very  few  particulars 
of  him,  but,  from  the  fate  he  met  with,  it  is  presumed  he  had  been  very 
instrumental  in  continuing  or  bringing  about  the  eastern  war  of  1710.  In 
that  year,  Colonel  Walton  made  an  expedition  to  the  eastern  coast  of  Maine 
with  170  men.  As  they  were  encajnped  upon  an  island,  the  smoke  of  their 
fires  decoyed  some  of  the  Indians  into  their  hands,  among  whom  was  Arru- 
hawikwabemt. Penhallow  says,  he  was  “ an  active,  bold  fellow,  and  one  of  an 
undaunted  spirit;  for  when  they  asked  him  several  questions,  he  made  them 
no  reply,  and  when  they  threatened  him  with  death,  he  laughed  at  it  with  con- 
tempt ! At  which  they  delivered  him  up  unto  our  friendly  Indians,  who  soon 
became  his  executioners.  But  when  the  squaw  saw  the  destiny  of  her 
husband,  she  became  more  flexible,  and  freely  discovered  where  each  party 
of  them  encamped.”  The  savage  perpetrators  of  this  act  called  themselves 
Christian  warriors ! and  it  must  be  acknowledged  that  civilization  gains 
nothing  in  contrasting  the  conduct  of  the  whites,  under  Walton,  and  that 
of  Bomazeen  towards  a captive,  just  related. 

Egeremet,  as  we  have  seen,  was  chief  sachem  of  Kennebeck  in  1690. 
and  his  principal  residence  appears  to  have  been  at  Machias.  This  chief, 
and  Honquid,  with  three  or  four  others,  having  been  invited  to  a conference  at 
Pernrnaquid,  were  treacherously  murdered  there,  16  February,  1696.  Their 
seizure  and  murder  could  not  have  been  outdone,  by  the  greatest  barbarians^. 


* Bomazeen  was  supposed  to  have  led  the  party  that  attacked  the  south  part  of  Oyster  River, 
now  Durham,  in  which  10  persons  were  killed.  This  was  on  27  April. 


EGEREMET. 


121 


Chap.  IX.] 


for  faithlessness ; and  we  shall  learn  that  its  author  paid  for  it  in  due  time 
with  his  life.  We  are  not  disposed  to  add  to  transactions  which  are  in 
themselves  sufficiently  horrible,  but  we  will  venture  to  give  the  account  as 
we  find  it  in  Dr.  C.  Mather's  decennium  luctuosum : — * 

“ Let  us,  before  the  year  be  quite  gone,  see  some  vengeance  taken  upon 
the  heads  in  the  house  of  the  wicked.  Know  then,  reader,  that  Capt.  March 
petitioning  to  be  dismissed  from  his  command  of  the  fort  at  Pemmaquid, 
one  Chub  succeeded  him.  This  Chub  found  an  opportunity,  in  a pretty 
chubbed  manner,  to  kill  the  famous  Edgeremet  and  Abenquid , a couple  of 
principal  sagamores,  with  one  or  two  other  Indians,  on  a Lord’s  day.  Some 
that  well  enough  liked  the  thing  which  was  now  done,  did  not  altogether 
like  the  manner  of  doing  it,  because  there  was  a pretence  of  treaty  between 
Chub  and  the  sagamores,  whereof  he  took  his  advantage  to  lay  violent  hands 
on  them.” 

Thus  the  manner  is  seen  in  which  this  horrid  and  cold-blooded  act  is 
related  ! ! Few  are  the  instances  that  we  meet  with  in  history,  where  Indian 
treachery , as  it  is  termed,  can  go  before  this.  The  reverend  author  adds,  “ If 
there  were  any  unfair  dealing  (which  I know  not)  in  this  action  of  Chub , 
there  will  be  another  February  not  far  off,  wherein  the  avengers  of  blood  will 
take  their  satisfaction."  By  this  innuendo,  what  befell  Captain  Chubb  after- 
wards is  understood,  and  of  which  we  shall  presently  give  an  account. 

The  point  of  land  called  Trott's  Neck,  in  Woolwich,  in  the  state  of  Maine, 
was  sold,  in  1685,  by  Egeremet  and  several  other  sachems.  In  1693,  on  the 
11  August,  with  12  other  chiefs,  he  made  a treaty  f with  Sir  William  Phips,  at 
Pemmaquid,  to  which  their  names  stood  as  follows,  and  without  marks,  in 
the  printed  account. 

Edgeremett. 

Madockawando. 

Wassambomet  of  Noridgwock. 

Wenobson  of  Teconnet,  in  behalf 
of  Moxus. 

Ketterramogis  of  Namridgwock. 

Ahanquid  of  Penobscot. 

Bomaseen. 

Nitamemet. 

terpreters. 


Webenes. 

Awansomeck. 

Robin  Doney. 

Madaumbis. 

Paquaharet,  alias  Nathaniel. 
John  Hornybrook. 

John  Bagatawawongo,  alias 
Sheepscott  John. 
Phill.  Dunsakis,  Squaw,  in- 


Before  this,  in  1691,  “New  England  being  quite  out  of  breath,”  says  Dr. 
C.  Mather,  a treaty,  or  truce,  was  entered  into  between  the  eastern  sachems 
and  Messrs.  Hutchinson  and  Townsend , of  Boston,  and  others  of  the  eastern 
coast,  at  Sagadahock.  Here  ten  captives  were  given  up  by  them,  and  the 
English  gave  up  eight  captive  Indians.  One  was  a woman  by  the  name  of 
Hull,  who  had  been  of  great  service  to  them,  having  written  letters  on 
various  occasions,  such  as  their  affairs  required,  and  with  whom  they  re- 
gretted much  to  part.  Another  was  Nathaniel  White,  who  had  been  bound 
and  tortured  in  a wretched  manner.  His  ears  were  cut  off,  and,  instead  of 
food,  he  was  forced  to  eat  them,  after  which,  but  for  this  timely  treaty,  the 
sentence  of  burning  would  have  been  executed  upon  him.  This  truce 
stipulated  that  no  hurt  should  be  done  the  English  until  May,  1692,  and  that, 
on  the  first  of  that  mouth,  they  would  deliver,  at  Wells,  all  English  captives 
in  their  hands,  and,  in  the  mean  time,  would  inform  of  any  plots  that  they 
might  know  of  the  French  against  the  English.  Egeremet  being  the  chief 
sachem,  and  most  forward  in  this  business,  Dr.  Mather  utters  his  contempt 
for  him  by  saying,  “ To  this  instrument  were  set  the  paws  of  Egeremet,  and 
five  more  of  their  sagamores  and  noblemen.”  J 

This  treaty  may  be  seen  at  length  in  the  Collections  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc., 
but  is  dated  one  year  earlier  than  it  is  in  the  Magnalia.  The  fact  that  it  was 
made  upon  the  water,  as  Dr.  C.  Mather  says,  and  as  we  have  quoted  in  the 
life  of  Madokawando,  appears  from  the  last  paragraph  of  that  instrument, 


* Magnalia,  b.  vii.  89.  f It  may  be  seen  in  the  Magnalia , vii.  85. 

| Magnalia  Christ.  Americana,  book  vii.  art.  xxviii.  p.  94. 


122 


EGEREMET.— KILLED  AT  PEMAQUI0. 


[Book  ITT. 


which  is  in  these  words : — u Signed  and  sealed  interchangeably,  npon  the 
water,  in  canoes,  at  Sackatehock,  when  the  wind  blew."  It  was  headed,  “ At  a 
treaty  of  peace  with  the  eastward  Indian  enemy  sagamores.”  The  other  five 
sachems,  beside  Egeremet,  were  Toqudmut , Watumbomt,  Watombamet , Walumber 
[ Worombos ,}  and  John  Hawkins , [or  Kankamagus.]  The  places  for  which  they 
stipulated  are,  according  to  the  treaty,  “ Pennecook,Winnepisseockeege,  Ossepey 
Pigwocket,  Amoscongen,  Pechepscut,  Kennebeck  River,  and  all  other  places 
adjacent,  within  the  territory  and  dominions  of  the  above-named  sagamores.’5. 
The  witnesses  were,  Dewando,  [the  same  called  Aditoando , by  Penhcdlowr 
probably,}  Ned  Higon , John  Alden,  jr.,  and  Nathaniel  Alden. 

The  next  year,  Egeremet  was  with  Madokawando,  Moxus , and  a body  of 
French  under  Labrocre , and  made  the  notable  attack  upon  the  garrison  at 
Wells,  which  will  be  found  recorded  in  the  last  chapter. 

We  will  now  inform  the  reader  of  the  wretched  fate  of  Captain  Pasco  Chub . 
It  was  not  long  after  he  committed  the  bloody  deed  of  killing  the  Indian  sag- 
amores, before  he  and  the  fort  were  taken  by  the  French  and  Indians.  He 
was  exchanged,  and  returned  to  Boston,  where  he  suffered  much  disgrace 
for  his  treachery  with  the  Indians.*  He  lived  at  Andover  in  Massachusetts^ 
where  about  30  Indians  made  an  attack  in  1698,  on  22  February,  in  which 
he,  with  others,  was  killed,  and  five  were  captivated.  It  was  not  thought  that 
they  expected  to  find  him  there ; but  when  they  found  they  had  killed  him, 
it  gave  them  as  much  joy,  says  Hutchinson , “ as  the  destruction  of  a whole 
town,  because  they  had  taken  their  beloved  vengeance  of  him  for  his  perfidy 
and  barbarity  to  their  countrymen.”  They  shot  him  through  several  times 
after  he  was  dead. 

In  his  characteristic  style,  Mr.  Oldmixon  speaks  of  this  event.}  He  says, 
“Nor  must  we  forget  Chub,  the  false  wretch  who  surrendered  Pemmaquid 
Fort.  The  governor  kept  him  under  examination  some  time  at  Boston,  and 
then  dismissed  him.  As  he  was  going  to  his  house,  at  Andover,  the  Indians 
surprised  him  and  his  wife,  and  massacred  them  ; a just  reward  of  his  trea- 
son.” The  author,  we  think,  should  have  added,  according  to  the  jurispru- 
dence of  savages. 

The  most  favorable  account  given  of  the  conduct  of  Chub,  and  indeed  the 
only  one,  follows : “ An  Indian  sagamore’s  son  appeared  with  a flag  of  truce,  and 
Capt.  Chub  went  out  to  them  without  arms,  man  for  man.  An  Indian  asked  for 
rum  and  tobacco:  the  captain  said,  ‘ No ; it  is  Sabbath  day .’  They  said, 

‘ We  will  have  rum,  or  we  will  have  rum  and  you  too .’  Two  Indians  laid  hold  on 
the  captain.  Then  he  called  to  his  men,  to  fall  on,  for  God’s  sake.  Then  he 
made  signs  to  his  men,  to  come  from  the  fort.  One  of  the  English  had  a 
hatchet  under  his  coat,  took  it  out  and  killed  an  Indian;  and  then  ours 
killed  two  more  Indians,  and  took  another  alive,  and  wounded  another,  sup- 
posed mortally.  Then  many  of  the  enemy  came  near  to  the  English,  who- 
retreated  all  safe  to  the  fort.”  | 

There  was  another  sagamore  of  the  same  name,  noticed  in  the  following 
wars  with  the  eastern  Indians,  who  was  friendly  to  the  whites ; it  was  proba- 
bly he  who  sometimes  bore  the  name  of  Moxus. 


* Harris’s  Voyages,  ii.  305,  (ed.  1764,)  says  Chub  was  arrested  by  Colonel  Gedney,  who  was 
sent  east  with  three  ships  of  war,  on  hearing  of  the  surrender  of  the  fort,  and  that  no  French  or 
Indians  could  be  found  ; that  after  he  strengthened  the  garrison,  he  returned  home. 

“ Col.  Gedney  had  been  by  land  with  500  men,  to  secure  the  eastern  frontiers.  Finding  the 
enemy  gone,  he  strengthened  the  garrisons,  which  were  not  taken.  He  also  arrested  Pasco 
Chubb,  for  surrendering  Pemaquid  Fort,  while  under  his  command  in  July,  and  had  him 
brought  to  Boston.  Here  Captain  Chubb  was  confined,  till  it  was  decided  that  he  should 
lose  his  commission,  and  not  be  eligible  for  any  other.  This  unfortunate  man,  with  his  wife 
Hannah,  and  three  others,  were  killed  by  the  Indians  at  Andover,  Feb.  22,  1698."  Rev.  Mr . 
Felt's  Annals  of  Salem. 

A naval  force  was  sent  at  the  same  time ; hence  the  accounts  are  not  altogether  irrecon- 
cilable. Three  men-of-war  Mere  sent  out  in  pursuit  of  the  French,  “ but  meeting  with  con- 
trary winds,  they  could  never  get  sight  of  them."  Neal,  His.  N.  Eng.  ii.  551. 

f British  Empire  in  America,  i.  77,  78. 

j Manuscript  letter  in  library  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  written  in  the  following  month.  As  it  was 
written  at  a great  distance  from  the  place,  and  from  a report  of  the  day,  little  reliance  can  be 
placed  upon  it.  It  may  have  been  Chub’s  report  of  the  case. 


Ciiap.  IX.] 


CAPTAIN  TOM.— DONEY. 


123 


In  the  Indian  war  of  1703,  there  was  a great  Indian  captain  who  resided 
somewhere  to  the  east  of  Pascataqua  River,  who  made  his  name  dreaded 
among  the  settlements  in  that  region,  by  some  bloody  expeditions  which  he 
conducted.  He  was  called,  by  the  English, 

Captain  Tom.  On  17  August  of  this  year,  this  daring  war-captain,  with 
about  30  others,  surprised  a part  of  Hampton,  killed  five  persons,  whereof 
one  was  a widow  Hussey , “ who  was  a remarkable  speaking  Quaker,  and  much 
lamented  by  her  sect.”  After  sacking  two  houses  near  the  garrison,  they 
drew  off.* * * § 

Many  Indians  bore  the  name  of  Tom.  Indian  Hill,  in  Newbury,  was  owned 
by  Great  Tom.  He  is  supposed  to  have  been  the  last  Indian  proprietor  of 
lands  in  that  town.  In  written  instruments,  he  styles  himself,  11 1 Great  Tom 
Indian .”  f 

We  come,  in  the  next  place,  to  an  interesting  portion  of  our  eastern  history. 
It  has  been  generally  supposed  that  the  name  Dony , or  Honey , was  the  name 
of  an  Indian  chief,  but  it  is  now  quite  certain  that  he  was  a Frenchman,  who 
took  up  his  residence  among  the  Indians,  as  Baron  de  St.  Casteins  did.  There 
appears  in  our  history,  in  1645,  a “Monsieur  Dony,"  who  had  some  difficulty 
with  Lord  de  la  Tour , about  their  eastern  possessions,  and  he  was,  doubtless, 
the  same  of  whom  we  have  an  account  afterwards,  in  the  war  of  1690,  with 
the  eastern  Indians.  At  this  time,  there  were  two  of  the  name  in  Maine, 
father  and  son.  The  son,  perhaps,  like  Casteins  the  younger,  was  half  Indian, 
but  of  this  we  are  not  sure  ; nevertheless,  to  preserve  our  narrative  of  the 
events  of  Colonel  Church's  expedition  of  1690,  we  shall  notice  them  among 
others. 

Church  landed  at  Maquait,  12  September,  before  day,  and,  after  a wet. 
fatiguing  march  into  the  woods  of  about  two  days,  on  the  south-west  side  of 
the  Androscoggin,  came  into  the  neighborhood  of  a fort.  They  came  upon 
an  Indian  and  his  wife  who  were  leading  two  captives ; and  immediately  pur- 
suing and  firing  upon  them,  killed  the  Indian  woman,  who  proved  to  be  the 
wife  of  Young  Honey.].  We  can  only  hope  it  was  not  their  design  thus  to  have 
killed  an  innocent  woman.  Which  party  it  was  that  fired  upon  them  (for  they 
divided  themselves  into  three)  is  unknown,  and  we  in  charity  must  suppose 
that,  at  considerable  distance,  and  in  much  confusion,  it  was  difficult  to  know 
an  Indian  man  from  a woman. 

As  Church  expected,  Doney  ran  into  one  gate  of  the  fort,  and  out  at  the 
other,  giving  the  alarm  so  effectually,  that  nearly  all  within  it  escaped.  They 
found  and  took  prisoners  “ but  two  men  and  a lad  of  about  18,  with  some 
women  and  children.  Five  ran  into  the  river,  three  or  four  of  which  were 
killed.  The  lad  of  18  made  his  escape  up  the  river.”  The  whole  number 
killed  in  this  action  was  “ six  or  seven.”  The  English  had  but  one  wounded. 
They  took  here,  at  this  time,§  a considerable  quantity  of  corn,  guns,  and  ammu- 
nition, and  liberated  Mrs.  Hackings,  widow  of  Lieutenant  Robert  Hackings, 
taken  at  Oyster  River,  Mrs.  Barnard,  wife  of  Benjamin  Barnard,  of  Salmon 
Falls,  Anne  Heard,  of  Cocheco,  a young  woman,  daughter  of  one  Willis,  of 
Oyster  River,  and  a boy  belonging  to  Exeter.  These  captives,  says  Church, 
u were  in  a miserable  condition.”  They  learned  by  them  that  most  of  their 
men  were  gone  to  Winter  Harbor  to  get  provisions  for  the  Bay  of  Fundy  In- 
dians. This  information  was  given  by  a prisoner  taken  in  the  fort,  who  also  said 
that  the  Bay  of  Fundy  Indians  were  to  join  them  against  the  English,  in  the 
spring.  “ The  soldiers,  being  very  rude,  would  hardly  spare  the  Indian’s  life, 
while  in  examination  ; intending,  when  he  had  done,  that  he  should  be  exe- 
cuted. But  Capt.  Hucking's  wife,  and  another  woman,  down  on  their  knees 
and  begged  for  him,  saying,  that  he  had  been  a means  of  saving  their  lives, 
and  a great  many  more  ; and  had  helped  several  to  opportunities  to  run  away 
and  make  their  escape  ; and  that  never,  since  he  came  amongst  them,  had 
fought  against  the  English,  but  being  related  to  Hakin's )]  wife,  kept  at  the 

* Penhallow,  Ind,  Wars,  8 ; Farmer's  Belknap , i.  167. 

t Manuscript  Hist.  Newbury,  by  J.  Coffin. 

] And  the  same  called  in  the  Magnalia  Robin  Donexj. 

§ Says  my  record,  which  is  a manuscript  letter  from  Church , written  at  that  time. 

|j  The  same  called  Kanlcamagxis . 


124 


DONE Y.— CAPTAIN  SIMMO. 


[Book  III. 


fort  with  them,  having  been  there  two  years;  but  his  living  was  to  the  west- 
ward of  Boston.  So  upon  their  request,  his  life  was  spared.” 

Two  old  squaws  were  left  in  the  fort,  provided  with  provisions,  and  instruct- 
ed to  tell  those  who  returned  who  they  were,  and  what  they  were  determined 
to  do.  They  then  put  four  or  five  to  death,  and  decamped.  Those,  we  must 
suppose,  were  chiefly  women  and  children  ! “ Knocked  on  the  head  for  an  ex- 

ample.”  We  know  not  that  any  excuse  can  be  given  for  this  criminal  act;  and 
it  is  degrading  to  consider  that  the  civilized  must  be  supposed  to  imagine  that 
they  can  prevent  barbarities  by  being  wretchedly  barbarous  themselves. 

Old  Doney,  as  he  is  called,  was  next  to  be  hunted.  As  they  were  em- 
barking at  Maquait,  Mr.  Anthony  Bracket  * came  to  the  shore  and  called  to  them 
to  take  him  on  board,  which  they  did.  He  learning  that  an  English  army  was 
thereabout,  made  his  escape  from  the  Indians,  with  whom  he  had  been  some 
time  a prisoner.  The  fleet  now  proceeded  to  Winter  Harbor,  from  whence 
they  despatched  a detachment  of  60  men  to  Saco  Falls.  When  they  came 
near,  they  discovered  Donefis  company  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  who 
chiefly  made  their  escape.  A canoe,  with  three  Indians,  was  observed  coining 
over  the  river  ; they  did  not  see  the  English,  and  were  fired  upon,  and  “ all 
three  perished.”  This  gave  the  first  alarm  to  Donefis  company.  They  did 
not,  however,  leave  their  ground  without  returning  the  fire  of  the  English,  by 
which  Lieutenant  Hunnewell  was  shot  through  the  thigh.f  When  the  parties 
fired  upon  each  other,  Old  Doney,  with  an  English  captive,  was  higher  up 
the  river,  who,  hearing  the  firing,  came  down  to  see  what  it  meant;  and  thus 
he  discovered  the  English  time  enough  to  escape.  Doney  fled  from  the 
canoe,  leaving  his  captive,  who  came  to  the  English.  His  name  was  Thomas 
Baker,  who  had  lived  before  at  Scarborough. 

There  were  many  other  movements  of  the  English  after  this,  in  which 
they  got  much  plunder,  and  which  tended  to  cause  an  uneasiness  among 
them,  and  their  final  determination  to  return  home.  Church  urged  a longer 
continuance,  but  was  outvoted  in  a council  of  officers,  and  thus  ended  the 
expedition.  Many  in  the  country  reproached  Church  with  cowardice,  and 
almost  every  thing  but  what  we  should  have  looked  for.  If  putting  to  death 
captives  had  been  the  charge,  many  might  have  accorded  Amen ! But  we  do 
not  find  that  urged  against  him. 

Two  years  after  this,  in  1693,  Robin  Doney  became  reconciled  to  the  Eng- 
lish, and  signed  a treaty  with  them  at  Pemmaquid.  But  within  a year  after, 
he  became  suspected,  whether  with  or  without  reason,  we  know  not,  and 
coming  to  the  fort  at  Saco,  probably  to  settle  the  difficulty,  was  seized  by  the 
English.  What  his  fate  was  is  rather  uncertain,  but  the  days  of  forgiveness 
and  mercy  were  not  yet. 

Among  the  chiefs  which  we  shall  next  proceed  to  notice,  there  were  seve- 
ral of  nearly  equal  notoriety. 

Captain  Simmo’s  name  should,  perhaps,  stand  most  conspicuous.  We 
shall,  therefore,  go  on  to  narrate  the  events  in  his  life,  after  a few  preliminary 
observations. 

Whenever  war  commenced  between  the  English  and  French  in  Europe, 
their  colonies  in  America  were  involved  in  its  calamities,  to  an  unknown  and 
fearful  extent.  This  was  the  aspect  which  affairs  wore  in  1703.  With  the 
first  news,  therefore,  of  its  flame,  the  New  Englanders’  thoughts  were  turned 
towards  the  Indians.  Governor  Dudley  immediately  despatched  messengers  to 
most  of  the  eastern  tribes,  inviting  them  to  meet  him  in  council  upon  the  pen- 
insula in  Falmouth,  on  the  20  June.  His  object  was  so  to  attach  them  to  the 
English,  that,  in  the  event  of  hostilities  between  the  rival  powers  on  this  side 
of  the  Atlantic,  they  would  not  take  arms  against  them.  Agreeably  to  the 
wishes  of  the  English,  a vast  multitude  assembled  at  the  time  appointed : 
the  chiefs  Adiwando  and  Hegan  for  the  Pennakooks,  IVattanummon  for  the 
Pequakets,  Mesambomett  and  JVexar  for  the  Androscoggins,  Moxus  .and  Hope- 
hood  (perhaps  son  of  him  killed  by  the  Mohawks)  for  the  Nerigwoks,  Boma- 
zeen  and  Captain  Samuel  for  the  Kennebecks,  and  Warrungunt  and  Wanadu - 


* Son  of  Anthony,  who  was  killed  by  the  Indians,  as  we  have  related,  ante . 
t Official  letter  in  MS.  from  the  expedition. 


CAPTAIN  SAMUEL. 


125 


Chap.  IX.] 

gunbuent  for  the  Penobscots.  After  a short  speech  to  them,  in  which  the 
governor  expressed  brotherly  affection,  and  a desire  to  settle  every  difficulty 
« which  had  happened  since  the  last  treaty,”  Captain  Simmo  replied  as 
follows 

“ We  thank  you , good  brother,  for  coming  so  far  to  talk  with  us.  It  is  a great 
favor.  The  clouds  fy  and  darken— but  we  still  sing  with  love  the  songs  of  peace. 
Believe  my  toords. — So  far  as  the  sun  is  above  the  earth  are  our 

THOUGHTS  FROM  WAR,  OR  THE  LEAST  RUPTURE  BETWEEN  US.”  * 

The  governor  was  then  presented  with  a belt  of  wampum,  was  to  confirm 
the  truth  of  what  had  been  said.  At  a previous  treaty,  two  heaps  of  small 
stones  had  been  thrown  together,  near  by  the  treaty  ground,  and  called  the 
Tivo-brothers , to  signify  that  the  Indians  and  English  were  brothers,  and  were 
considered  by  the  parties  in  the  light  of  seals  to  their  treaties.  They  now 
repaired  to  these  heaps  of  stones,  and  each  increased  their  magnitude,  by  the 
addition  of  other  stones.  Thus  was  happily  terminated  this  famous  treaty. 
Some  parade  and  rejoicing  now  commenced,  and  a circumstance  transpired 
which  threw  the  English  into  great  fear,  and,  perhaps,  greater  suspicion.  A 
grand  salute  was  to  be  fired  upon  each  side,  at  parting,  and  the  English,  ad- 
visedly, and  very  warily,  it  must  be  confessed,  but  in  appearance  compliment- 
ary, expressed  their  desire  that  the  Indians  would  fire  first.  The  Indians 
received  the  compliment,  and  discharged  their  guns  ; to  their  great  surprise, 
the  English  found  they  had  been  loaded  with  bullets.  They  had  before 
doubted  of  their  sincerity,  but,  owing  to  this  discovery,  considered  their 
treachery  certain,  and  marvelled  at  their  escape.  However,  it  can  only  be 
presumed,  that,  according  to  the  maxim  of  the  whites,  the  Indians  had  come 
prepared  to  treat  or  fight,  as  the  case  might  require ; for  no  doubt  their  guns 
were  charged  when  they  came  to  the  treaty,  otherwise  why  did  they  not  fire 
upon  the  English  when  they  saluted  them  ? 

What  became  of  Captain  Simmo  we  have  as  yet  no  account.  Several  of 
the  other  chiefs  who  attended  this  council  were,  perhaps,  equally  con- 
spicuous. 

Wattanummon  being  absent  when  the  council  first  met  on  the  20  June, 
no  business  was  entered  upon  for  several  days.  However,  the  English 
afterwards  said  it  was  confirmed  that  it  was  not  on  that  account  that  they 
delayed  the  conference,  but  that  they  expected  daily  a reinforcement  of  200 
French  and  Indians,  and  then  they  were  to  seize  upon  the  English,  and 
ravage  the  country.  Whether  this  were  merely  a rumor,  or  the  real  state 
of  the  case,  we  have  no  means  of  knowing.  Wattanummon  was  supposed 
to  have  been  once  a Pennakook,  as  an  eminence  still  bears  his  name  about  a 
mile  from  the  state-house  in  New  Hampshire.-)- 

Captain  Samuel  was  an  Indian  of  great  bravery,  and  one  of  the  most  for- 
ward in  endeavoring  to  lull  the  fears  of  the  English  at  the  great  council  just 
mentioned.  What  gave  his  pretensions  the  air  of  sincerity  was  his  coming 
with  Bomazeen,  and  giving  some  information  about  the  designs  of  the  French, 
They  said, 

“ Although  several  missionaries  have  come  among  us,  sent  by  the  French  friars 
to  break  the  peace  between  the  English  and  us,  yet  their  words  have  made  no  impres- 
sion upon  us.  We  are  as  firm  as  the  mountains,  and  will  so  continue, 

AS  LONG  AS  THE  SUN  AND  MOON  ENDURES.” 

Notwithstanding  these  strong  expressions  of  friendship,  “within  six  weeks 
after,”  says  Penhallow,  “ the  whole  eastern  country  was  in  a conflagration, 
no  house  standing  nor  garrison  unattacked.”  The  Indians  were  no  doubt 
induced  to  commit  this  depredation  from  the  influence  of  the  French,  many 
of  whom  assisted  them  in  the  work.  And  it  is  not  probable  that  those 
Indians  who  had  just  entered  into  the  treaty  were  idle  spectators  of  the 
scene ; but  who  of  them,  or  whether  all  were  engaged  in  the  affair,  we  know 
not.  A hundred  and  thirty  people  were  said  to  have  been  killed  and  taken, 
within  that  time. 

Captain  Samuel  was  either  alive  20  years  after  these  transactions,  or  another 


* This  is  Mr.  Williamson  s version  of  the  speech,  Hist.  Maine,  ii.  36. 
f MS.  communication  of  J.  Farmer,  Esq. 

11# 


126 


II  EGAN.— MOGG. 


[Book  III. 


of  the  name  made  himself  conspicuous.  In  June,  1722,  this  warrior  chief,  at 
the  head  of  five  others,  boarded  Lieutenant  Tilton , as  he  lay  at  anchor  a fishing, 
near  Damaris  Cove.  They  pinioned  him  and  his  brother,  and  beat  them 
very  sorely ; but,  at  last,  one  got  clear  and  released  the  other,  who  then  fell 
with  great  fury  upon  the  Indians,  threw  one  overboard,  and  mortally  wound- 
ed two  more.*  Whether  Captain  Samuel  were  among  those  killed  is  not 
mentioned. 

There  was  a Captain  Sam  in  the  wars  of  1745.  In  the  vicinity  of  St. 
George’s,  Lieutenant  Proctor , at  the  head  of  19  militia,  had  a skirmish  with  the 
Indians,  5 Sept.,  in  which  two  of  their  leaders  were  killed,  viz.  Colonel  Morris 
and  Captain  Sam,  and  one  Colonel  Job  was  taken  captive ; the  latter  being  sent 
to  Boston,  he  died  in  prison.  To  quiet  the  resentment  of  his  relatives,  the 
government  made  his  widow  a valuable  present  after  the  peace,  f 

We  should  not,  perhaps,  omit  to  speak  separately  of  another  chief,  who 
was  present  at  the  famous  treaty  mentioned  above  ; we  refer  to 

He gan.  His  name  is  also  spelt  Hegon  and  Heigon.  There  were  several 
of  the  name.  One,  called  Moggheigon , son  of  Walter,  was  a sachem  at 
Saco,  in  1664.  This  chief,  in  that  year,  sold  to  Wm.  Phillips,  “ a tract  of 
land,  being  bounded  with  Saco  River  on  the  N.  E.  side,  and  Kennebunk 
River  on  the  S.  W.  side.”  To  extend  from  the  sea  up  Saco  River  to  Salmon 
Falls,  and  up  the  Kennebunk  to  a point  opposite  the  former.  No  amount  is 
mentioned  for  which  the  land  was  sold,  but  merely  “a  certain  sum  in 
goods.”  I One  Sampson  Hegon  attended  the  treaty  of  Pemmaquid,  in  1698  ; 
John,  that  at  Casco,  in  1727 ; Ned  was  a Pennakook ; Walter,  brother  of 
Mogg  ; § The  fate  of  one  of  the  name  of  Hegon  is  remembered  among  the 
inhabitants  of  some  parts  of  Maine  to  this  day.  He  was  tied  upon  a horse 
with  spurs  on  his  heels,  in  such  a manner  that  the  spurs  continually  goaded 
the  animal.  When  the  horse  was  set  at  liberty,  he  ran  furiously  through  an 
orchard,  and  the  craggy  limbs  of  the  trees  tore  him  to  pieces.  Mather,  in 
his  Decennium  Luctuosum,  ||  seems  to  confirm  something  of  the  kind, 
which  took  place  at  Casco,  in  1694,  where  the  Indians,  having  taken  some 
horses,  made  a bridle  of  the  mane  and  tail  of  one,  on  which  “ a son  of  the 
famous  Hegon  was  ambitious  to  mount.”  “ But  being  a pitiful  horseman,  he 
ordered  them,  for  fear  of  his  falling,  to  tie  his  legs  fast  under  the  horse’s 
belly.  No  sooner  was  this  beggar  set  on  horseback,  and  the  spark,  in  his  own 
opinion,  thoroughly  equipped,  but  the  nettlesome  horse  furiously  and  presently 
ran  with  him  out  of  sight.  Neither  horse  nor  man  was  ever  seen  any  more. 
The  astonished  tawnies  howled  after  one  of  their  nobility,  disappearing  by 
such  an  unexpected  accident.  A few  days  after,  they  found  one  of  his  legs, 
(and  that  was  all,)  which  they  buried  in  Capt.  Bracket  s cellar,  with  abundance 
of  lamentation.” 

Here  we  cannot  but  too  plainly  discover  the  same  spirit  in  the  narrator, 
which  must  have  actuated  the  authors  of  the  deed.  He  who  laughs  at  crime 
is  a participator  in  it. — From  these,  we  pass  to  affairs  of  far  greater  notoriety 
iti  our  eastern  history;  and  shall  close  this  chapter  with  two  of  the  most 
memorable  events  in  its  Indian  warfare. 

Mogg,  the  chief  sachem  of  Norridgewok  in  1724,  may  very  appropri- 
ately stand  at  the  head  of  the  history  of  the  first  event.  How  long  he  had 
been  sachem  at  that  period,  we  have  not  discovered,  but  he  is  mentioned 
by  the  English  historians,  as  the  old  chief  of  Norridgewok  at  that  time. 
Notwithstanding  Mogg  was  the  chief  Indian  of  the  village  of  Nerigwok,  or, 
as  Father  Charlevoix  writes  it,  Narantsoak,  there  was  a French  priest  settled 
here,  to  whom  the  Indians  were  all  devotedness ; and  it  is  believed  that 
they  undertook  no  enterprise  without  his  knowledge  and  consent.  The 
name  of  this  man,  according  to  our  English  authors,  was  Ralle,  but  accord- 
ing to  his  own  historian,  Charlevoix,  it  was  Rasle.H  The  depredations  of 
the  Abenaquis,  as  these  Indians  were  called  by  those  who  lived  among  them, 


* Penhallow’s  Ind.  Wars,  86.  f Williamson’s  Hist.  Me.  ii.  241. 

£ MS.  among  the  files  in  our  state-house.  $ MS.  letter  of  John  Farmer,  Esq. 

||  Magnalia,  vii.  87. 

IT  Hist.  Gen.  de  la  Nouv.  Fr.  ii.  380,  et  suiv. 


MOGG.— DESTRUCTION  OF  NERIDGWOK. 


m 


Chap.  IX.] 

were,  therefore,  directly  charged  by  the  English  upon  Father  Rasle ; hence 
their  first  step  was  to  offer  a reward  for  his  head.*  The  object  of  the  expe- 
dition of  Colonel  Westbrook , in  1722,  was  ostensibly  to  seize  upon  him,  but  he 
found  the  village  deserted,  and  nothing  was  effected  by  the  expedition  but 
the  burning  of  the  place.  Father  Rasle  was  the  last  that  left  it,  which  he 
did  at  the  same  time  it  was  entered  by  the  enemy ; having  first  secured  the 
sacred  vases  of  his  temple  and  the  ornaments  of  its  altar.  The  English 
made  search  for  the  fugitives,  but  without  success,  although,  at  one  time, 
they  were  within  about  eight  feet  of  the  very  tree  that  screened  the  object 
for  which  they  sought.  Thus  the  French  considered  that  it  was  by  a remark- 
able interposition  of  Providence,  or,  as  Charlevoix  expresses  it,  par  line  main 
invisible , that  Father  Rasle  did  not  fall  into  their  hands. 

Determined  on  destroying  this  assemblage  of  Indians,  which  was  the 
head-quarters  of  the  whole  eastern  country,  at  this  time,  the  English,  two 
years  after,  1724,  sent  out  a force,  consisting  of  208  men  and  three  Mohawk 
Indians,  under  Captains  Moulton , Harman , and  Bourne , to  humble  them. 
They  came  upon  the  village,  the  23  August,  when  there  was  not  a man  in 
arms  to  oppose  them.  They  had  left  40  of  their  men  at  Teconet  Falls, 
which  is  now  within  the  town  of  Winslow,  upon  the  Kennebeck,  and  about 
two  miles  below  Waterville  college,  upon  the  opposite  side  of  the  river. 
The  English  had  divided  themselves  into  three  squadrons : 80,  under  Har- 
man, proceeded  by  a circuitous  route,  thinking  to  surprise  some  in  their 
corn-fields,  while  Moulton , with  80  more,  proceeded  directly  for  the  village, 
which,  being  surrounded  by  trees,  could  not  be  seen  until  they  were  close 
upon  it.  All  were  in  their  wigwams,  and  the  English  advanced  slowly  and 
in  perfect  silence.  When  pretty  near,  an  Indian  came  out  of  his  wigwam, 
and,  accidently  discovering  the  English,  ran  in  and  seized  his  gun,  and 
giving  the  war-whoop,  in  a few  minutes  the  warriors  were  all  in  arms,  and 
advancing  to  meet  them.  Moulton  ordered  his  men  not  to  fire  until  the 
Indians  had  made  the  first  discharge.  This  order  was  obeyed,  and,  as  he 
expected,  they  overshot  the  English,  who  then  fired  upon  them,  in  their 
turn,  and  did  great  execution.  When  the  Indians  had  given  another  volley, 
they  fled  with  great  precipitation  to  the  river,  whither  the  chief  of  their 
women  and  children  had  also  fled  during  the  fight.  Some  of  the  English 
pursued  and  killed  many  of  them  in  the  river,  and  others  fell  to  pillaging 
and  burning  the  village.  Mogg  disdained  to  fly  with  the  rest,  but  kept  pos- 
session of  a wigwam,  from  which  he  fired  upon  the  pillagers.  In  one  of 
his  discharges  he  killed  a Mohawk,  whose  brother  observing  it,  rushed  upon 
and  killed  him ; and  thus  ended  the  strife.  There  were  about  60  warriors 
in  the  place,  about  one  half  of  whom  were  killed. 

The  famous  Rasle  shut  himself  up  in  his  house,  from  which  he  fired  upon 
the  English  ; and,  having  wounded  one,  Lieutenant  Jaques,  f of  Newbury,  \ burst 
open  the  door,  and  shot  him  through  the  head ; although  Moulton  had  given 
orders  that  none  should  kill  him.  He  had  an  English  boy  with  him,  about 
14  years  old,  who  had  been  taken  some  time  before  from  the  frontiers,  and 
whom  the  English  reported  Rasle  was  about  to  kill.  Great  brutality  and 
ferocity  are  chargeable  to  the  English  in  this  affair,  according  to  their  own 
account ; such  as  killing  women  and  children,  and  scalping  and  mangling 
the  body  of  Father  Rasle. 

There  was  here  a handsome  church,  with  a bell,  on  which  the  English 
committed  a double  sacrilege,  first  robbing  it,  then  setting  it  on  fire  ; herein 
surpassing  the  act  of  the  first  English  circumnavigator,  in  his  depredations 
upon  the  Spaniards  in  South  America ; for  he  only  took  away  the  gold  and 

* “ Apres  plusieurs  tentatives,  d’abord  pour  engager  ces  sauvages  par  les  offres  et  les 
promesses  les  plus  sMuisantes  a le  livrer  aux  Anglois,  ou  du  moins  a le  renvoyer  a Quebec,  et 
a,  prendre  en  sa  place  un  de  leurs  ministres ; ensuite  pour  le  surpendre  et  pour  Venlever,  les 
Anglois  resolus  de  s’en  defaire?  quoiqu’il  leur  en  did  couter,  mirent  sa  tete  a prix,  et  promirent 
mule  livres  sterling  a celui,  qui  la  leur  porter oit.”  Charlevoix,  ut  supra. 

f Who,  I conclude,  was  a volunteer,  as  I do  not  find  his  name  upon  the  return  made  by 
Moulton,  which  is  upon  file  in  the  garret,  west  wing  of  our  State-house. 

t Manuscript  History  of  Newbury,  by  Joshua  Coffin,  S.  H.  S.,  which,  should  the  world 
ever  be  so  fortunate  as  to  see  in  print,  we  will  insure  them  not  only  great  gratification,  but 
a fund  of  amusement. 


128 


PAUGUS.— LOVEWELL'S  FIGHT. 


[Book  III. 

silver  vessels  of  a church,  and  its  crucifix,  because  it  was  of  massy  gold,  set 
about  with  diamonds,  and  that,  too,  upon  the  advice  of  his  chaplain.  “ This 
might  pass,”  says  a reverend  author,  “ for  sea  divinity,  but  justice  is  quite 
another  tiling.”  Perhaps  it  will  be  as  well  not  to  inquire  here  what  kind  of 
divinity  would  authorize  the  acts  recorded  in  these  wars,  or  indeed  any  wars. 

Upon  this  memorable  event  in  our  early  annals,  Father  Charlevoix  should 
be  heard.  There  were  not,  says  he,  at  the  time  the  attack  was  made,  above 
50  warriors  at  Neridgewok  ; these  seized  their  arms,  and  run  in  disorder,  not 
to  defend  the  place  against  an  enemy,  who  was  already  in  it,  but  to  favor  the 
flight  of  the  women,  the  old  men  and  the  children,  and  to  give  them  time  to 
gain  the  side  of  the  river,  which  was  not  yet  in  possession  of  the  English. 
Father  Rasle,  warned  by  the  clamors  and  tumult,  and  the  danger  in  which 
he  found  his  proselytes,  ran  to  present  himself  to  the  assailants,  hoping  ta 
draw  all  their  fury  upon  him,  that  thereby  he  might  prove  the  salvation  of 
his  flock.  His  hope  w%s  vain ; for  hardly  had  he  discovered  himself  when 
the  English  raised  a great  shout,  which  was  followed  by  a shower  of  shoty 
by  which  he  fell  dead  near  to  the  cross  which  he  had  erected  in  the  centre 
of  the  village:  seven  Indians  who  attended  him,  and  who  endeavored  to> 
shield  him  with  their  own  bodies,  fell  dead  at  his  side.  Thus  died  this 
charitable  pastor,  giving  his  life  for  his  sheep,  after  37  years  of  painful  labors. 

Although  the  English  shot  near  2000  muskets,  they  killed  but  30  and 
wounded  40.  They  spared  not  the  church,  which,  after  they  had  indignantly 
profaned  its  sacred  vases,  and  the  adorable  body  of  Jesus  Christ,  they  set  on 
fire.  They  then  retired  with  precipitation,*  having  been  seized  with  a sud- 
den panic.  The  Indians  returned  immediately  into  the  village  ; and  their 
first  care,  while  the  women  sought  plants  and  herbs  proper  to  heal  the 
wounded,  was  to  shed  tears  upon  the  body  of  their  holy  missionary.  They 
found  him  pierced  with  a thousand  shot,  his  scalp  taken  off,  his  skull  frac- 
tured with  hatchets,  his  mouth  and  eyes  filled  with  dirt,  the  bones  of  his 
legs  broken,  and  all  his  members  mutilated  in  a hundred  different  ways,  f 

Such  is  the  account  of  the  fall  of  Rasle , by  a brother  of  the  faith ; a deplo- 
rable picture,  by  whomsoever  related!  Of  the  truth  of  its  main  particulars 
there  can  be  no  doubt,  as  will  be  seen  by  a comparison  of  the  above  transla- 
tion with  the  account  preceding  it.  There  were,  besides  Mogg , other  chief 
Indians,  who  fell  that  day;  “Bomazeen,  Mogg,  Wis  seme  met,  Job,  Cara- 
besett,  and  Bomazeen’s  son-in-law,  all  famous  warriors.”  The  inhumanity 
of  the  English  on  this  occasion,  especially  to  the  women  and  children, 
cannot  be  excused.  It  greatly  eclipses  the  lustre  of  the  victory. 

Harman  was  the  general  in  the  expedition,  J and,  for  a time,  had  the  honor 
of  it ; but  Moulton , according  to  Governor  Hutchinson , achieved  the  victory,  and 
it  was  afterward  acknowledged  by  the  country.  He  was  a prisoner,  when  a 
small  boy,  among  the  eastern  Indians,  being  among  those  taken  at  the 
destruction  of  York,  in  1692.  He  died  at  York,  20  July,  1765,  aged  77. 
The  township  of  Moultonborough,  in  New  Hampshire,  was  named  from 
him,  and  many  of  his  posterity  reside  there  at  the  present  day. 

Under  the  head  Paugus,  we  shall  proceed  to  narrate  our  last  event  in  the 
present  chapter,  than  which,  may  be,  few,  if  any,  are  oftener  mentioned  in 
New  England  story. 

Paugus,  slain  in  the  memorable  battle  with  the  English  under  Captain 
Loveivell , in  1725,  was  ehief  of  the  Pequawkets.  Fryeburg,  in  Maine,  now 
includes  the  principal  place  of  their  former  residence,  and  the  place  where 
the  battle  was  fought.  It  was  near  a considerable  body  of  water,  called 
Saco  Pond , which  is  the  source  of  the  river  of  the  same  name.  The  cruel 
and  barbarous  murders  almost  daily  committed  by  the  Indians  upon  the 
defenceless  frontier  inhabitants,  caused  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts 
to  offer  a bounty  of  £100  for  every  Indian’s  scalp.  Among  the  excursions 


* Thev  encamped  the  following  night  in  the  Indian  wigwams,  under  a guard  of  only  4© 
men.  Hutchinson , ii.  312. 
f Histoire  Generale  de  Nouvelle  France,  ii.  382 — A 

j He  did  not  arrive  at  the  village  till  near  night,  when  the  action  was  over.  Hutchin- 
son, ii.  313. 


PAUGUS.— LOVEWELI/S  FIGHT. 


129 


Chap.  IX.] 


performed  by  Lovewdl , previous  to  that  in  which  he  was  killed,  the  most 
important  was  that  to  the  head  of  Salmon-fall  River,  now  Wakefield,  in 
New  Hampshire. # With  40  men,  he  came  upon  a small  company  of  ten 
Indians,  who  were  asleep  by  their  fires,  and,  by  stationing  his  men  advan- 
tageously, killed  all  of  them.  This  bloody  deed  was  performed  near  the 
shore  of  a pond,  which  has  ever  since  borne  the  name  of  LovewelVs  Pond. 
After  taking  off*  their  scalps,  these  40  warriors  marched  to  Boston  in  great 
triumph,  with  the  ten  scalps  extended  upon  hoops,  displayed  in  the  Indian 
manner,  and  for  which  they  received  £1000.  This  exploit  was  the  more 
lauded,  as  it  was  supposed  that  these  ten  Indians  were  upon  an  expedition 
against  the  English  upon  the  frontiers;  having  new  guns,  much  ammuni- 
tion, and  spare  blankets  and  moccasons,  to  accommodate  captives.  This, 
however,  was  mere  conjecture ; and  whether  they  had  killed  friends  or 
enemies,  was  not  quite  so  certain  as  that  they  had  killed  Indians. 

It  is  said  that  Paugus  was  well  known  to  many  of  the  English,  and  per- 
sonally to  many  of  LovewelVs  men.  That  his  name  was  a terror  to  the 
frontiers,  we  have  no  doubt ; and  that  his  appearance  at  Pequawket,  when 
met  by  Lovewell , was  enough  to  have  struck  terror  into  all  that  beheld  him, 
may  not  be  questioned,  we  will  let  the  poetf  describe  him. 


I .  ’Twas  Paugus  led  the  Peqirk't  tribe  : 
As  runs  the  lox,  would  Paugus  run  ; 

As  howls  the  wild  wolf,  would  he  howl ; 
A huge  bear-skin  had  Paugus  on. 


2.  But  Chamberlain,  of  Dunstable, 

One  whom  a savage  ne’er  shall  slay, 
Met  Paugus  by  the  water-side, 

And  shot  him  dead  upon  that  day. 


The  second  in  command  among  the  Indians  on  that  memorable  day  was 
named  Wahwa,  but  of  him  we  have  no  particulars.  Captain  Lovewell 
marched  out  from  Dunstable  with  46  men,  about  the  16  April,  1725,  of  which 
event  the  poet  thus  speaks : — 


3.  What  time  the  noble  Lovewdl  came, 

With  fifty  men  from  Dunstable, 

The  cruel  Pequ’k’t  tribe  to  tame, 

With  arms  and  bloodshed  terrible. 

4-.  With  Lovewellbrave  John  Harwood  came  ; 
From  wife  and  babes’  twas  hard  to  part  3 
Young  Harwood  took  her  by  the  hand, 
And  bound  the  weeper  to  his  heart. 

5.  “ Repress  that  tear,  my  Mary,  dear, 

Said  Harwood  to  his  loving  wife ; 

It  tries  me  hard  to  leave  thee  here, 

And  seek  in  distant  woods  the  strife. 

6.  “ When  gone,  my  Mary,  think  of  me, 

And  pray  to  God  that  I may  be 
Such  as  one  ought  that  lives  for  thee, 

And  come  at  last  in  victory.” 


7.  Thus  left,  young  Harwood,  babe  and  wife  j 
With  accent  wild  she  bade  adieu: 

It  grieved  those  lovers  much  to  part, 

So  fond  and  fair,  so  kind  and  true. 

8.  John  Harwood  died  all  bathed  in  blood, 
When  he  had  fought  till  set  of  day; 

And  many  more  we  may  not  name, 

Fell  in  that  bloody  battle  fray. 

9.  When  news  did  come  to  Harwood's  wife, 
That  he  with  Lovewdl  fought  and  died  3 
Far  in  the  wilds  had  given  his  life 

Nor  more  would  in  this  home  abide  ; 

10.  Such  grief  did  seize  upon  her  mind, 

Such  sorrow  filled  her  faithful  breast, 

On  earth  she  ne’er  found  peace  again, 

But  followed  Harwood  to  his  rest. 


They  arrived  near  the  place  where  they  expected  to  find  Indians,  on  the 
7 May ; and,  early  the  next  morning,  while  at  prayers,  heard  a gun,  which 
they  rightly  suspected  to  be  fired  by  some  of  Paugus' s men,  and  imme- 
diately prepared  for  an  encounter.  Divesting  themselves  of  their  packs, 
they  marched  forward  to  discover  the  enemy.  But  not  knowing  in  what 
direction  to  proceed,  they  marched  in  an  opposite  direction  from  the  In- 
dians. This  gave  Paugus  great  advantage;  who,  following  their  tracks, 
soon  fell  in  with  their  packs,  from  which  he  learned  their  strength.  Being 
encouraged  by  his  superior  numbers,  Paugus  courted  the  conflict,  and  pur- 
sued the  English  with  ardor.  His  number  of  men  was  said  to  have  been 


* In  December  of  the  previous  year,  (1724,)  with  a few  followers,  he  made  an  expedition  to 
the  north-east  of  Winnipisiogee  Lake,  in  which  he  killed  one  and  took  another  prisoner.  For 
these  he  received  the  bounty  offered  by  government. 

f The  editors  or  publishers  of  the  N.  H.  collections  have  inserted  the  above  lines,  in 
imitation  of  the  ancient  Chevy  Chase ; but  whence  they  were  obtained,  or  who  was  their 
author,  they  do  not  inform  us  ; perhaps,  like  that  of  which  they  are  an  imitation,  the  author 
remains  unknown.  We  give  it  entire. 


130 


PAUGUS. — LOVE  WELL’S  FIGHT. 


[Book  III. 


80,  while  that  of  the  English  consisted  of  no  more  than  34,  having  left  ten 
in  a fort,  which  they  built  at  Ossipee ; and  one,  an  Indian  named  Toby,  had 
before  returned  home,  on  account  of  lameness.  The  fort  at  Ossipee  was  for 
a retreat  in  case  of  emergency,  and  to  serve  as  a deposit  of  part  of  their 
provisions,  of  which  they  disencumbered  themselves  before  leaving  it. 

After  marching  a considerable  distance  from  the  place  of  their  encamp- 
ment on  the  morning  of  the  8 * May,  Ensign  Wyman  discovered  an  Indian, 
who  was  out  hunting,  having  in  one  hand  some  fowls  he  had  just  killed,  and 
in  the  other,  two  guns.  There  can  be  no  probability  that  he  thought  of  meeting 
an  enemy,  but  no  sooner  was  he  discovered  by  the  English,  than  several  guns 
were  fired  at  him,  but  missed  him.  Seeing  that  sure  death  was  his  lot,  this 
valiant  Indian  resolved  to  defend  himself  to  his  last  breath  ; and  the  action  was 
as  speedy  as  the  thought : his  gun  was  levelled  at  the  English,  and  Lovewell 
was  mortally  wounded.  Ensign  Wyman , taking  deliberate  aim,  killed  the  poor 
hunter ; which  action  our  poet  describes  in  glowing  terms  as  follows : 


11.  Seth  Wyman,  who  in  Woburn  lived, 

A marksman  he  of  courage  true, 

Shot  the  first  Indian  whom  they  saw  ; 
Sheer  through  his  heart  the  bullet  flew. 


12.  The  savage  had  been  seeking  game j 
Two  guns,  and  eke  a knife,  Be  bore, 
And  two  black  ducks  were  in  his  hand  j 
He  shrieked,  and  fell  to  rise  no  more. 


He  was  scalped  by  the  chaplain  and  another,  and  then  they  marched 
again  by  the  way  they  came,  to  recover  their  packs.  This  movement  was 
expected  by  the  wily  Paugus,  and  he  accordingly  prepared  an  ambush  to 
cut  them  off,  or  to  take  them  prisoners,  as  fortune  should  will. 

13.  Anon,  there  eighty  Indians  rose,  14.  John  Lovewell,  captain  of  the  band, 

Who’d  hid  themselves  in  ambush  dread  j His  sword  he  waved,  that  glittered  bright, 

Their  knives  they  shook,  their  guns  they  For  the  last  time  he  cheered  his  men, 

aimed,  And  led  them  onward  to  the  fight. 

The  famous  Paugus  at  their  head. 


When  the  Indians  rose  from  their  coverts,  they  nearly  encircled  the 
English,  but  seemed  loath  to  begin  the  fight ; and  were,  no  doubt,  in  hopes 
that  the  English,  seeing  their  numbers,  would  yield  without  a battle ; and, 
therefore,  made  towards  them  with  their  guns  presented,  and  threw  away 
their  first  fire.  They  then  held  up  ropes  which  they  had  provided  for  secur- 
ing captives,  and  asked  them  if  they  would  have  quarter.  This  only  encour- 
aged the  English,  who  answered  “only  at  the  muzzles  of  their  guns;”  and 
they  rushed  toward  the  Indians,  fired  as  they  pressed  on,  and,  killing  many, 
drove  them  several  rods.  But  they  soon  rallied  and  fired  vigorously  in 
their  turn,  and  obliged  the  English  to  retreat,  leaving  nine  dead  and  three 
wounded,  where  the  battle  began.  Lovewell , though  mortally  wounded  be- 
fore, had  led  his  men  until  this  time,  but  fell  before  the  retreat. 

Although  we  transpose  the  verses  in  the  song,  to  accommodate  them  to 
the  circumstances  of  the  fight,  yet  we  cannot  avoid  entirely  their  irregular- 
ity in  reference  to  it  By  the  next  that  follow,  it  would  seem,  that  Lovewell 
received  a second  wound  before  he  fell. 

15.  “ Fight  on,  fight  on,”  brave  Lovewell  said  j 16.  Good  heavens  ! is  this  a time  for  prayer  ? 
“ Fight  on,  while  Heaven  shall  give  you  Is  this  a time  to  worship  God  ; 

breath ! ” When  LaveweWs  men  are  dying  fast, 

An  Indian  ball  then,  pierced  him  through,  And  Paugus ’ tribe  hath  felt  the  rod  ? 

And  Lovewell  closed  his  eyes  in  death. 

In  this  16th  verse  the  poet,  perhaps,  had  reference  to  the  morning  prayer, 
which  Mr.  Frye , the  chaplain,  made  before  marching,  on  the  day  of  the 
battle ; or,  perhaps,  more  probably,  to  the  ejaculations  he  made  on  the  field 
after  he  was  mortally  wounded.  In  the  morning  he  prayed  thus  patriotically : 
“ We  came  out  to  meet  the  enemy ; we  have  all  along  prayed  God  we  might 
find  them ; we  had  rather  trust  Providence  with  our  lives ; yea,  die  for  our 
country,  than  try  to  return  without  seeing  them,  if  we  might ; and  be  called 
cowards  for  our  pains.”  f 

* This  was  O.  S.  and  corresponds  to  May  19,  N.  S. — Sec  note  in  last  chapter. 

1 Address  of  C.  S * Davis}  (p.  17,)  delivered  at  Fryeburg,  ICO  years  after  the  fight. 


Chap.  IX.]  PAUGUS.-LOVEWELL’S  FIGHT. 


17.  The  chaplain’s  name  was  Jonathan  Frye  ; 
In  Andover  his  father  dwelt, 

And  oft  with  Loveioell’s  men  he’d  prayed, 
Before  the  mortal  wound  he  felt. 

18.  A man  was  he  of  comely  form, 

Polished  and  brave,  well  learnt  and  kind  ; 
Old  Harvard’s  learned  halls  he  left, 

Far  in  the  wilds  a grave  to  find. 

19.  Ah  ! now  his  blood-red  arm  he  lifts, 

His  closing  lids  he  tries  to  raise ; 

And  speak  once  more  before  he  dies, 

In  supplication  and  in  praise. 

20.  He  prays  kind  Heaven  to  grant  success, 
Brave  Lovewell’s  men  to  guide  and  bless, 
And  when  they’ve  shed  their  hearts’-blood 

true, 

To  raise  them  all  to  happiness. 


131 

21 . “ Come  hither,  Farwell,”  said  young  Frye, 
“ You  see  that  I’m  about  to  die; 

Now  for  the  love  I bear  to  you, 

When  cold  in  death  my  bones  shall  lie  ; 

22.  " Go  thou  and  see  my  parents  dear, 

And  tell  them  you  stood  by  me  here ; 
Console  them  when  they  cry,  Alas  ! 

And  wipe  away  the  falling  tear.” 

23.  Lieutenant  Farwell  took  his  hand, 

His  arm  around  his  neck  he  threw, 

And  said,  “ Brave  chaplain,  I could  wish 
That  Heaven  had  made  me  die  for  you.” 

24.  The  chaplain  on  kind  FarwelVs  breast, 
Bloody,  and  languishing,  he  fell ; 

Nor  after  that,  said  more  but  this, 

“ I love  thee,  soldier ; fare  thee  well ! ” 


“ The  fight  continued,”  says  the  Reverend  Mr.  Symmes,  “ very  furious  and 
obstinate  still  towards  night.  The  Indians  roaring  and  yelling  and  howling 
like  wolves,  barking  like  dogs,  and  making  all  sorts  of  hideous  noises : the 
English  frequently  shouting  and  huzzaing,  as  they  did  after  the  first  round. 
At  one  time  Captain  Wyman  is  confident  they  were  got  to  Powawing,  by 
their  striking  on  the  ground,  and  other  odd  motions ; but  at  length  Wyman 
crept  up  towards  them,  and,  firing  amongst  them,  shot  the  chief  Powaw,  and 
brbke  up  their  meeting.”  * 


25.  Good  heavens ! they  dance  the  powow 
dance, 

What  horrid  yells  the  forest  fill ! 

The  grim  bear  crouches  in  his  den, 

The  eagle  seeks  the  distant  hill. 


26.  “ What  means  this  dance,  this  powow 
dance  ? ” 

Stern  Wyman  said  ; with  wondrous  art, 
He  crept  full  near,  his  rifle  aimed, 

And  shot  the  leader  through  the  heart. 


The  first  of  the  following  stanzas  is  very  happily  conceived,  and  although 
not  in  the  order  of  the  poet,  is  as  appropriate  here,  as  where  it  originally 
stood. 


27.  Then  did  the  crimson  streams,  that  flow’d, 
Seem  like  the  waters  of  the  brook, 

That  brightly  shine,  that  loudly  dash, 

Far  down  the  cliffs  of  Agiochook.  f 


28.  Ah  ! many  a wife  shall  rend  her  hair, 
And  many  a child  cry,  “ Woe  is  me,” 
When  messengers  the  news  shall  bear, 
Of  Lovewell’s  dear-bought  victory. 


* Narrative  of  the  fight  at  Piggwacket,  vii. 

f The  Indian  name  of  the  White  Mountains,  or,  as  the  people  of  New  Hampshire  would 
say,  White  Hills.  The  natives  believed  the  summits  of  these  mountains  to  be  inhabited  by 
invisible  beings,  but  whether  good  or  evil  we  are  not  informed.  Nor  is  it  of  much  importance, 
since  they  reverenced  the  one  as  much  as  the  other. 

It  is  always  highly  gratifying  to  the  curious  to  observe  how  people  primitively  viewed 
objects  which  have  become  familiar  to  them.  We  will  here  present  the  reader  with  Mr. 
Josselyn’s  description  of  the  White  Mountains,  not  for  its  accuracy,  but  for  its  curious  extrava- 
gance. “ Four  score  miles,  (upon  a direct  line,)  to  the  N.  W.  of  Scarborow,  a ridge  of 
mountains  run  N.  W.  and  N.  E.  an  hundred  leagues,  known  by  the  name  of  the  White 
Mountains,  upon  which  lieth  snow  all  the  year,  and  is  a landmark  twenty  miles  off  at  sea.  It 
is  a rising  ground  from  the  sea  shore  to  these  hills,  and  they  are  inaccessible  but  by  the  gul- 
lies which  the  dissolved  snow  hath  made.  In  these  gullies  grow  saven  bushes,  which  being 
taken  hold  of,  are  a good  help  to  the  climbing  discoverer.  Upon  the  top  6 f the  highest  of 
these  mountains,  is  a large  level,  or  plain,  of  a day’s  journey  over,  whereon  nothing  grows 
but  moss.  At  the  farther  end  of  this  plain  is  another  hill  called  the  Sugar-loaf,  to  outward 
appearance  a rude  heap  of  massie  stones  piled  one  upon  another,  and  you  may,  as  you 
ascend,  step  from  one  stone  to  another,  as  if  you  were  going  up  a pair  of  stairs,  but  winding 
still  about  the  hill,  till  you  come  to  the  top,  which  will  require  half  a day’s  time,  and  yet  it  is 
not  above  a mile,  where  there  is  also  a level  of  about  an  acre  of  ground,  with  a pond  of 
clear  water  in  the  midst  of  it,  which  you  may  hear  run  down,  but  how  it  ascends  is  a mystery. 
From  this  rocky  hill  you  may  see  the  whole  country  round  about ; it  is  far  above  the  lower 
clouds,  and  from  hence  we  beheld  a vapor,  (like  a great  pillar,)  drawn  up  by  the  sun-beams 
out  of  a great  lake,  or  pond,  into  the  air,  where  it  was  formed  into  a cloud.  The  country 
beyond  these  hills,  northward,  is  daunting  terrible,  being  full  of  rocky  hills,  as  thick  as  mole- 
hills in  a meadow,  and  cloathed  with  infinite  thick  woods.”  New  England’s  Rarities,  3,  4. 
Sad  recollections  are  associated  with  the  name  of  these  mountains.  The  destruction  of  lives, 


m 


PAUQUS. — LOVEWELL’S  FIGHT. 


[Book  III, 


29.  With  footsteps  slow  shall  travellers  go, 
Where  Lovewell’s  pond  shines  clear  and 
bright, 

And  mark  the  place  where  those  are  laid, 
Who  fell  in  Lovewell’s  bloody  fight. 


30.  Old  men  shall  shake  their  heads,  and  say, 
“ Sad  was  the  hour  and  terrible, 

When  Lovewell,  brave,  ’gainst  Paugus 
went, 

With  fifty  men  from  Dunstable.” 


If  miracles  had  not  then  ceased  in  the  land,  we  should  be  induced  to  pass 
to  their  credit  the  extraordinary  escape  of  several  of  the  wounded  English- 
men. Solomon  Keyes , having  received  three  wounds,  said  he  would  hide  him- 
self, and  die  in  a secret  place,  where  the  Indians  could  not  find  him  to  get 
his  scalp.  As  he  crawled  upon  the  shore  of  the  pond,  at  some  distance 
from  the  scene  of  action,  he  found  a canoe,  into  which  he  rolled  him- 
self, and  was  drifted  away  by  the  wind.  To  his  great  astonishment,  he 
was  cast  ashore  at  no  great  distance  from  the  fort  at  Ossipee,  which  he  found 
means  to  recover,  and  there  met  several  of  his  companions ; and,  gaining 
strength,  returned  home  with  them. 

Those  who  escaped  did  not  leave  the  battle-ground  until  near  midnight. 
When  they  arrived  at  the  fort,  they  expected  to  have  found  refreshment,  and 
those  they  had  left  as  a reserve  ; but  a fellow,  whose  name  is  not  mentioned, 
who  deserted  the  rest  when  the  battle  began,  and  fled  there,  so  frightened 
them,  that  they  fled  in  great  confusion  and  dismay  to  their  homes. 

The  place  where  this  fight  took  place  was  50  miles  from  any  white  inhab- 
itants ; and  that  any  should  have  survived  the  famine  which  now  stared 
them  in  the  face,  is  almost  as  miraculous  as  that  they  should  have  escaped 
death  at  the  hands  of  the  courageous  warriors  of  Paugus ; yet  14  iived  to 
return  to  their  friends. 

Fifty  men,  from  New  Hampshire,  afterwards  marched  to  the  scene  of 
action,  where  they  found  and  buried  the  dead.  They  found  but  three  In- 
dians, one  of  whom  was  Paugus.  The  rest  were  supposed  to  have  been 
taken  away  when  they  retreated  from  the  battle. 

Thus  progressed  and  terminated  the  expedition  against  the  Pequawkets. 
And  although  the  whites  could  scarcely  claim  the  victory,  yet,  as  in  the  case 
of  the  Narragansets,  the  Northern  Indians  received  a blow  from  which  they 
never  recovered.  With  the  Androscoggins,  the  Pequawkets  soon  after  retired 
towards  the  sources  of  the  Connecticut  River.  After  remaining  in  those 
regions  about  two  years,  they  separated,  and  the  Androscoggins  removed  to 
Canada,  where  they  were  afterwards  known  as  the  St.  Francis  tribe.  The 
Pequawkets  remained  upon  the  Connecticut,  who,  in  the  time  of  the  revolu- 
tionary war,  were  under  a chief  named  Philip.  In  1728,  a tract  of  country, 
since  Pembroke,  N.  H.,  was  granted  to  the  men  that  went  out  with  Lovewell , 
and  it  for  some  time  bore  the  name  of  LovewelVs  Town. 

We  had  here  nearly  concluded  to  close  our  account  of  this  affair,  but 
cannot  relieve  ourself  easily  of  the  recollection  of  the  following  song,  with- 
out inserting  it,  although  we,  and  others,  have  elsewhere  published  it.  It  is 
said  to  have  been  composed  the  same  year  of  the  fight,  and  for  several 
years  afterwards  was  the  most  beloved  song  in  all  New  England : 

1 . Of  worthy  Captain  Lovewell  I purpose  now  to  sing, 

How  valiantly  he  served  his  country  and  his  king ; 

He  and  his  valiant  soldiers  did  range  the  woods  full  wide. 

And  hardships  they  endured  to  quell  the  Indian’s  pride. 

2.  ’Twas  nigh  unto  Pigwacket,  on  the  eighth  day  of  May, 

They  spied  a rebel  Indian  soon  after  break  of  day  j 

He  on  a bank  was  walking,  upon  a neck  of  land, 

Which  leads  into  a pond,  as  we’re  made  to  understand. 

3.  Our  men  resolved  to  have  him,  and  travelled  two  miles  round, 

Until  they  met  the  Indian,  who  boldly  stood  his  ground ; 

Then  speaks  up  Captain  Lovewell,  “ Take  you  good  heed,”  says  he ; 

“ This  rogue  is  to  decoy  us,  I very  plainly  see. 


occasioned  by  an  avalanche  at  the  celebrated  Notch,  in  1826,  will  not  soon  be  forgotten. 
Mr.  Moore,  of  Concord,  has  published  an  interesting  account  of  it  in  the  Coll.  N.  H.  Hist.  Soc. 
vol.  iii. 


Chap.  IX.] 


PAUGUS. — LOVEWELL’S  FIGHT. 


133 


4.  11  The  Indians  lie  in  ambush,  in  some  place  nigh  at  hand, 

In  order  to  surround  us  upon  this  neck  of  land ; 

Therefore  we’ll  march  in  order,  and  each  man  leave  his  pack, 

That  we  may  briskly  fight  them  when  they  shall  us  attack.’' 

5.  They  came  unto  this  Indian,  who  did  them  thus  defy  ; 

As  soon  as  they  came  nigh  him,  two  guns  he  did  let  fly, 

Which  wounded  Captain  LoveweR,  and  likewise  one  man  more ; 

But  when  this  rogue  was  running,  they  laid  him  in  his  gore. 

6.  Then  having  scalped  the  Indian,  they  went  back  to  the  spot, 

Where  they  had  laid  their  packs  down,  but  there  they  found  them  not ; 
For  the  Indians  having  spied  them,  when  they  them  down  did  lay, 

Did  seize  them  for  their  plunder,  and  carry  them  away. 

7.  These  rebels  lay  in  ambush,  this  very  place  hard  by, 

So  that  an  English  soldier  did  one  of  them  espy, 

And  cried  out,  “ Here’s  an  Indian ! ” with  that  they  started  out, 

As  fiercely  as  old  lions,  and  hideously  did  shout. 

8.  With  that  our  valiant  English  all  gave  a loud  huzza, 

To  shew  the  rebel  Indians  they  feared  them  not  a straw  j 
So  now  the  fight  began,  as  fiercely  as  could  be, 

The  Indians  ran  up  to  them,  but  soon  were  forced  to  flee. 

9.  Then  spake  up  Captain  Lovewell,  when  first  the  fight  began, 

“ Fight  on,  my  valiant  heroes  1 you  see  they  fall  like  rain.” 

For,  as  we  are  informed,  the  Indians  were  so  thick, 

A man  could  scarcely  fire  a gun  and  not  some  of  them  hit. 

10.  Then  did  the  rebels  try  their  best  our  soldiers  to  surround 
But  they  could  not  accomplish  it,  because  there  was  a pond, 

To  which  our  men  retreated,  and  covered  all  the  rear  j 

The  rogues  were  forced  to  flee  them,  although  they  skulked  for  fear. 

11.  Two  logs  there  were  behind  them  that  close  together  lay, 

Without  being  discovered,  they  could  not  get  away  j 
Therefore  our  valiant  English  they  travelled  in  a row, 

And  at  a handsome  distance  as  they  were  wont  to  go. 

12.  ’Twas  ten  o’olock  in  the  morning  when  first  the  fight  begun, 

And  fiercely  did  continue  till  the  setting  of  the  sun, 

Excepting  that  the  Indians,  some  hours  before,  twas  night. 

Drew  off  into  the  bushes  and  ceased  a while  to  fight. 

13.  But  soon  again  returned  in  fierce  and  furious  mood, 

Shouting  as  in  the  morning,  but  yet  not  half  so  loud, 

For,  as  we  are  informed,  so  thick  and  fast  they  fell, 

Scarce  twenty  of  their  number,  at  night  did  get  home  well. 

14.  And  that  our  valiant  English,  till  midnight  there  did  stay, 

To  see  whether  the  rebels  would  have  another  fray ; 

But  they  no  more  returning,  they  made  off  towards  their  home, 

And  brought  away  their  wounded  as  far  as  they  could  come. 

15.  Of  all  our  valiant  English,  there  were  but  thirty-four, 

And  of  the  rebel  Indians,  there  were  about  four  score, 

And  sixteen  of  our  English  did  safely  home  return ; 

The  rest  were  killed  and  wounded,  for  which  we  all  must  mourn. 

16.  Our  worthy  Captain  Lovewell  among  them  there  did  die  ; 

They  killed  Lieutenant  Robbins,  ana  wounded  good  young  Frye , 

Who  was  our  English  chaplain  ; he  many  Indians  slew, 

And  some  of  them  he  scalped  when  bullets  round  him  flew. 

17.  Young  Fullam  too  I’ll  mention,  because  he  fought  so  well ; 

Endeavoring  to  save  a man,  a sacrifice  he  fell, 

And  yet  our  valiant  Englishmen  in  fight  were  ne’er  dismayed, 

But  still  they  kept  their  motion,  and  Wyman  captain  made ; 

18.  Who  shot  the  old  chief  Paugus,  which  did  the  foe  defeat. 

Then  set  his  men  in  order,  and  brought  off  the  retreat  $ 

And  braving  many  dangers  and  hardships  in  the  way, 

They  safe  arrived  at  Dunstable,  the  thirteenth  day  of  May. 


184 


ST.  FRANCIS  DESTROYED. 


[Book  \U. 


CHAPTER  X. 

The  St.  Francis  Indians — Rogers’  expedition  against  them — Philip — Subatis — 
Arnold’s  expedition — Natanis — The  modern  Penobscots — Aitteon — Neptune — 
Captain  Francis — Susup  murders  an  Englishman — Specimen  of  the  Penobscot 
language. — Rowles — his  prophecy — Blind  Will — Killed  by  the  Mohawks — As- 
sacambuit — Visits  France  and,  is  knighted  by  the  king — Attacks  and  burns  Haver- 
hill— His  death. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  last  chapter,  mention  was  made  of  the  St- 
Francis  Indians,  and,  as  they  were,  a part  of  them,  the  remnant  of  the  once 
respectable  Androscoggins,*  their  history  will  here  be  resumed.  We  have 
already  related  some  of  their  hardships  and  sufferings,  both  in  Philip's  war 
and  the  French  wars  afterwards,  when  they  had  to  contend  with  the  old 
experienced  chief,  Colonel  Church ; and  also  their  severe  disaster  in  opposing 
Love  well. 

After  their  arrival  upon  the  Lake  St.  Francis,  from  which  their  village  took 
its  name,  they  were  under  the  influence  and  guidance  of  French  ecclesias- 
tics. Their  village,  in  1755,  consisted  of  about  40  wigwams  and  a church, 
and  a friar  resided  among  them.  What  time  the  Androscoggins  joined  the 
St.  Francis  tribe  has  not  been  discovered ; but  whenever  war  existed  between 
France  and  England,  they  generally  had  some  participation  in  it,  the  fre- 
quent occurrence  of  which  at  length  ended  in  their  almost  total  destruction, 
in  1759. 

Before  the  capture  of  Quebec,  in  that  year,  and  while  the  English  army 
under  General  Amherst  lay  at  Crown  Point,  an  expedition  against  St.  Francis 
was  ordered  by  him ; being  so  “ exasperated,”  says  Colonel  Rogers , “ at  the 
treatment  Capt.  Kennedy  had  received  from  those  Indians,  to  whom  he  had 
been  sent  with  a flag  of  truce,  and  proposals  of  peace,  who  had  been  by 
them  made  prisoner  with  his  party,  that  he  determined  to  bestow  upon  them 
a signal  chastisement.”  This  does  not  appear,  however,  to  be  all  that  was 
charged  against  them,  for  Major  Rogers  continues,  “ They  had,  within  my  own 
knowledge,  during  the  six  years  past,  killed  and  carried  away  more  than 
600  persons.”  Accordingly  Major  Rogers  was  despatched  upon  this  enter- 
prise with  142  effective  men,  including  officers,  and  a few  Indians  of  the 
Pequawket  tribe,  under  Philip , their  chief.  It  was  a most  perilous  undertak- 
ing ; near  300  miles  of  wild  country  to  be  passed,  late  in  October,  1759. 
When  they  came  in  sight  of  the  town,  towards  evening,  on  the  5 October, 
the  inhabitants  were  dancing  about  in  great  glee,  celebrating  a wedding. 
Half  an  hour  before  sunrise  the  next  morning,  the  English  fell  suddenly 
upon  them,  in  three  divisions,  and  completely  surprised  them,  killing  200 
Indians,  and  capturing  a few  women  and  children.f  With  such  secrecy  and 
promptitude  did  the  English  act  on  this  occasion,  says  our  author,  “ that  the 
enemy  had  no  time  to  recover  themselves,  or  take  arms  in  their  own  defence, 
until  they  were  mostly  destroyed.”  Some  few  ran  down  to  the  river  to  es- 
cape by  swimming  or  in  their  canoes,  but  were  pursued  and  destroyed. 
Their  village,  except  three  houses,  was  burnt,  and  many  persons  in  it.  By 
seven  o’clock  the  butchery  was  ended,  and  a retreat  was  immediately  com- 
menced. Two  Indian  boys  were  brought  away  prisoners,  one  of  whom  was 


* “ At  St.  Fran^ais,  from  some  of  Zanghe’ daranlciac , or  people  from  the  mouth  of  this  river , 
I learned,  that  they  call  it,  or  rather  its  banks,  Amilcungantiquoke,  or  banks  of  the  river 
abounding  in  dried  meat.”  Kendal’s  Travels,  iii.  143. 

f I lately  received  a letter  from  a gentleman  who  subscribed  himself  “ Joseph  Alex. 
Masta,  an  Indian  of  the  St.  Francis  tribe,”  complaining  of  the  inaccurate  account  given  by 
Major  Rogers  of  the  destruction  of  that  tribe ; but  as  the  author  of  the  letter  does  not  give 
an  account  of  himself,  nor  direct  me  where  I can  obtain  one,  better  than  I have  used,  I am  con- 
strained to  reprint  my  account  without  much  emendation.  The  only  facts  which  I can  gather 
from  his  letter,  are,  that,  “ before  this  event  [Rogers’s  Expedition]  took  place,  the  St.  Francis 
tribe  numbered  from  1800  to  2000  inhabitants  ; but  since,  this  number  has  made  rapid  decline, 
and  at  present  on  the  point  of  total  dissolution.”  Letter , dated  Vincennes , Vt.  25  April , 1836. 


Chap.  X.]  PHILIP  OF  PIGWOKET.— ARNOLD’S  EXPEDITION.  135 

named  Sebatis.  The  English  commander  says,  “ We  found  600  scalps  hang- 
ing upon  poles  over  the  doors  of  their  wigwams.” 

Although  the  English  had  made  such  havoc  among  the  Indians,  yet  a 
wretched  calamity  awaited  them  in  their  homeward  march.  They  had  but 
one  of  their  number  killed,  who  was  an  Indian,  and  six  wounded,  during  the 
massacre,  but  on  their  return  many  were  lost  in  the  wilderness,  starved  and 
frozeu  to  death.  The  scenes  of  individual  suffering,  could  they  be  known, 
would  probably  exceed  those  which  followed  Love  well's  fight.  Having  mis- 
taken the  Upper  for  the  Lower  Coos,  some  set  off  by  point  of  compass,  and 
were  never  heard  of  after,  and  the  enemy  followed  and  cut  off  others.  But 
Philip , at  the  head  of  his  company,  made  good  his  retreat  without  losing  a 
man  in  the  way. 

Besides  this  expedition,  in  which  Philip  was  one  of  “ Rogers’  rangers,”  he 
was  at  the  capture  of  Louisburgh,  under  General  Amherst , and  was  the 
first  man  that  took  possession  of  the  fortress.* 

In  the  winter  of  1757,  when  the  English  and  French  armies  had  gone  into 
winter  quarters,  Colonel  Rogers  was  left  in  command  of  Fort  Edward, 
and  had  several  severe  battles  with  the  French  and  Indians  in  scouting 
expeditions.  In  one  of  these,  he  fell  in  with  a superior  force  to  his  own, 
near  Ticonderoga,  and  lost  many  of  his  men,  in  killed  and  prisoners.  This 
was  on  21  January.  The  chief,  Philip , was  in  that  affair,  and  acted  as  ser- 
geant. Concerning  this  chief,  it  is  further  said  that  he  was  but  “ half  Indian,” 
and  that  in  the  revolution,  he  joined  the  Americans,  saying  “ he  was  a whig 
Indian.” 

Mention  has  been  made  of  an  Indian  of  the  name  of  Sebatis  or  Sabatis. 
There  were  several  of  the  name,  and  doubtless  it  was  peculiar  to  the  Abena- 
quies ; and  hence  that  Sabatis,  captured  at  St.  Francis,  was  descended 
from  an  Abenaquis  family,  who  had  settled  there.  It  is  possible  also,  that 
he  may  be  the  same  who  afterwards  resided,  near  the  head  waters  of  the 
Kennebeck,  with  a brother  named  Natamis,  who  is  brought  to  our  notice 
in  the  accounts  f of  General  Arnold’s  expedition  through  that  region  in  the 
fall  of  1775 ; but  this  is  conjecture.  However,  what  is  known  of  these  two 
brothers  follows. 

General  Arnold  having,  on  his  arrival  in  the  Kennebeck  River,  ordered  a 
small  band  to  proceed  in  advance  of  the  army,  to  discover  and  mark  out  a 
route  for  it,  gave  strict  orders  that  JYatanis  should  be  captured  or  killed.  This 
order  had  been  given,  because  the  general  had  been  informed  that  he  had 
been  fixed  there  by  the  English  of  Canada,  as  a spy,  to  give  information 
if  an  enemy  should  approach  in  that  direction.  But  this,  as  it  proved,  was 
false  information,  and  JYatanis  was  the  friend  of  the  Americans,  as  also  was 
his  brother  Sabatis,  who  lived  about  seven  miles  higher  up  the  river,  above 
him. 

The  residence  of  JYatanis  was  a lonesome  place,  upon  the  bank  of  the 
river;  his  cabin,  situated  in  the  centre  of  a green,  the  border  of  which  was 
beyond  musket  shot  from  it,  was  a discovery  which  added  to  the  suspicions 
of  the  party,  who,  having  arrived  in  the  neighborhood,  4 October,  surrounded 
it  at  every  point,  and  run  in  upon  it  with  great  eagerness;  expecting,  without 
doubt,  to  have  taken  him  prisoner.  In  this  they  were  disappointed,  for  it  ap- 
peared that  the  place  had  been  deserted  a week.  Near  by,  at  the  shore 
of  the  river,  a map  drawn  upon  birch  bark,  was  found  in  the  top 
of  a stake,  very  accurately  delineating  the  courses  of  the  rivers  towards 
Canada,  and  lines  denoting  places  of  crossing  from  one  to  another.  This 
greatly  surprised  them,  but  they  profited  much  by  it.  Nothing  was  seen  of 
any  Indians  during  the  excursion  of  the  exploring  party,  who,  after  about  22 
days,  in  which  they  suffered  every  thing  but  death,  rejoined  the  army. 

When  the  army  had  arrived  within  the  bounds  of  Canada,  which  was  on 
the  4 November,  “we  for  the  first  time,”  says  Mr.  Henry,  “had  the  pleasure 
of  seeing  the  worthy  and  respectable  Indian,  JYatanis , and  his  brother,  Saba - 


* Rogers'  Reminiscences,  Appendix  to  new  edition. 

t See  that  of  Judge  John  J.  Henry , 32,  to  36,  and  74,  &c.  See  also  Shallu’s  Tables,  ii. 
509,  and  Col.  Maine  Hist.  Soc.  i.  394. 


136 


NATANIS.— SABATIS.— PENOBSCOT  INDIANS. 


[Book  III. 


tis,  with  some  others  of  their  tribe.”  JVatanis  went  to  each  of  the  companies 
of  spies,  and  shook  them  by  the  hand,  as  though  he  had  been  formerly 
acquainted  with  them.  He  explained  himself  by  telling  them,  that  he  had 
kept  close  to  them  all  the  time  they  were  making  their  discovery  beyond  his 
residence,  and  until  they  returned,  but  did  not  dare  to  make  himself 
known,  for  fear  they  would  kill  him — a wise  resolution. 

Natanis  and  Sabatis,  with  17  others  of  their  tribe,  joined  the  army 
on  the  River  Chaudiere,  and  marched  with  it  to  Canada.  When  the  attack 
on  Quebec  was  made,  31  December,  1775,  JVatanis  was  wounded  by  a shot 
through  the  wrist,  and  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  British  general,  Carleton , 
who  immediately  set  him  at  liberty.  These  were  the  first  Indians  employed 
in  the  revolutionary  contest  by  the  Americans.* 

We  cannot  pass  over  the  momentous  undertaking  of  Arnold , without  re- 
questing the  reader  to  notice  how  many  men  of  note  and  eminence  survived 
its  ruins — General  Daniel  Morgan  of  Virginia,  then  a captain — General  Henry 
Dearborn  of  Massachusetts,  of  like  rank — Timothy  Bigelow  of  Massachusetts, 
a major — Return  J.  Meigs , father  of  the  late  postmaster-general,  of  the  same 
rank — Samuel  Spring , D.  D.  of  Newbury  port,  a chaplain — Aaron  Burr  of  New 
Jersey,  and  General  Benedict  Arnold  of  Connecticut.-)-  Numerous  others  de- 
serve equal  notice ; but  it  is  not  our  province  to  enumerate  them  here.  And 
from  this  digression  we  return  to  notice  another  chief  nearly  similar  in  name 
to  the  last. 

At  the  treaty  of  Georgetown,  on  Arrowsik  Island,  held  by  the  eastern 
tribes  with  the  English,  9 August,  1717,  Sabbadis , as  his  name  was  then  writ- 
ten, appeared  for  the  Androscoggins.  Also  at  the  treaty  of  Casco,  dated 
25  July,  1727,  we  find  among  the  signers  Sabatists  of  Arresagontacook.J 
What  part  Sabatis  acted  in  the  tragedies  from  1722  to  1725,  does  not  appear. 
In  the  History  of  Maine§  we  find  the  following  passage  concerning  Sab- 
batist , as  he  is  there  called.  “ In  1730,  a chaplain  was  allowed  at  Fort  George ; 
and  it  was  in  this  place,  where  Sabbatist , the  Anasagunticook  sagamore,  re- 
quested government  to  keep  some  supplies : for,  said  he,  in  ‘ cold  winters  and 
deep  snoivs , my  Indians , unable  to  go  to  Fort  Richmond , sometimes  suffer .’  ” 

We  now  pass  to  our  own  times  to  notice  some  modern  Indians  in  the 
state  of  Maine.  In  1816,  the  Penobscot  tribe  at  Old  Town,||  having  lost  its 
sachem,  entered  upon  the  election  of  another.  It  was  some  months  before 
they  could  agree  upon  a successor,  although  it  is  their  custom  to  elect  a near 
relation  of  the  deceased.  At  length  party  spirit  having  run  unreasonably 
high,  their  priest,  who  is  a Roman  Catholic,  interfered,  and  they  forsook  the 
rival  candidates,  and  elected  John  Aitteon.  This  man,  it  is  said,  was  a de- 
scendant of  Baron  de  Saint  Castiens.  The  induction  into  office  took  place 
19  September,  1816.  At  the  same  time  John  JVeptune  was  constituted  his 
lieutenant,  and  Captain  Francis  and  another  were  confirmed  as  chief 
captains. 

A specimen  of  modern  oratory  among  these  Indians  is  given  by  Mr.  Wil- 
liamson, who  heard  it,  in  his  History  of  Maine.  It  was  made  in  a court, 
by  John  JVeptune , in  extenuation  of  the  murder  of  one  Knight , by  Peol  Susup . 
The  case  was  nearly  as  follows  : In  the  evening  of  28  June,  1816,  this  Indian 
was  intoxicated,  and  at  the  tavern  of  said  Knight  at  Bangor,  (whether  he  had 
procured  liquor  there  with  which  to  intoxicate  himself,  we  are  not  informed,) 
and  being  noisy  and  turbulent,  Knight  endeavored  to  expel  him  from  his 
house.  Having  thrust  him  out  of  door,  he  endeavored  to  drive  him  away, 
and  in  the  attempt  was  stabbed,  and  immediately  died.  On  his  arrest,  Susup 
acknowledged  his  guilt,  but  said  he  was  in  liquor,  and  that  Knight  abused 


* Judge  Henry,  75. 

+ Henry,  our  authority  before  mentioned,  was  a private,  aged  but  16,  who  ran  away  from 
his  father,  and  joined  the  army  clandestinely;  he  died  in  1810,  aged  52.  Morgan  died  in 
1802,  set.  65  ; Dearborn  in  1829,  set.  78;  Meigs  in  1323;  Spring  in  1819,  set.  73;  Arnold  in 
1801.  at  London,  set.  61 ; Burr  is  living  in  New  York  city. 

% Coll.  N.  H.  Hist.  Soc.  ii.  242.  260.  § Williamson,  ii.  159. 

||  In  1811,  this  tribe  consisted  of  but  57  families,  and  241  persons.  In  1820  there  were  277 
souls.  Their  increase,  says  Dr.  Morse,  Appendix  to  Indian  Report,  65,  is  owing  to  an 
obligation  of  the  chiefs  imposed  upon  their  young  men  to  marry  early. 


AITTEON.— -NEPTUNE. 


137 


Chap.  X.] 

him,  or  he  had  not  done  it.  Being  brought  to  trial  in  June  the  next  year  at 
Castine,  by  advice  of  counsel,  he  pleaded  not  guilty ; and  after  a day  spent  in 
his  trial,  a verdict  was  rendered,  according  to  the  defence  set  up,  man- 
slaughter. Susup  had  a wife  and  several  children ; four  of  whom,  with  their 
mother,  were  present,  as  were  many  other  Indians  from  St.  Johns  and  Passa- 
maquoddy, besides  a great  crowd  of  whites. 

After  sentence  was  declared,  Susup  was  asked  by  the  court  if  he  had  any 
thing  to  say  for  himself;  to  which  he  replied,  “John  Neptune  will  speak  for 
me.”  Neptune  rose  up,  and,  having  advanced  towards  the  judges,  delib- 
erately said,  in  English, 

“ You  know  your  people  do  my  Indians  great  deal  wrong.  They  abuse  them 
very  much-— yes  they  murder  them  ; then  they  walk  right  off— nobody  touches  them. 
This  makes  my  heart  bum.  Well , then  my  Indians  say , we  will  go  kill  your  very 
bad  and  i vicked  men.  No,  I tell'em  never  do  that  thing , we  are  brothers.  Some 
time  ago  a very  bad  man  * about  Boston , shot  an  Indian  dead.  Your  people  said , 
surely  he  should  die , but  it  was  not  so.  In  the  great  prison  house  he  eats  and  lives 
to  this  day.  Certainly  he  never  dies  for  killing  Indian.  My  brothers  say  let  that 
bloody  man  go  free — Peol  Susup  too.  So  we  wish.  Hope  fils  the  hearts  of  us 
all— Peace  is  good.  These , my  Indians , love  it  well.  They  smile  under  its  shade. 
The  white  men  and  red  men  must  be  always  friends.  The  Great  Spirit  is  our 
father. — I speak  what  I feck” 

“ Susup  was  sentenced  to  another  year’s  imprisonment,  and  required  to  find 
sureties  for  keeping  the  peace  two  years,  in  the  penal  sum  of  500  dollars  ; 
when  John  Neptune,  Squire  Jo  Merry  Neptune , of  his  own  tribe,  Capt.  Solmond , 
from  Passamaquoddy,  and  Capt.  Jo  Tomer , from  the  River  St  Johns,  became 
his  sureties  in  the  cognizance.”  f 

Captain  Francis , the  first  captain  of  the  tribe,  has  been  mentioned,  and 
who,  according  to  the  historian  of  Maine,  is  a man  of  good  understanding.  If 
the  information  he  has  given  concerning  the  eastern  Indians  be  correct, — and 
we  see  no  cause  to  doubt  it, — it  is  of  much  value,  and  no  less  interest.  He 
assured  Mr.  Williamson , “ that  all  the  tribes  between  the  Saco  and  the  St. 
Johns,  both  inclusive,  are  brothers ; that  the  eldest  lived  on  the  Saco ; that 
each  tribe  is  younger  as  we  pass  eastward,  like  the  sons  of  the  same  father, 
though  the  one  at  Passamaquoddy  { is  the  youngest  of  all,  proceeding  from 
those  upon  the  River  St.  Johns  and  Penobscot.^  ‘ Always]  he  affirms,  ‘ I could 
understand  all  these  brothers  very  well  when  they  speak  ; but  when  the  Mickmaks  or 
the  Algonquins , or  Canada  Indians  talk , I cannot  tell  all  what  they  say.'  " 

Before  dismissing  the  interesting  Tarratines,  it  may  be  proper  to  present  a 
specimen  of  their  language. 

Metunk'senah,  ouwade , spumlkeag-aio , keeduck  tle-we-seh,  keah'-dabeV-dock, 
now-dd-sch , keah'-olet-hauvta-mon-a , numah-zee , m'se-tah'-mah , t'hah-lah-wee''- 
keunah,  spum'-keag-aio , me-leadeh,  neodah , ne-quem-pe-bem- gees' o' coque,  maje''- 
me,  gees'-cool , carbon,  mus-see-a'tos'see,  neodah,  common! en-esk- sock,  't-hah-lah- 
wee-keunah,  num-e-se-comele'ent,  tah-hah-la-we-u-keah-ma-che-ke'-cheek,  a-que-ke\ 
a-que-ah-lah-ke-me-sah'coque , n'gahde,  numa-zee\  nea-nah , neo'je , saw'-goi , 


* “ He  alluded  to  one  Livermore,  who  had  received  sentence  of  death  for  killing  an  In- 
dian, which  was  commuted  to  hard  labor  for  life  in  the  state’s  prison.”  Williamson. 

An  Indian  named  Crevay,  a Penobscot  of  the  tribe  of  St.  Francis,  to  avoid  being  dis- 
tressed by  the  war  on  the  frontiers  of  Canada,  with  his  wife  wandered  down  into  Massachu- 
setts, and  erected  a wigwam  on  the  shore  of  Spot  Pond,  in  the  town  of  Stoneham,  where  they 
lived.  At  length  some  abominable  white  ruffians,  on  the  night  of  the  23  November,  1813, 
shot  him  while  he  was  asleep,  and  badly  wounded  his  squaw.  Not  being  killed  outright,  this 
Indian  crawled  from  his  wigwam,  and  was  found  the  next  day  almost  lifeless  and  in  great 
agony,  and  he  expired  in  a few  days  after.  The  names  of  the  murderers  I will  not  give,  for 
I abhor  to  sully  my  page  with  them.  Four  were  guilty.  One  fled  from  justice,  two  were 
tried  and  condemned  to  be  hanged,  December  23th,  following.  Report  of  the  Trial. 

f Ibid. 

t The  Indians  said,  Pascodum-oquon-keag.  Pascodum  meant  pollock ; oquon,  catch ’em 
great  many ; eag,  land  or  place. 

$ Penops,  rocks  ; keag,  a place  of. 


ROWLS.— BLIND- WILL. 


138 


[Book  111/ 


tvoo-saw'me,  keah-dabeld'-ock , cgo-mah , keeloah\  noa'chee , done-ah'ic,  gazoos', 
neah.lets , quos'-que .* 


In  speaking  of  the  New  Hampshire  sachems,  it  was  not  intended  that  so 
conspicuous  a chief  as  R owls  should  have  been  silently  passed  over,  and 
therefore  we  will  give  him  a place  here.  This  chief  has  of  late  years  become 
noted,  from  the  circumstance  of  his  name’s  being  found  to  the  celebrated 
Wheelwright  deed  of  1629.  That  deed,  it  maybe  proper  to  remark,  purported 
to  have  been  given  by  Passaconaway , Runaaivitt , Wehanownowit,  and  Rowls. 
The  tract  of  country  conveyed  was  included  between  the  Pascataqua  and 
Merrimack  Rivers,  and  bounded  inland  by  a line  from  “ Pawtucket’*  Falls 
in  the  latter,  and  Newichawannok  in  the  former.  It  is  pretty  certain,  now, 
that  these  sachems  gave  no  such  deed  at  the  time  specified. 

Rowls  was  sachem  of  the  Newichawannoks,  and  his  dwelling-place  was 
upon  the  north  side  of  the  Pascataqua,  not  far  from  Quampeagan  Falls,  in 
Berwick,  then  Kittery.  “ In  1643,  he  conveyed  the  lands  of  his  vicinity  to 
Humphrey  Chadboum ; and  others  afterwards,  to  Spencer ; the  former  being 
the  earliest  Indian  deed  found  upon  our  records.  It  is  certain  that  all  the 
Indians  upon  the  river  to  its  mouth,  were  his  subjects,  though  he  was  under 
Passaconaway.”f  Mr.  Hubbard  { says,  “ There  was  within  the  compass  of  the 
seven  years  now  current,  [about  1670,]  a sagamore  about  Kittary,  called 
Rouls  or  Rolles : who  laying  very  sick,  and  bedrid,  (being  an  old  man,)  he  ex- 
pected some  of  the  English,  that  seized  upon  his  land,  should  have  shown 
him  that  civility,  as  to  have  given  him  a visit  in  his  aged  infirmities  and  sick- 
ness. It  matters  not  much  whether  it  was  totally  neglected  or  not ; to  be 
sure  at  the  last,  he  sent  for  the  chiefs  of  the  town  and  desired  a favor  of  them, 
viz.  that  though  he  might,  as  he  said,  challenge  [claim]  all  the  plantation  for 
his  own,  where  they  dwelt,  that  yet  they  would  please  to  sell  or  give  him  a 
small  tract  of  land,  possibly  an  hundred  or  two  of  acres,  and  withall  desired 
it  might  be  recorded  in  the  town  book,  as  a public  act,  that  so  his  children, 
which  he  left  behind,  might  not  be  turned  out,  like  vagabonds,  as  destitute  of 
an  habitation  amongst,  or  near  the  English,  adding  this  as  a reason  : That  he 
knew  there  would  shortly  fall  out  a war  between  the  Indians  and  the  English, 
all  over  the  country,  and  that  the  Indians  at  the  first  should  prevail,  and  do 
much  mischief  to  the  English,  and  kill  many  of  them : But  after  the  third 
year,  or  after  three  years,  all  the  Indians  which  so  did,  should  be  rooted  out, 
and  utterly  destroyed.”  This  account,  the  same  author  says,  “is  reported  by 
Maj.  Waldron , Mr.  Joshua  Moody , Capt.  Frost,  that  live  upon,  or  near  the 
place.” 

A chief  named  Blvid-ivill  was  successor  to  Rolls,  and  in  Philip's  war  served 
the  English.  Why  the  word  blind  was  prefixed  to  his  name  is  not  mentioned, 
but  probably  he  had  lost  an  eye. 

In  1677,  the  wretched  expedient  was  resorted  to  by  the  whites,  of  employing 
the  Mohawks  against  the  Tarratines,  and  two  messengers,  Majors  Pinchon 
aud  Richards,  were  despatched  to  their  country.  They  were  kindly  received 
by  them,  and  promised  their  assistance.  “ Accordingly  some  parties  of 
them  came  down  the  country,  about  the  middle  of  March,  and  the  first 
alarm  was  given  at  Amuskeeg  Falls ; where  the  son  of  Wonolanset  being 
hunting,  discovered  15  Indians  on  the  other  side,  who  called  to  him  in  a lan- 
guage which  he  did  not  understand;  upon  which  he  fled,  and  they  fired 
near  30  guns  at  him  without  effect.  Presently  after  this  they  were  discovered 
in  the  woods  near  Cochecho.  Major  Waldron  sent  out  eight  of  his  Indians, 
whereof  Blind-will  was  one,  to  make  further  discovery.  They  were  all 
surprised  together  by  a company  of  the  Mohawks;  two  or  three  escaped, 
the  others  were  either  killed  or  taken.  Will  was  dragged  away  by  his  hair  ; 
and  being  wounded,  perished  in  the  woods,  on  a neck  of  land,  formed  by  the 
confluence  of  Cochecho  and  Ising-glass  Rivers,  which  still  bears  the  name 
of  Blind-ivilCs  Neck.”§  Such  were  the  exploits  of  the  allies  of  the  English 


* Williamson1  s Maine,  i.  513. 
§ Belknap,  Hist.  N.  H.  i.  125. 


f Williamson,  i.  460. 


\ Indian  Wars,  ii.  81. 


ASSACAMBUIT* 


130 


Cha*.  X.] 

at  this  time ; nor  do  we  find  that  any  others  were  performed  of  a different 
character.  Notwithstanding,  the  same  miserable  policy  was  talked  of  again 
about  nine  years  after ; but  we  do  not  learn  that  it  was  carried  into  practice. 

It  was,  perhaps,  at  the  time  of  which  we  have  been  speaking,  that  the  Nar- 
raganset  cnief  Pessacus  was  murdered,  as  has  been  mentioned.* 

We  had  not  thus  long  delayed  our  notice  of  one  of  the  most  renowned 
chiefs,  but  from  the  untoward  circumstance  of  having  mislaid  a valuable 
communication  concerning  him.f  The  sachem  of  whom  we  are  now  to 
speak  was  known  among  the  French  by  the  name  of  JVescambiouit , but 
among  the  English  he  was  called 

Assacambuit,|  . and  Assacombuit.].  This  chief  was  as  faithful  to  the 
French  as  one  of  their  own  nation  ; and  our  account  of  him  begins  in  1696, 
when,  with  Iberville  and  the  famous  Montigny , he  rendered  important  service 
in  the  reduction  of  the  English  Fort  St.  Johns,  30  November,  of  that  year. 
Being  apprized  of  the  approach  of  the  French  and  Indians,  the  English  sent 
out  88  men  to  oppose  them,  who,  on  the  28,  were  met  and  attacked  by  a part 
of  Iberville’s  army,  under  Montigny  and  JVescambiouit , and  defeated  with  the 
loss  of  55  men.  On  the  night  before  St.  Johns  capitulated,  Iberville , with 
JVescambiouit  as  his  second,  at  the  head  of  30  men,  made  a sally  to  burn  one 
part  of  the  town,  while  D’Muys  and  Montigny , with  60  others,  were  ordered 
to  fire  it  at  another  point  Both  parties  succeeded.  § 

In  1699,  he  is  noticed  for  some  cruelty,  which,  it  was  said,  he  inflicted  upon 
a child,  named  Thomasin  Rouse.  He  having  ordered  it  to  carry  something  to 
the  water  side,  it  cried ; he  took  a stick  and  struck  her  down,  and  she  lay 
for  dead.  He  then  threw  her  into  the  water,  but  she  was  saved  by  another 
Indian.  She  was  an  English  captive,  and  was  soon  after  restored.  This 
account  was  handed  Dr.  Mather , by  one  who  had  just  returned  from  Casco 
Bay,  where  he  had  been  to  hold  a treaty  with  the  Indians.  The  account 
closes  in  these  words : “ This  Assacombuit  hath  killed  and  taken  this  war, 
(they  tell  me,)  150  men,  women  and  children.  A bloody  Devil.”  || 

It  is  said  that  Mauxis,  Wanungonet , and  Assacombuit , were  “ three  of  the 
most  valiant  and  puissant  sachems  ” of  the  east.lf  Their  attack  upon  the  fort 
at  Casco,  in  August,  1703,  has  been  mentioned.* § **  In  1704,  some  of  the  Abe- 
naquis,  having  established  themselves  in  Newfoundland,  were  attacked  by  the 
English,  and  some  of  them  killed.  Whereupon  they  applied  to  Governor 
Vaudreuil  for  assistance  to  repel  them,  and  he  sent  Montigny  with  a few 
Canadians,  who  joined  themselves  with  about  50  Abenaquis  under  JVescambi- 
oiiit,  and  attacked  the  English  with  great  success.  They  pillaged  and  burnt 
one  fort,  and  took  many  prisoners,  ff 

In  1705,  M.  Subercase , having  succeeded  M.  Brouillon  in  the  government 
of  N ewfoundland,  endeavored  to  make  thorough  work  with  the  remaining 
English  there.  Their  success  was  nearly  complete,  and  here  again  JVescam- 
biouit is  noticed  as  acting  a conspicuous  part.  Subercase’ s army  consisted  of 
400  men,}!  in  all,  and  they  set  out  from  Placentia  15  January,  upon  snow- 
shoes,  with  20  days’  provisions.  They  suffered  much  from  the  rigor  of  the 
weather,  and  did  not  fall  upon  the  English  until  the  26,  which  was  at  a place 
called  Rebou.  They  next  took  Petit  Havre.  At  St.  Johns  they  found  some 
resistance,  where  the  English  now  had  two  forts,  which  were  supplied  with 
cannon  and  mortars,  and,  after  losing  five  men  in  killed  and  wounded,  were 
obliged  to  raise  the  siege,  in  consequence  of  want  of  powder ; having  dam- 
aged much  of  what  they  brought  with  them  in  wading  rivers.  They  next 
attacked  Forrillon  and  took  it.  §§  This  was  5 March.  Here  was  also  a fort, 


* See  B.  II.  p.  59.  note  11.  f From  Rev.  Mr.  Felt,  of  Hamilton.  f Penhallow. 

§ Charlevoix,  ii.  193.  ||  Magnalia,  vii.  95.  IT  Penhallow,  6. 

**  Page  104,  lib.  iii.  ft  Charlevoix,  ii.  294. 

This  is  according  to  Charlevoix,  but  Penhallow  says  500,  and  Anspach,  (Hist.  Newfound- 
land, 123.)  about  500.  Charlevoix  is,  doubtless,  nearest  the  truth. 

$§  Le  Bourg  fut  brfde,  apres  quoi  Montigny,  qui  avoit  ament  a cette  expedition  son  Jidele 
Nescambiouit,/m£  dttacht  avec  les  sauvages,  et  une  partie  des  Canadiens,  peur  aller  du  cott 
de  Carbonniere,  et  de  Bonneviste,  avec  order  de  br&ler  et  de  detruire  toute  le  cote,  ce  qu’il 
extcuta  sans  perdre  un  seul  homme,  tant  la  terreur  itoit  grande  parmi  les  Anglois.  N. 
France,  ii.  300. 


140 


ASSACAMBUIT. 


[Book  III, 


into  which  the  inhabitants  at  first  retired,  and  endeavored  to  defend  themselves, 
but  soon  surrendered  prisoners  of  war.* * * § 

Not  long  after  these  services  Nescambioiiit  sailed  for  France,  and  in  1706 
visited  his  majesty,  King  Louis  XIV,  at  Versailles.  Here,  among  other  emi- 
nent personages,  he  became  known  to  the  historian  Charlevoix,  f The 
king  having  presented  him  an  elegant  sword,  he  is  reported  to  have  said, 
holding  up  his  hand,  “ This  hand  has  slain  one  hundred  and  forty  of  your  majes- 
ty's enemies  in  New  England ; ” \ and  that  whereupon,  the  king  forthwith 
knighted  him,  and  ordered  that  henceforth  a pension  of  eight  livres  a day  be 
allowed  him  for  life. 

Nescambioiiit  returned  to  America  in  1707,  and  the  next  year  accompanied 
Rouville  to  attack  Haverhill  in  Massachusetts.  The  French  had  intended  a 
much  more  formidable  conquest,  and  had  engaged  bands  of  Indians  from 
four  nations  to  cooperate  with  them,  and  all  were  to  rendezvous  at  Lake 
Nikisipique,  as  they  called  Winnipesauke  or  Winnipisiogee.  But  all  except 
the  Algonquins  and  Abenaquis  under  Nescambioiiit,  having  failed  and  deserted 
them,  they  were  on  the  point  of  abandoning  their  enterprise  altogether. 
Having  made  known  their  situation  to  Governor  Vaudreuil,  and  requested 
his  orders,  he  directed,  that  though  all  the  Indians  deserted  them,  they  should 
not  give  over  the  expedition.  Des  Chaillons  having  communicated  this  intel- 
ligence to  the  Indians,  they  entreated  him  to  lead  them  forward,  and  said  they 
would  follow  him  wherever  he  chose  to  go. 

From  Nikisipique  they  marched,  at  last,  with  200  men,  fell  upon  Haver- 
hill,§  and  sacked  it.  The  attack  was  made,  sun  about  an  hour  high,  29 
August,  1708.  The  contest  was  short  as  the  opposition  was  feeble.  The 
English  lost  about  100  persons  by  this  irruption,  40  or  50  of  whom  were 
killed  at  Haverhill.  Nescambioiiit,  in  this  affair,  fought  by  the  side  of  the 
commander-in-chief,  and  performed  prodigies  of  valor  with  the  sword  which 
he  brought  from  France. 

Having  burned  the  fort  and  many  of  the  buildings  in  the  village, ||  they 
began  to  retrace  their  steps,  with  precipitation.  The  English,  having  rallied, 
formed  an  ambush  in  the  edge  of  the  woods,  about  a mile  and  a half  from 
the  town,  attacked  them  vigorously,  killing  and  wounding  many  of  them.  In 
the  ambush  were  60  or  70  English,  who,  after  hanging  upon  their  flanks  for 
near  an  hour,  retreated.  In  this  last  affair  the  French  suffered  most.  In 
both  encounters,  18  men  were  wounded,  three  Indians  and  five  Frenchmen 
killed.  In  the  ambush  fell  Hertel  of  Chambly,  and  Vercheres,  both  officers  of 
experience  ; and  the  renowned  Assacambuit,  as  though,  elsewhere,  like  Achil- 
les, invulnerable,  was  wounded  by  a shot  in  the  foot.  This  last  attack  had 
the  happy  effect  of  immediately  restoring  many  of  the  prisoners. 

From  1708  to  1727,  we  hear  nothing  of  Assacambuit.  In  June  of  the  latter 
year,  his  death  is  recorded,  accompanied  with  a short  account  of  him,  in  a 
newspaper  of  that  time.  Mention  is  made,  among  other  things,  that,  like 
Hercules,  he  had  a “famous  club”  which  he  always  carried  with  him,  on 
which  were  98  notches,  denoting  the  number  of  “ English  ” he  had  killed  ; 
that  he  was  knighted  while  in  France,  the  insignia  of  which,  on  his  return 
home,  he  wore  upon  his.  breast  in  large  letters.  In  this  newspaper  commu- 
nication he  is  styled  “ Old  Escambuit,”  “ formerly  the  principal  sagamore  of 
(the  now  dispersed)  tribe  of  the  Saco  or  Pigwacket  Indians.”  He  probably 
went  to  reside  among  the  St.  Francis  tribe  about  1700.  He  was  restless  when 
there  was  no  war,  and  our  account  says,  “ when  there  was  something  of  a 
prospect  of  settled  peace,  about  30  years  ago,  [1700,]  he  marched  off  the 


* Anspach,  124.  1 Hist.  Gen.  de  la  Nouv.  France,  ii.  326. 

\ Penhallow,  40.  This  must  be,  we  think,  a great  misrepresentation  of  his  real  speech, 

as  subsequent  details  will  lead  one  to  suppose.  Perhaps  he  might  have  said  forty. 

§ “ Us  prirent  alors  le  parti  de  marcher  contre  un  village  appelU  Hawrf.uil,  compost  de 
vintcinq  a trente  maisons  bien  batis,  avec  un  fort,  oil  logeoit  le  gouverneur.  Ce  fort  avoit  une 
garrison  de  trente  soldats,  et  il  y en  avoit  au  mains  dix  dans  chaque  maison .” 

||  Charlevoix  says,  “ Toutes  les  maisons  se  dAfendirent  aussi  tres-bien,  et  eureut  le  mime 
sort.  IV y eut  environ  cent  Anglais  de  tuAs  dans  ces  differ entes  attaques ; plusieurs  autres,  qui 
attendirent  trap  tard  a sortir  du  fort  et  des  maisons,  y furent  brules.”  None  of  the  English 
accounts  mention  this,  and  it  was  doubtless  supposition,  without  foundation  in  fact. 


DESTRUCTION  OF  DEERFIELD. 


141 


Chap.  XI.] 


around  as  a disbanded  officer,  left  his  brethren  and  travelled  towards  the  Mis- 
sissippi, where  he  was  constantly  engaged  in  wars,  and  never  heard  of  till 
the  last  fall  he  returned  to  those  [eastern]  parts.”  This  was  probably  the 
report  among  the  English  of  New  England ; but  m truth  he  was  with  the 
French  in  Canada,  as  we  have  seen.  Had  Penhaelow  published  his  Indian 
Wars  one  year  later,  he  would  not,  probably,  have  closed  his  account  as  he 
did  concerning  him.  He  says  that,  at  his  return  from  France,  he  was  so 
exalted  that  he  treated  his  countrymen  in  the  most  haughty  and  arrogant 
manner,  “murdering  one  and  stabbing  another,  which  so  exasperated  those 
of  their  relations,  that  they  sought  revenge,  and  would  have  instantly  exe- 
cuted it,  but  that  he  fled  his  country,  and  never  returned  after.” 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Destruction  of  Deerfield,  and  captivity  of  Reverend  John  Williams  and  family , 

in  1704. 

Sometimes  in  a volume,  and  sometimes  in  a pamphlet,  the  narrative  of 
this  affair  had  often  been  given  to  the  world  previous  to  1774,  by  one  of  the 
principal  actors  in  it,  whose  name  is  at  the  beginning  of  this  chapter,  and 
which  is  doubtless  familiar  to  every  reader  of  New  England  legends.  The 
edition  of  Mr.  Williams’s  work,  out  of  which  1 take  this,  was  prepared  by  the 
renowned  New  England  annalist,  the  Reverend  Thomas  Prince,  and  was  the 
5th,  printed  at  Boston  “ by  John  Boyle , next  door  to  the  Three  Doves  in  Marl- 
borough Street,  1774.”  It  was  a closely  printed  8vo.  pamphlet  of  70  pages. 

It  will  be  necessary  to  relate  some  important  facts  of  historical  value 
before  proceeding  with  the  narrative.  As  at  several  other  times,  the  plan 
was  laid  early  in  1703,  in  Canada,  for  laying  waste  the  whole  English  fron- 
tier, but  like  former  and  later  plans,  laid  in  that  region,  this  but  partially 
succeeded.  Though  the  eastern  settlements  from  Casco  to  Wells  were 
destroyed,  and  130  people  killed  and  captivated,  the  summer  before,  yet  the 
towns  on  the  Connecticut  had  neglected  their  precautionary  duty.  And 
although  Governor  Dudley  of  Massachusetts  had  but  little  while  before  been 
notified  of  the  design  of  the  French,  yet  it  was  impossible  to  guard  the 
eastern  coast  against  the  attack.  Deerfield  had  been  palisaded  and  20 
soldiers  placed  in  it,  but  had  been  quartered  about  in  different  houses,  and, 
entirely  forgetting  their  duty  as  soldiers,  were  surprised  with  the  rest  of  the 
town.  The  snow  was  deep,  which  gave  the  enemy  an  easy  entrance  over 
the  pickets.  The  French  were  commanded  by  Hertel  de  Rouville,  but  the 
commanders  of  the  Indians  remain  unknown. 

Mr.  Williams  thus  begins  his  narrative : “ On  Tuesday  the  29th  of  Feb- 
ruary, 1703-4,  not  long  before  break  of  day,  the  enemy  came  in  like  a flood 
upon  us  ; our  watch  being  unfaithful : an  evil,  whose  awful  effects,  in  a sur- 
prizal  of  our  fort,  should  bespeak  all  watchmen  to  avpid,  as  they  would  not 
bring  the  charge  of  blood  upon  themselves.  They  came  to  my  house  in  the 
beginning  of  the  onset,  and  by  their  violent  endeavors  to  break  open  doors 
and  windows,  with  axes  and  hatchets,  awakened  me  out  of  sleep ; on  which 
I leaped  out  of  bed,  and  running  towards  the  door,  perceived  the  enemy 
making  their  entrance  into  the  house.  I called  to  awaken  two  soldiers  in 
the  chamber ; and  returning  toward  my  bedside  for  my  arms,  the  enemy 
immediately  brake  into  my  room,  I judge  to  the  number  of  20,  with  painted 
faces,  and  hideous  acclamations.  I reached  up  my  hands  to  the  bed-tester, 
for  my  pistol,  uttering  a short  petition  to  God,  expecting  a present  passage 
through  the  valley  of  the  shadow  of  death.”  “Taking  down  my  pistol,  I 
cocked  it,  and  put  it  to  the  breast  of  the  first  Indian  who  came  up  ; but  my 
pistol  missing  fire,  I was  seized  by  3 Indians  who  disarmed  me,  and  bound 
me  naked,  as  I was,  in  my  shirt,  and  so  I stood  for  near  the  space  of  an 
hour.”  Meanwhile  the  work  of  destruction  and  pillage  was  carried  on  with 
great  fury.  One  of  the  three  who  captured  Mr.  Williams  was  a captain, 


142 


DESTRUCTION  OF  DEERFIELD. 


[Book  III. 


against  whom,  says  our  captive,  “ the  judgment  of  God  did  not  long  slumber ; 
for  by  sun-rising  he  received  a mortal  shot  from  my  next  neighbor’s  house.” 
This,  though  not  a garrison,  and  containing  but  seven  men,  withstood  the 
efforts  of  the  300  French  and  Indians  which  now  beset  them.  That  house 
remains  to  this  day,  bearing  upon  its  front  door  the  marks  of  the  hatchet.* 

After  about  two  hours  the  enemy  took  up  their  march  from  the  town, 
having  plundered  and  burnt  it,  and  put  47  persons  to  death,  including  those 
killed  in  making  defence.  Mrs.  Williams  having  lately  lain  in,  was  feeble, 
which,  without  the  scene  now  acting  before  her,  rendered  her  case  hopeless ; 
but  to  this  was  added  the  most  shocking  murders  in  her  presence — two 
of  her  children  were  taken  to  the  door  and  killed,  also  a black  woman  be- 
longing to  the  family. 

“ About  sun  an  hour  high,”  continues  the  redeemed  captive,  “ we  were  all 
carried  out  of  the  house  for  a march,  and  saw  many  of  the  houses  of  my 
neighbors  in  flames,  perceiving  the  whole  fort,  one  house  excepted,  to  be 
taken!”  “We  were  carried  over  the  river,  to  the  foot  of  the  mountain,  about 
a mile  from  my  house,  where  we  found  a great  number  of  our  Christian 
neighbors,  men,  women,  and  children,  to  the  number  of  100 ; nineteen  of 
whom  were  afterward  murdered  by  the  way,  and  two  starved  to  death  near 
Coos,  in  a time  of  great  scarcity,  or  famine,  the  savages  underwent  there. 
When  we  came  to  the  foot  of  our  mountain,  they  took  away  our  shoes,  and 
gave  us  Indian  shoes,  to  prepare  us  for  our  journey.”  The  army  had  left 
their  packs  at  this  place,  and  while  they  were  getting  ready  to  decamp,  the 
few  English  that  had  escaped  at  the  town,  and  a few  from  Hatfield,  who  had 
been  notified  of  the  fate  of  Deerfield  by  one  or  two,  who  had  escaped  there, 
pursued,  and  in  a meadow  between  the  town  and  the  main  body,  met  a party 
of  the  enemy,  and  a sharp  fight  ensued.  The  small  band  of  Englishmen 
did  not  retreat  until  the  main  body  under  Rouville  were  about  to  encircle 
them,  and  then  they  left  nine  of  their  number  slain.  Such  was  the  success 
of  the  English  in  the  beginning  of  the  fight,  that,  fearing  a defeat,  Rouville 
had  ordered  the  captives  to  be  put  to  death ; but,  fortunately,  the  bearer  of 
the  fatal  message  was  killed  by  the  way. 

Three  hundred  miles  of  a trackless  wilderness  was  now  to  be  traversed, 
and  that  too  at  a season  of  all  others  the  most  to  be  dreaded ; boughs  of 
trees  formed  the  beds  of  enceinte  women  and  little  children  for  40  days, 
which  was  the  time  taken  for  the  journey.  The  first  day’s  journey  was  but 
about  four  miles,  and  although  one  child  was  killed,  in  general  the  children 
were  treated  well ; probably,  the  historians  say,  that  by  delivering  them  at 
Canada,  the  Indians  would  receive  a valuable  ransom  for  them.  Mr.  Williams 
proceeds:  “ God  made  the  heathen  so  to  pity  our  children,  that  though  they 
had  several  wounded  persons  of  their  own  to  carry  upon  their  shoulders, 
for  30  miles  before  they  came  to  the  river,  [the  Connecticut  30  miles  above 
Deerfield,]  yet  they  carried  our  children,  uncapable  of  traveling,  in  their 
arms,  and  upon  their  shouldiers.” 

At  the  first  encampment  some  of  the  Indians  got  drunk  with  liquor  they 
found  at  Deerfield,  and  in  their  rage  killed  Mr.  Williams's  negro  man,  and 
caused  the  escape  of  a Mr.  Alexander.  In  the  morning  Mr.  Williams  was 
ordered  before  the  commander-in-chief,  (he  considering  him  the  principal  of 
the  captives,)  and  ordered  to  inform  the  other  captives,  that  if  any  more  at- 
tempted to  escape,  the  rest  should  be  put  to  death.  In  the  second  day’s  march 
occurred  the  death  of  Mrs.  Williams , the  affecting  account  of  which  we  will  give 
nearly  in  the  language  of  her  husband.  At  the  upper  part  of  Deerfield 
meadow  it  became  necessary  to  cross  Green  River.  The  Indian  that  cap- 
tured Mr.  Williams  was  unwilling  that  he  should  speak  to  the  other  captives  ; 
but  on  the  morning  of  the  second  day,  that  Indian  captain  being  appointed 
to  command  in  the  rear,  he  had  another  master  put  over  him,  who  not  only 
allowed  him  to  speak  to  others,  but  to  walk  with  his  wife,  and  assist  her  along. 
This  was  their  last  meeting,  and  she  very  calmly  told  him  that  her  strength 
was  failing  fast,  and  that  he  would  soon  lose  her.  She  spoke  no  discoura- 


* See  Col.  Hoyt’s  Ant.  Resear,  which,  we  arc  glad  to  observe,  is  the  best  volume  of  New 
England  Indian  wars  that  has  yet  appeared. 


DESTRUCTION  OF  DEERFIELD. 


143 


Chap.  XI.] 

ging  words,  or  complained  of  the  hardness  of  her  fortune.  The  company 
soon  came  to  a halt,  and  Mr.  Williams's  old  master  resumed  his  former 
station,  and  ordered  him  into  the  van,  and  his  wife  was  obliged  to  travel 
unaided.  They  had  now  arrived  at  Green  River,  as  we  have  related.  This 
they  passed  by  wading,  although  the  current  was  very  rapid,  (which  was  the 
cause,  no  doubt,  of  its  not  being  frozen  over,)  and  about  two  feet  in  depth. 
After  passing  this  river,  they  had  to  ascend  a steep  mountain.  “No sooner,” 
says  Mr.  Williams,  “ had  I overcome  the  difficulty  of  that  ascent,  but  I was 
permitted  to  sit  down,  and  be  unburthened  of  my  pack.  I sat  pitying  those 
who  were  behind,  and  intreated  my  master  to  let  me  go  down  and  help  my 
wife ; but  he  refused.  I asked  each  of  the  prisoners,  as  they  passed  by  me, 
after  her,  and  heard,  that  passing  through  the  above  said  river,  she  fell  down 
and  was  plunged  all  over  in  the  water ; after  which  she  travelled  not  far, 
for  at  the  foot  of  that  mountain,  the  cruel  and  bloodthirsty  savage  who  took 
her  slew  her  with  his  hatchet  at  one  stroke.”  The  historians  have  left  us  no 
record  of  the  character  of  this  lady,  but  from  the  account  left  us  by  her 
husband,  she  was  a most  amiable  companion.  She  was  the  only  daughter  of 
Reverend  Eleazer  Mather,  minister  of  Northampton,  by  his  wife  Esther, 
daughter  of  Reverend  John  Warham,  who  came  from  England  in  1630. 

The  second  night  was  spent  at  an  encampment  in  the  northerly  part  of 
what  is  now  Bernardstown,  and  in  the  course  of  the  preceding  day  a young 
woman  and  child  were  killed  and  scalped.  «At  this  camp  a council  was  held 
upon  the  propriety  of  putting  Mr.  Williams  to  death,  but  his  master  prevailed 
on  the  rest  to  save  his  life  ; for  the  reason,  no  doubt,  that  he  should  receive 
a high  price  for  his  ransom.  The  fourth  day  brought  them  to  Connecticut 
River,  about  30  miles  above  Deerfield.  Here  the  wounded,  children  and  bag- 
gage were  put  into  a kind  of  sleigh,  and  passed  with  facility  upon  the  river. 
Every  day  ended  the  suffering  and  captivity  of  one  or  more  of  the  prisoners. 
The  case  of  a young  woman  named  Mary  Brooks,  was  one  to  excite  excess- 
ive pity,  and  it  is  believed,  that  had  the  Indians  been  the  sole  directors  of  the 
captivts,  such  cases  could  hardly  have  occurred.  This  young  woman,  being 
enceinte,  and  walking  upon  the  ice  in  the  river,  often  fell  down  upon  it, 
probably  with  a burthen  upon  her;  which  caused  premature  labor  the  fol- 
lowing night.  Being  now  unfitted  for  the  journey,  her  master  deliberately 
told  her  she  must  be  put  to  death.  With  great  composure  she  got  liberty  of 
him  to  go  and  take  leave  of  her  minister.  She  told  him  she  was  not  afraid  of 
death,  and  after  some  consoling  conversation,  she  returned  and  was  executed! 
This  was  March  78. 

At  the  mouth  of  a river  since  known  as  Williams's  River,  upon  a Sunday,  the 
captives  were  permitted  to  assemble  around  their  minister,  and  he  preached  a 
sermon  to  them  from  Lam.  i.  18.  At  the  mouth  of  White  River  Rouville  divided 
his  force  into  several  parties,  and  they  took  different  routes  to  the  St.  Lawrence. 

In  a few  instances  the  captives  were  purchased  of  the  Indians,  by  the 
French,  and  the  others  were  at  the  different  lodges  of  the  Indians. 

During  his  captivity,  Mr.  Williams  visited  various  places  on  the  St.  Law- 
rence. At  Montreal  he  was  humanely  treated  by  Governor  Vaudreuil.  In 
his  interviews  with  the  French  Jesuits  he  uniformly  found  them  using  every 
endeavor  to  convert  him  and  others  to  their  religion.  However,  most  of  the 
captives  remained  steady  in  the  Protestant  faith.  And  in  1706,  fifty-seven 
of  them  were  by  a flag-ship  conveyed  to  Boston.  A considerable  number 
remained  in  Canada,  and  never  returned,  among  whom  was  Eunice  Williams , 
daughter  of  the  minister.  She  became  a firm  catholic,  married  an  Indian, 
by  whom  she  had  several  children,  and  spent  her  days  in  a wigwam.  She 
visited  Deerfield  with  her  Indian  husband,  dressed  in  Indian  style,  and  was 
kindly  received  by  her  friends.  All  attempts  to  regain  her  were  ineffectual. 
Reverend  Eleazer  Williams,  late  a missionary  to  the  Greenbay  Indians,  is  a 
descendant.  He  was  educated  by  the  friends  of  missions  in  New  England. 

In  the  History  of  Canada  by  Charlevoix,  the  incursions  undertaken  by  the 
French  and  Indians  are  generally  minutely  recorded ; but  this  against  Deer- 
field he  has  unaccountably  summed  up  in  a dozen  lines  of  his  work.  The 
following  is  the  whole  passage : 

In  the  end  of  autumn,  1703,  the  English,  despairing  of  securing  the  In- 


144 


DESTRUCTION  OF  DEERFIELD. 


[Book  III. 


dians,  made  several  excursions  into  their  country,  and  massacred  all  such  as 
they  could  surprise.  Upon  this,  the  chiefs  demanded  aid  of  M.  de  Vaudreuil , 
and  he  sent  them  during  the  winter  250  men  under  the  command  of  the 
Sieur  Hertel  de  Rouville,  a reformed  lieutenant,  who  took  the  place  of  his 
already  renowned  father,  whose  age  and  infirmities  prevented  his  under- 
taking such  great  expeditions.  Four  others  of  his  children  accompanied 
Rouville , who  in  their  tour  surprised  the  English,  killed  many  of  them,  and 
made  140  of  them  prisoners.  The  French  lost  but  three  soldiers,  and  some 
savages,  but  Rouville  was  himself  wounded.  * 


* Histoire  Generate  de  la  Nouv.  France,  ii.  290. 


END  OP  BOOK  THIRD. 


Manner  of  Carrying  Game. 


A Hunter  returning  to  his  family. 


BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY 

i 

OF  THE 

INDIANS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 


BOOK  IV. 


. 

, 


' 


- 


3 


BOOK  IV. 

BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY  OF  THE  SOUTHERN 

INDIANS. 


“ I will  go  to  my  tent,  and  lie  down  in  despair ; 

I will  paint  me  with  black,  and  >yill  sever  my  hair  ; 

I will  sit  on  the  shore  where  the  hurricane  blows, 

And  reveal  to  the  God  of  the  tempest  my  woes ; 

I will  weep  for  a season,  on  bitterness  fed, 

For  my  kindred  are  gone  to  the  mounds  of  the  dead  ; 

But  they  died  not  by  hunger,  or  wasting  decay : 

The  steel  of  the  white  man  hath  swept  them  away.” 

Anonymous. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Preliminary  observations  respecting  the  country  of  the  southern  Indians — Wingina, 
the  first  Virginia  chief  known  to  the  English — Destroys  the  first  colony  settled 
there — Menatonon — Seiko — Ensenore — Second  colony  abandons  the  country — 
Tobacco  first  carried  to  England  by  them — Curious  account  of  prejudices  against  it 
— Granganemeo — His  kindnesses — His  family — His  death — Powhatan — Boun- 
daries of  his  country — Surprises  the  Payankatanks — Captain  Smith  fights  his  people 
— Opekankanough  takes  Smith  prisoner — The  particulars  of  that  affair — He  marches 
him  about  the  country — Takes  him , at  length , to  Powhatan , who  condemns  him  to  be 
put  to  death — Smith’s  life  saved  at  the  intercession  of  Pocahontas — Insolence  of 
Poichatan  increased  by  Newport' s folly — Smith  brings  him  to  terms — A crown  sent 
over  to  him  from  England — Is  crowned  emperor — Speech — Uses  every  stratagem  to 
kill  Smith — Is  baffled  in  every  attempt — Smith  visits  him — Speeches — Pocahontas 
again  saves  Smith  and  his  comrades  from  being  murdered  by  her  father — 
Tomocomo. 

The  difficulty  of  rightly  partitioning  between  the  southern  nations  and  the 
Iroquois,  or  Five  Nations,  can  easily  be  seen  by  all  such  as  have  but  very 
partially  taken  a survey  of  them,  and  considered  their  wandering  habits. 
Therefore,  should  we,  in  this  book,  not  always  assign  a sachem  to  his  original 
family  or  nation,  we  can  only  plead  in  excuse,  that  we  have  gone  according 
to  our  best  information.  But  we  have  endeavored  to  draw  a kind  of  natural 
boundary  between  the  above-mentioned  nations,  distinguishing  those  people 
beyond  the  Chesapeake  and  some  of  its  tributaries,  as  the  southern  Indians, 
and  those  between  that  boundary  and  the  Hudson,  by  the  name  Iroquois. 
To  their  respective  territories  inland,  we  shall  not,  nor  is  it  necessary  to,  fix 
bounds,  in  our  present  business.  We  are  aware  that  some  writers  suppose 
that  all  the  Indians,  from  the  Mississippi  to  the  vicinity  of  the  Hudson,  and 
even  to  the  Connecticut,  were  originally  of  the  same  stock.  If  this  were  the 
case,  the  period  is  so  remote  when  they  spread  themselves  over  the  country, 
that  these  great  natural  divisions  had  long  since  caused  quite  a diffe/ence  in 
the  inhabitants  which  they  separated;  and  hence  the  propriety  of  noticing 
them  according  to  our  plan. 


4 


WING  IN  A — SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA. 


[Book  IV. 


It  is  said  that  the  territory  from  the  sea-coast  to  the  River  Alleghany,  and 
from  the  most  southern  waters  of  James  River  up  to  Patuxent,  in  the  state 
of  Maryland,  was  inhabited  by  three  different  nations,  and  that  the  language 
of  each  differed  essentially  from  the  others.  The  English  called  these 
nations  by  the  names  Powhatans,  Manahoacs , and  Monacans ; these  were  the 
Tuscaroras.  The  Powhatans  were  the  most  powerful,  and  consisted  of 
several  tribes,  or  communities,  who  possessed  the  country  from  the  sea-coast 
to  the  falls  of  the  rivers.* 

To  give  a tolerable  catalogue  of  the  names  of  the  various  nations  of 
Virginia,  the  Carol inas,  and  thence  to  the  Mississippi,  would  far  exceed  our 
plan.  We  shall,  therefore,  pass  to  notice  the  chiefs  of  such  of  those  nations 
as  are  distinguished  in  history,  pointing  out,  by  the  way,  their  localities,  and 
whatever  shall  appear  necessary  in  way  of  elucidation,  as  we  pass,  and  as  we 
have  done  in  the  preceding  books. 

Wingina  was  first  known  to  the  English  voyagers  Amidas  and  Barlotc , 
who  landed  in  Virginia  in  the  summer  of  1584,  upon  an  island  called,  by  the 
Indians,  Wokokon.  They  saw  none  of  the  natives  until  the  third  day,  when 
three  were  observed  in  a canoe.  One  of  them  got  on  shore,  and  the  English 
went  to  him.  He  showed  no  signs  of  fear,  “but  spoke  much  to  them,”  then 
went  boldly  on  board  the  vessels.  After  they  had  given  him  a shirt,  hat, 
wine,  and  some  meat,  “he  went  away,  and  in  half  an  hour  he  had  loaded  his 
canoe  with  fish,”  which  he  immediately  brought,  and  gave  to  the  English. 

Wingina , at  this  time,  was  confined  to  his  cabin  from  wounds  he  had  lately 
received  in  battle,  probably  in  his  war  with  Piamacum,  a desperate  and  bloody 
chief. 

Upon  the  death  of  Granganemeo , in  1585,  Wingina  changed  his  name  to 
Pemissapan.  He  never  had  much  faith  in  the  good  intentions  of  the  English, 
and  to  him  was  mainly  attributed  the  breaking  up  of  the  first  colony  which 
settled  in  Virginia. 

It  was  upon  the  return  to  England  of  the  Captains  Amidas  and  Barlow, 
from  the  country  of  Wingina,  that  Queen  Elizabeth , from  the  wonderful 
accounts  of  that  fruitful  and  delightful  place,  named  it,  out  of  respect  to 
herself,  Virginia;  she  being  called  the  virgin  queen,  from  her  living  unmar- 
ried. But,  with  more  honor  to  her,  some  have  said,  “Because  it  still  seemed 
to  retain  the  virgin  purity  and  plenty  of  the  first  creation,  and  the  people 
their  primitive  innocency  of  life  and  manners.”!  Waller  referred  to  this 
country  when  he  wrote  this : — 

“ So  sweet  the  air,  so  moderate  the  clime, 

None  sickly  lives,  or  dies  before  his  time. 

Heav'n  sure  has  kept  this  spot  of  earth  uncurst, 

To  show  how  all  things  were  created  first.” 

Sir  Richard  Greenvil , stimulated  by  the  love  of  gain,  next  intruded  himself 
upon  the  shores  of  Wingina.  It  was  he  who  committed  the  first  outrage 
upon  the  natives,  which  occasioned  the  breaking  up  of  the  colony  which  he 
left  behind  him.  He  made  but  one  short  excursion  into  the  country,  during 
which,  by  foolishly  exposing  his  commodities,  some  native  took  from  him  a 
silver  cup,  to  revenge  the  loss  of  which,  a town  was  burned.  He  left  108 
men,  who  seated  themselves  upon  the  island  of  Roanoke.  Ralph  Lane,  a 
military  character  of  note,  was  governor,  and  Captain  Philip  Amidas,  lieutenant- 
governor  of  this  colony.  They  made  various  excursions  about  the  country, 
in  hopes  of  discovering  mines  of  precious  metals;  in  which  they  were  a long 
time  duped  by  the  Indians,  for  their  ill  conduct  towards  them,  in  compelling 
them  to  pilot  them  about.  Wingina  bore,  as  well  as  he  could,  the  provoca- 
tions of  the  intruders,  until  the  death  of  the  old  chief  Ensenore,  his  father. 
Under  pretence  of  honoring  his  funeral,  he  assembled  1800  of  his  people, 
with  the  intention,  as  the  English  say,  of  destroying  them.  They,  therefore, 
upon  the  information  of  Skiko,  son  of  the  chief  Menatonon,  \ fell  upon  them, 
and,  after  killing  five  or  six,  the  rest  made  their  escape  into  the  woods.  This 

* From  a communication  of  Secretary  Thompson  to  Mr.  Jefferson , and  appended  to  the 
Notes  on  Virginia,  ed.  of  1801. 

t Stith , 11.  1 Smith  calls  him  the  “ lame  king  of  Moratoc.’ 


Chap.  I.]  WIN  GINA.— DEATH  OF  ENSENORE.  5 

was  done  upon  the  island  where  Wingina  lived,  and  the  English  first  seized 
upon  the  boats  of  his  visitants,  to  prevent  their  escape  from  the  island,  with 
the  intention,  no  doubt,  of  murdering  them  all.  Not  long  after,  “ Wingina 
was  entrapped  by  the  English,  and  slain,  with  eight  of  his  chief  men.” 

Meivatonon  was  king  of  the  Chawonocks,  and  Okisko  of  the  Weopo- 
meokes,  “a  powerful  nation,  possessing  all  that  country  from  Albemarle 
Sound  and  Chowan  River,  quite  to  the  Chesapeakes  and  our  bay.”  * At  this 
time,  Menatonon  was  lame,  and  is  mentioned  as  the  most  sensible  and  under- 
standing Indian  with  whom  the  English  were  at  first  acquainted.  It  was  he 
that  made  Lane  and  his  followers  believe  in  the  existence  of  the  mine  already 
mentioned.  “ So  eager  were  they,”  says  Mr.  Slith , “ and  resolutely  bent  upon 
this  golden  discovery,  that  they  could  not  be  persuaded  to  return,  as  long  as 
they  had  one  pint  of  com  a man  left,  and  two  mastiff  dogs,  which,  being- 
boiled  with  sassafras  leaves,  might  afford  them  some  sustenance  in  their  way 
back.”  After  great  sufferings,  they  arrived  upon  the  coast  again. 

The  reason  why  Menatonon  deceived  the  English,  was  because  they  made 
him  a prisoner  for  the  purpose  of  assisting  them  in  making  discoveries. 
After  he  was  set  at  liberty,  he  was  very  kind  to  them.  Two  years  after, 
when  Governor  White  was  in  the  country,  they  mention  his  wife  and  child  as 
belonging  to  Croatan,  but  nothing  of  him. 

White  and  his  company  landed  at  Roanoke,  22  July,  1587,  and  sent  20  men 
to  Croatan,  on  Point  Lookout,  with  a friendly  native  called  Manteo,  to  see 
if  any  intelligence  could  be  had  of  a former  colony  of  50  men  left  there  by 
Sir  Richard  Greenvil.  They  learned,  from  some  natives  whom  they  met,  that 
the  people  of  Dassamonpeak,  on  what  is  now  Alligator  River,  had  attacked 
them,  killed  one,  and  driven  the  others  away,  but  whither  they  had  gone 
none  could  tell.  One  of  their  present  company,  a principal  man  of  their 
government,  had  also  been  killed  by  the  same  Indians.  This  tribe  and 
several  others  had  agreed  to  come  to  Roanoke,  and  submit  themselves  to  the 
English  ; but  not  coming  according  to  appointment,  gave  the  English  an 
opportunity  to  take  revenge  for  former  injuries.  Therefore,  Captain  Stafford 
and  24  men,  with  Manteo  as  a guide,  set  out  upon  that  business.  On  coming 
to  their  village,  “ where  seeing  them  sit  by  the  fire,  we  assaulted  them.  The 
miserable  soules  amazed,  fled  into  the  reeds,  where  one  was  shot  through, 
and  we  thought  to  have  been  fully  revenged,  but  we  were  deceived,  for  they 
were  our  friends  come  from  Croatan  to  gather  their  corn  ! ” “ Being  thus 

disappointed  of  our  purpose,  we  gathered  the  fruit  we  found  ripe,  left  the 
rest  unspoiled,  and  took  Menatonon , his  wife  with  her  child,  and  the  rest  with 
us  to  Roanoak.”  f But  to  return  to  Wingina. 

While  the  English  were  upon  the  errand  we  have  been  speaking  of,  Win- 
gina pretended  to  be  their  friend,  but  deceived  them  on  every  opportunity, 
by  giving  notice  to  his  countrymen  of  their  course  and  purpose,  and  urging 
them  to  cut  them  off.  He  thought,  at  one  time,  that  the  English  were 
destroyed,  and  thereupon  scoffed  and  mocked  at  Such  a God  as  theirs,  who 
would  suffer  it.  This  caused  his  son  Ensenore  to  join  their  enemies,  but  on 
their  return  he  was  their  friend  again.  He,  and  many  of  his  people,  now 
believed,  say  the  voyagers,  that  “ we  could  do  them  more  hurt  being  dead, 
than  lilting,  and  that,  being  an  hundred  myles  from  them,  shot,  and  struck 
them  sick  to  death,  and  that  when  we  die  it  is  but  for  a time,  then  we  return 
again.”  Many  of  the  chiefs  now  came  and  submitted  themselves  to  the  Eng- 
lish, and,  among  others,  Ensenore  persuaded  his  father  to  become  their  friend, 
who,  when  they  were  in  great  straits  for  provisions,  came  and  planted  their 
fields,  and  made  wears  in  the  streams  to  catch  fish,  which  were  of  infinite 
benefit  to  them.  This  was  in  the  spring  of  15S6,  and,  says  Lane , “ we  not 
having  one  corn  till  the  next  harvest  to  sustain  us.”  What  added  greatly  to 
their  distresses,  was  the  death  of  their  excellent  friend  Ensenore , who  died 
20th  of  April  following.  The  Indians  began  anew  their  conspiracies,  and  the 
colony  availed  themselves  of  the  first  opportunity  of  returning  to  England, 


* Stith’s  Virginia,  14.  By  “our  bay  ” is  meant  James  River  Baij. 
f Smith's  Hist.  Virginia. 

1 * 


GRANGANEMEO.— HIS  KINDNESS  TO  THE  ENGLISH.  [Book  IV, 


whifch  was  in  the  fleet  of  Sir  Francis  Drake, , which  touched  there  in  its  way 
from  an  expedition  against  the  Spaniards  in  the  West  Indies.* 

The  conduct  o i'  Lane  and  his  company  in  this  fruitless  attempt  to  establish 
themselves  in  Virginia,  was,  in  the  highest  degree,  reprehensible.  They  put 
to  death  some  of  the  natives  on  the  most  frivolous  charges,  and  no  wonder 
they  were  driven  out  of  the  country,  as  they  ought  to  have  been.f  While 
they  were  there,  they  became  acquainted  with  the  use  of  tobacco , and,  taking 
it  to  England,  its  introduction  into  general  use  soon  rendered  it  a great  article 
of  commerce.  And  here  it  will  not  be  improper  to  notice  how  many  different 
persons  have  had  the  credit,  or,  perhaps,  I should  say  discredit , of  introducing 
this  “ Indian  weed”  into  England  ; as,  Sir  Francis  Drake , Sir  Walter  Ralegh , 
Ralph  Lane , and  some  others.  Now,  as  some  writer  observes,  the  reader  may 
father  it  upon  whom  he  pleases,  as  it  is  evident  Sir  Francis  Drake  took  Ralph 
Lane  and  tobacco  both  together  into  England  ; and  no  one  will  dispute  the 
agency  of  the  gallant  knight,  Sir  Walter  Ralegh,  for  he  sent  out  Lane  in  his 
employ.  Mr.  John  Josselyn , in  his  “Two  Voyages  to  N.  England,”  has  this 
passage : “ Others  will  have  tobacco  to  be  first  brought  into  England  from 

Peru,  by  Sir  Francis  Drake's  mariners.” 

There ’were  many  who  affected  a violent  disgust  towards  the  use  of  tobac- 
co ; the  most  conspicuous  was  King  James,  whose  mind  seems  to  have  been 
just  weak  enough  to  fight  windmills.  He  even  wrote  a book  denouncing  its 
use  in  the  severest  terms  he  could  command.  It  grew  spontaneously  in  Win- 
gandacoa,  (Virginia,)  and  the  natives  called  it  Uppowoc.  It  is  generally  sup- 
posed to  be  called  tobacco  from  the  island  Tobago , but  this  derivation  is  much 
questioned. } 

Gra.nganemeo  was  a chief  very  favorably  spoken  of.  As  soon  as  the  arrival 
of  the  English  was  made  known  to  him,  he  visited  them  with  about  40  of  his 
men,  who  were  very  civil,  and  of  a remarkably  robust  and  fine  appearance. 
When  they  had  left  their  boat,  and  came  upon  the  shore  near  the  ship, 
Granganemeo  spread  a mat  and  sat  down  upon  it.  The  English  went  to  him 
armed,  but  he  discovered  no  fear,  and  invited  them  to  sit  down  ; after  which 
he  performed  some  tokens  of  friendship  ; then  making  a speech  to  them,  they 
presented  him  with  some  toys.  None  but  four  of  his  people  spoke  a word, 
or  sat  down,  but  maintained  the  most  perfect  silence.  On  being  showrn  a 
pewter  dish,  he  was  much  pleased  with  it,  and  purchased  it  with  20  deer- 
skins, which  were  worth,  in  England,  one  hundred  shillings  sterling! ! The 
dish  he  used  as  an  ornament,  making  a hole  through  it,  and  wearing  it  about 
his  neck.  While  here,  the  English  entertained  him,  with  his  wife  and 
children,  on  board  their  ship.  His  wife  had  in  her  ears  bracelets  of  pearl, 
which  reached  to  her  middle.  Shortly  after,  many  of  the  people  came  out  of 
the  country  to  trade,  “ but  when  Granganemeo  was  present,  none  durst  trade 
but  himself,  and  them  that  wore  red  copper  on  their  heads  as  he  did.”  He 
was  remarkably  exact  in  keeping  his  promise,  “for  oft  we  trusted  him,  and 
he  would  come  within  his  day  to  keep  his  word.”  And  these  voyagers  further 
report,  that  “commonly  he  sent  them  every  day  a brace  of  bucks,  conies, 
hares,  and  fish,  and  sometimes  melons,  walnuts,  cucumbers,  pease,  and  divers 
roots.” 

In  their  wanderings,  Captain  Jlmidas  and  seven  others  visited  the  island  of 
Roanoake,  where  they  found  the  family  of  Granganemeo  living  in  great  com- 
fort and  plenty,  in  a little  town  of  nine  houses.  The  chief  wras  not  at  home, 
“ but  his  wife  entertained  them  with  wonderful  courtesy  and  kindness.  She 
made  some  of  her  people  draw  their  boat  up,  to  prevent  its  being  injured  by 
the  beating  of  the  surge ; some  she  ordered  to  bring  them  ashore  on  their 
backs,  and  others  to  carry  their  oars  to  the  house,  for  fear  of  being  stole. 
When  they  came  into  the  house,  she  took  off'  their  cloathes  and  stockings, 
and  washed  them,  as  likewise  their  feet  in  warm  wrater.  When  their  dinner 
was  ready,  they  were  conducted  into  an  inner  room,  (for  there  were  five  in 


* Relation  of  Lane,  printed  in  Smith’s  Virginia, 
t Herriot’s  Observations,  (one  of  Lane’s  company,)  printed  in  Smith. 
} Stith’s  Hist.  Virginia,  19. — See  Book  ii.  Chap.  ii. 


DEATH  OF  MANTEO.— POWHATAN. 


7 


€hap.  I.) 


the  house,  divided  by  mats,)  where  they  found  hominy,* * * §  boiled  venison,  and 
roasted  fish ; and,  as  a desert,  melons,  boiled  roots,  and  fruits  of  various  sorts. 
While  they  were  at  meat,  two  or  three  of  her  men  came  in  with  their  bows 
and  arrows,  which  made  the  English  take  to  their  arms.  But  she,  perceiving 
their  distrust,  ordered  their  bows  and  arrows  to  be  broken,  and  themselves  to 
be  beaten  out  of  the  gate.  In  the  evening,  the  English  returned  to  their  boat ; 
and,  putting  a little  off  from  shore,  lay  at  anchor  ; at  which  she  was  much 
concerned,  and  brought  their  supper,  half  boiled,  pots  and  all  to  the  shore ; 
and,  seeing  their  jealousy,  she  ordered  several  men,  and  30  women,  to  sit  all 
night  upon  the  shore,  as  a guard ; and  sent  five  mats  to  cover  them  from  the 
weather.”  f Well  hath  the  poet  demanded,  “ Call  ye  them  savage  ? ” If  the 
wife  of  Granganemeo  was  savage,  in  the  common  acceptation  of  the  term, 
where  shall  we  look  for  civilization  ? 

Sir  R.  Greenvil , having  arrived  on  the  coast  in  1585,  anchored  off  the  island 
Wokokon,  26  May,  and,  by  means  of  Manteo , had  some  intercourse  with  the 
inhabitants.  At  Hatteras,  where  they  staid  a short  time,  soon  after,  Gran- 
ganemeo, with  Manteo , went  on  board  their  ships.  This  was  the  last  visit  he 
made  to  the  English,  for  he  died  very  soon  after. 

This  must  close  our  account  of  the  excellent  family  of  Granganemeo , and 
would  that  the  account  of  the  English  would  balance  as  well, — but  they  exhibit 
their  own, — and  one  item  more  lrom  it,  and  we  close  the  comparison.  For  a 
small  kettle  they  took  50  skins,  worth  in  England  £12  10s.  sterling.^ 
We  have  now  arrived  at  the  most  interesting  article  in  Virginia  history. 
Powhatan  was,  of  all  the  chiefs  of  his  age,  the  most  famous  in  the  regions 
of  Virginia.  The  English  supposed,  at  first,  that  his  was  the  name  of  the 
country;  a common  error,  as  we  have  seen  in  several  cases  in  the  previous 
books  of  our  biography,  but,  in  this  case,  unlike  the  others,  the  error  pre- 
vailed, and  a part  of  his  people,  ever  after  the  settlement  of  the  English,  were 
called  the  Powhatans.  A great  river,  since  called  the  James , and  a bay  re- 
ceived his  name  also.  § He  had  three  brothers,  Opitchepan , Opekankanough , 
and  Catatanugh , and  two  sisters.  His  principal  residence  was  at  a place 
called  Werowocomoco,  when  the  English  came  into  the  country ; which  was 
upon  the  north  side  of  what  is  now  York  River,  in  the  county  of  Gloucester, 
nearly  opposite  the  mouth  of  Queen’s  Creek,  and  about  25  miles  below  the 
fork  of  the  river.  ||  He  lived  here  until  the  English  began  to  intrude  them- 
selves into  his  vicinity,  when  he  took  up  his  residence  at  Orakakes. 

Powhatan  was  not  his  Indian  name,  or  rather  original  name;  that  was 
WahunsonacocL  He  is  described  as  tall  and  well-proportioned — bearing  an 
aspect  of  sadness — exceedingly  vigorous,  and  possessing  a body  capable  of 
sustaining  great  hardships.  He  was,  in  1607,  about  60  years  of  age,  and  his 
hair  was  considerably  gray,  which  gave  him  a majestic  appearance.  At  his 
residence,  he  had  a kind  of  wooden  form  to  sit  upon,  and  his  ornamental 
robe  was  of  raccoon  skins,  and  his  head-dress  was  composed  of  many  feath- 
ers w'rought  into  a kind  of  crown.  He  swayed  many  nations  upon  the  great 
rivers  and  bays,  the  chief  of  whom  he  had  conquered.  He  originally  claimed 
only  the  places  called  Powhatan,  (since  named  Haddihaddocks,)  Arrohattock, 
(now  Appomattox,)  Youghtanund,  Pamunky,  Mattapony,  Werowocomoco, 
and  Kiskiak ; at  which  time,  his  chief  seat  was  at  Powhatan,  near  the  falls  of 
James  River.  But  when  he  had  extended  his  conquests  a great  way  north, 
he  removed  to  Werowocomoco,  as  a more  commodious  situation. 

At  the  termination  of  his  warlike  career,  the  country  upon  James  River, 
from  its  mouth  to  the  falls,  and  all  its  branches,  was  the  boundary  of  his 
country,  southerly — and  so  across  the  country,  “ nearly  as  high  as  the  falls  of 
all  the  great  rivers,  over  Potowmack,  even  to  Patuxent,  in  Maryland,”  and 


* “ A food  made  of  Indian  corn,  or  maize,  beaten  and  carefully  husked,  something  like 

furmety  in  England ; and  is  an  excellent  dish  various  ways.” 

f Stith’s  Hist.  Virginia,  10,  11.  t Smith’s  Hist.  Virginia. 

§ These,  according  to  Heckewelder,  Philos.  Trans.  31,  should  have  been  called  Powfiathan, 
u which  would  signify  the  river  of  progeny,  fruitfulness,  the  fruitful  river.” 

||  About  two  miles  below  where  Richmond  now  stands.  The  farm  of  a gentleman  of  the 
name  of  Mayo  included  the  site  of  a part  of  his  town,  in  1813. — Campbell’s  Virginia. 


8 


POWHATAN.— SURPRISES  PAYANKATANK. 


[Book  IV, 


some  of  the  nations  on  the  north  shore  of  the  Chesapeake.  His  dominions, 
according  to  his  law  of  succession,  did  not  fall  to  his  children,  but  to  his 
brothers,  and  then  to  his  sisters,  (the  oldest  first,)  thence  to  the  heirs  of  the 
oldest ; but  never  to  the  heirs  of  the  males. 

He  usually  kept  a guard  of  40  or  50  of  the  most  resolute  and  well-formed 
men  about  him,  especially  when  he  slept;  but,  after  the  English  came  into  his 
country,  he  increased  them  to  about  200.  He  had  as  many,  and  such  women 
as  he  pleased  ; and,  when  he  slept,  one  sat  at  his  head  and  another  at  his  feet. 
When  he  was  tired  of  any  of  his  wives,  he  bestowed  them  upon  such  of  his 
men  as  most  pleased  him.  Like  the  New  England  chiefs,  he  had  many  places 
where  he  passed  certain  seasons  of  the  year ; at  some  of  which  he  had  very 
spacious  wigwams,  30  or  40  yards  in  extent,  where  he  had  victuals  provided 
against  his  coming. 

In  1608,  he  surprised  the  people  of  Payankatank,  who  were  his  neighbors 
and  subjects.  Captain  Smith,  in  the  account,  “ writ  ivith  his  own  hand,''  says, 
“ the  occasion  was  to  vs  vnknowne,  but  the  manner  was  thus.”  He  sent  sev- 
eral of  his  men  to  lodge  with  them  the  night  on  which  he  meant  to  fall  upon 
them ; then,  secretly  surrounding  them  in  their  wigwams,  commenced  a horrid 
slaughter.  They  killed  24  men,  took  off  their  scalps,  and,  with  the  women 
and  children  prisoners,  returned  to  the  sachem’s  village.  The  scalps  they 
exhibited  upon  a line  between  two  trees,  as  a trophy,  and  the  icerowance  (their 
name  of  a chief)  and  his  wife  Powhatan  made  his  servants. 

Up  to  the  year  1607,  every  attempt  to  settle  a colony  in  Virginia  had  failed ; 
and,  at  this  time,  would  have  failed  also,  but  for  the  unexampled  perseverance 
of  one  man.  I need  but  pronounce  the  name  of  Captain  John  Smith.  The 
colony  with  which  he  came  did  not  arrive  until  the  planting  season  was  over; 
and,  in  a short  time,  they  found  themselves  in  a suffering  condition,  from  want 
of  suitable  provisions.  Smith , therefore,  undertook  to  gain  a supply  by  traffick- 
ing with  the  Indians  back  in  the  country,  who,  being  acquainted  with  his 
situation,  insulted  him  and  his  men  wherever  they  came ; offering  him  but  a 
handful  of  corn,  or  a piece  of  bread,  for  a gun  or  a sword.  “But  seeing  by 
trade  and  courtesie  there  was  nothing  to  be  had,  he  made  bold  to  try  such 
conclusions  as  necessitie  inforced,  though  contrary  to  his  commission.”  So 
he  fired  upon  them,  and  drove  them  into  the  woods.  He  then  marched 
to  their  village.  There  they  found  corn  in  abundance,  which,  after  some 
manoeuvring,  he  succeeded  in  trading  for,  and  returned  with  a supply  to 
Jamestown. 

Smith , soon  after,  proceeded  to  discover  the  source  of  the  Chikahamania. 
When  he  had  passed  up  as  far  as  it  was  navigable  for  his  barge,  he  left  it  in  a 
wide  place,  at  a safe  distance  from  the  shore,  and  ordered  his  men  not  to  go 
on  shore  on  any  condition.  Taking  two  of  his  own  men  and  two  Indians,  he 
proceeded  to  complete  his  discovery.  As  soon  as  he  was  gone,  his  men  went 
on  shore ; one  was  killed,  and  the  rest  hardly  escaped.  Smith  was  now  20 
miles  into  the  wilderness.  Opekankanough,  with  300  warriors,  having  learned, 
from  the  men  they  had  just  taken,  which  way  he  was  gone,  followed  after  him, 
and  came  upon  the  two  Englishmen  belonging  to  his  company,  and  killed 
them  both  while  asleep,  he  being  absent  to  shoot  some  fowls  for  provisions ; 
they  then  continued  their  pursuit  after  him.  He  was  not  far  from  his  canoe, 
and  endeavored  to  retreat  to  it,  but,  being  hard  pressed,  made  a shield  of  one 
of  his  Indians,  and,  in  this  manner,  fought  upon  the  retreat,  until  he  had  killed 
three,  and  wounded  divers  others.  Being  obliged  to  give  all  his  attention  to 
his  pursuers,  he  accidentally  fell  into  a creek,  where  the  mud  was  so  deep  that 
he  could  not  extricate  himself.  Even  now,  none  dared  to  lay  hands  upon  him  ; 
and  those  whom  their  own  numbers  forced  nearest  to  him,  were  observed  to 
tremble  with  fear.  The  Indian  he  had  bound  to  his  arm  with  his  garters, 
doubtless  saved  him  from  being  killed  by  their  arrows,  from  which,  owing  to 
his  Indian  shield,  he  received  but  very  little  hurt,  except  a wound  in  his 
thigh,  though  his  clothes  were  shot  full  of  them. 

When  he  could  stand  no  longer  in  the  mire,  without  perishing  with  cold, 
he  threw  away  his  arms,  and  suffered  them  to  come  and  take  him.  After 
pulling  him  out  of  the  mire,  they  took  him  to  the  place  where  his  men  had 
just  been  killed,  where  there  was  a fire.  They  now  showed  him  kindness, 


Chap.  I.] 


POWHATAN. — SMITH’S  CAPTIVITY. 


9 


rubbing  his  benumbed  limbs,  and  warming  him  by  the  fire.  He  asked  for 
their  chief,  and  Opekankanough  appeared,  to  whom  he  gave  a small  compass. 
This  amused  them  exceedingly.  “Much  they  marvelled  at  the  playing  of  the 
fly  and  needle,  which  they  could  see  so  plainly,  and  yet  not  touch  it,  because 
of  the  glass  that  covered  them.  But  when  he  demonstrated,  by  that  globe-like 
iewell,  the  roundnesse  of  the  earth,  and  skies,  the  spheare  of  the  sunne,  and 
moone,  and  starres,  and  how  the  sunne  did  chase  the  night  round  about  the 
world,  continually — the  greatnesse  of  the  land  and  sea,  the  diversity  of  the 
nations,  varietie  of  complexions,  and  how  we  were  to  them  antipodes,  and 
many  other  such  like  matters,  they  all  stood  as  amazed  with  admiration!” 
Yet,  notwithstanding  he  had  such  success  in  explaining  to  them  his  knowledge 
of  geography  and  astronomy,  (how  much  of  it  they  understood  we  will  not 
undertake  to  say,)  within  an  hour  after,  they  tied  him  to  a tree,  and  a multitude 
of  them  seemed  prepared  to  shoot  him.  But  when  their  bows  were  bent, 
Opekankanough  held  up  his  compass,  and  they  all  laid  down  their  weapons. 
They  now  led  him  to  Orapakas,  or  Orakakes,  a temporary  seat  of  Powhatan^ 
on  the  north  side  of  Chikahominy  swamp,  in  what  is  now  Gloucester  county 
on  York  river.*  Here  they  feasted  him,  and  treated  him  well. 

When  they  marched  him,  they  drew  themselves  up  in  a row,  with  their 
chief  in  the  midst,  before  whom  the  guns  and  swords  they  had  taken  from  the 
English  were  borne.  Smith  came  next,  led  by  three  great  men  hold  of  each 
arm,  and  on  each  side  six  more,  with  their  arrows  notched,  and  ready,  if  lte 
should  attempt  to  escape.  At  the  town,  they  danced  and  sung  about  him,  and 
then  put  him  into  a large  house,  or  wigwam.  Here  they  kept  him  so  well, 
that  he  thought  they  were  fatting  him  to  kill  and  eat.  They  took  him  to  a 
sick  man  to  cure  him  ; but  he  told  them  he  could  not,  unless  they  would  let 
him  go  to  Jamestown,  and  get  something  with  which  he  could  do  it.  This 
they  would  not  consent  to. 

The  taking  of  Jamestown  was  now  resolved  upon,  and  they  made  great 
preparations  for  it.  To  this  end,  they  endeavored  to  get  Smith's  assistance, 
by  making  large  promises  of  land  and  women  ; but  he  told  them  it  could  not 
be  done,  and  described  to  them  the  great  difficulty  of  the  undertaking  in  such 
a manner  that  they  were  greatly  terrified.  With  the  idea  of  procuring  some- 
thing curious,  Smith  prevailed  Upon  some  of  them  to  go  to  Jamestown  ; which 
journey  they  performed  in  the  most  severe  frosty  and  snowy  weather.  By 
this  means,  he  gave  the  people  there  to  understand  what  his  situation  was,  and 
what  was  intended  against  them,  by  sending  a leaf  from  his  pocket-book,  with 
a few  words  written  upon  it.  He  wrote,  also,  for  a few  articles  to  be  sent, 
which  were  duly  brought  by  the  messengers.  Nothing  had  caused  such 
astonishment  as  their  bringing  the  very  articles  Smith  had  promised  them. 
That  he  could  talk  to  his  friends,  at  so  great  a distance,  was  utterly  incompre- 
hensible to  them. 

Being  obliged  to  give  up  the  idea  of  destroying  Jamestown,  they  amused 
themselves  by  taking  their  captive  from  place  to  place,  in  great  pomp  and 
triumph,  and  showing  him  to  the  different  nations  of  the  dominions  of  Pow- 
hatan. They  took  him  to  Youghtannund,  since  called  Pamunkey  River , the 
country  over  which  Opekankanough  was  chief,  whose  principal  residence 
was  where  the  town  of  Pamunkey  since  was  ; thence  to  the  Mattaponies, 
Piankatatiks,  the  Nautaughtacunds,  on  Rappahanock,  the  Nominies,  on  the 
Patowmack  River  ; thence,  in  a circuitous  course,  through  several  other 
nations,  back  again  to  the  residence  of  Opekankanough.  Here  they  practised 
conjurations  upon  him  for  three  successive  days ; to  ascertain,  as  they  said, 
whether  he  intended  them  good  or  evil.  This  proves  they  viewed  him  as  a 
kind  of  god.  A bag  of  gunpowder  having  fallen  into  their  hands,  they  pre- 
served it  with  great  care,  thinking  it  to  be  a grain,  intending,  in  the  spring,  to 
plant  it,  as  they  did  com.  He  was  here  again  feasted,  and  none  could  eat 
until  he  had  done. 

Being  now  satisfied,  having  gone  through  all  the  manoeuvres  and  pranks 
with  him  they  could  think  of,  they  proceeded  to  Poivhatan.  “Here  more  than 
200  of  those  grim  courtiers  stood  wondering  at  him,  as  he  had  been  a monster, 


Bancroft’s  Hist.  U.  States,  i.  146. 


10 


POCAHONTAS  SAVES  THE  LIFE  OF  SMITH. 


[Book  IV. 


till  Powhatan  and  liis  trayne  had  put  themselves  in  their  greatest  braveries." 
He  was  seated  before  a fire,  upon  a seat  like  a bedstead,  having  on  a robe  of 
raccoon  skins,  “ and  all  the  tayles  hanging  by.”  On  each  side  of  him  sat  a 
young  woman  ; and  upon  each  side  of  the  house  two  rows  of  men,  and  with 
as  many  women  behind  them.  These  last  had  their  heads  and  shoulders 
painted  red — some  of  whose  heads  were  adorned  with  white  down  ; and  about 
their  necks  white  beads.  On  Smith's  being  brought  into  the  presence  of 
Powhatan , all  present  joined  in  a great  shout.  “The  queen  of  Apamatuck  was 
appointed  to  bring  him  water  to  wash  his  hands,  and  another  brought  him  a 
bunch  of  feathers,  instead  of  a towel,  to  dry  them.”  Then,  having  feasted  him 
again,  “after  their  best  barbarous  manner  they  could,  a long  consultation  was 
held,  but  the  conclusion  was,  two  great  stones  were  brought  before  Powhatan 
— then  as  many  as  could  Jay  hands  on  him,  dragged  him  to  them  and  thereon 
laid  his  head,  and  being  ready,  with  their  clubs,  to  beat  out  his  brains,  Poca- 
hontas, the  king’s  dearest  daughter,  when  no  entreaty  could  prevail,  got  his 
head  in  her  armes,  and  laid  her  own  upon  his,  to  save  him  from  death.” 

Powhatan  was  unable  to  resist  the  extraordinary  solicitations  and  sympathetic 
entreaties  of  his  kind-hearted  little  daughter,  and  thus  was  saved  the  life  of 
Captain  Smith ; a character,  who,  without  this  astonishing  deliverance,  was 
sufficiently  renowned  for  escapes  and  adventures. 

The  old  sachem,  having  set  the  sentence  of  death  aside,  made  up  his  mind 
to  employ  Smith  as  an  artisan  ; to  make,  for  himself,  robes,  shoes,  bows,  arrows, 
and  pots ; and,  for  Pocahontas , bells,  beads,  and  copper  trinkets.  Powhatan's 
son,  named  Nantaquaus,  was  very  friendly  to  Smithy  and  rendered  him  many 
important  services,  as  well  after  as  during  his  captivity. 

“ Two  days  after,  Powhatan,  having  disguised  himself  in  the  most  fearfullest 
manner  he  could,  caused  Captain  Smith  to  be  brought  forth  to  a great  house  in 
the  woods,  and  there,  upon  a mat  by  the  fire,  to  be  left  alone.  Not  long  after, 
from  behinde  a mat  that  divided  the  house,  was  made  the  most  dolefullest 
noyse  he  ever  heard  ; then  Powhatan,  more  like  a Devill  than  a man,  with 
some  200  more,  as  black  as  himselfe,  came  unto  him,  and  told  him,  now  they 
were  friends;  and  presently  he  should  go  to  Jamestowne,  to  send  him  two 
great  gunnes,  and  a gryndestone,  for  which  he  would  give  him  the  country  of 
Capahowosick  [Capahowsick],  and  forever  esteem  him  his  sonne,  Nantuquond. 
So  to  Jamestowne,  with  12  guides,  Powhatan  sent  him.  That  night  they 
quartered  in  the  woods,  he  still  expecting,  (as  he  had  done  all  this  long  time  of 
his  imprisonment,)  every  hour  to  be  put  to  one  death  or  another.”  Early  the 
next  morning,  they  came  to  the  fort  at  Jamestown.  Here  he  treated  his 
guides  with  the  greatest  attention  and  kindness,  and  offered  Rawhunt , in  a 
jesting  manner,  and  for  the  sake  of  a little  sport,  a huge  mill-stone,  and  two 
demi-culverins,  or  nine  pound  cannons,  to  take  to  Powhatan , his  master ; thus 
fulfilling  his  engagement  to  send  him  a grindstone  and  two  guns.  This 
Rawhunt  was  a sachem  under  Poivhatan,  and  one  of  his  most  faithful  captains, 
and  who,  it  seems,  accompanied  Smith  in  his  return  out  of  captivity. 

“ They  found  them  somewhat  too  heavie,  but  when  they  did  see  him  dis- 
charge them,  being  loaded  with  stones,  among  the  boughs  of  a great  tree 
loaded  with  isickles,  the  yce  and  branches  came  so  tumbling  down,  that  the 
poore  salvages  ran  away  half  dead  with  fear.  But,  at  last,  we  regained  some 
conference  with  them,  and  gave  them  such  toyes,  and  sent  to  Powhatan,  his 
women,  and  children,  such  presents,  and  gave  them  in  generall  full  content.”  * 

Powhatan  was  now  completely  in  the  English  interest,  and  almost  every 
other  day  sent  his  daughter,  Pocahontas,  with  victuals,  to  Jamestown,  of  which 
they  were  greatly  in  need.  Smith  had  told  Powhatan  that  a great  chief,  which 
was  .Captain  JYeicport,  would  arrive  from  England  about  that  time,  which 
coming  to  pass  as  he  had  said,  greatly  increased  his  admiration  of  the  wisdom 
of  the  English,  and  he  was  ready  to  do  as  they  desired  in  every  thing;  and, 
but  for  the  vanity  and  ostentation  of  JVewport,  matters  would  have  gone  on 
well,  and  trade  flourished  greatly  to  their  advantage.  But  he  lavished  so  many 
presents  upon  Powhatan,  that  he  was  in  no  way  inclined  to  trade,  and  soon 

* This  is  Captain  Smith’s  own  account,  which  I shall  follow  minutely;  adding  occasionally 
from  Stilh,  to  illustrate  the  geography  of  the  country. 


Chap.  I ] POWHATAN.-NEWPORT’S  FOLLY.  11 

began  to  show  his  haughtiness,  by  demanding  five  times  the  value  of  an  article, 
or  his  contempt  for  what  was  offered. 

By  Newport's  imprudence  and  folly,  what  had  cost  Smith  so  much  toil  and 
pains  to  achieve,  was  blown  away  by  a single  breath  of  vanity.  Nevertheless, 
his  great  mind,  continually  exercised  in  difficult  matters,  brought  the  subtle 
chief  again  to  his  own  terms.  Himself,  with  Newport,  and  about  20  others, 
went  to  Powhatan's  residence  to  trade  with  him.  “ Wherein  Powhatan  carried 
himself  so  proudly,  yet  discreetly,  (in  his  salvage  manner,)  as  made  us  all  to 
admire  his  natural  gifts.”  He  pretended  that  it  was  far  beneath  his  dignity  to 
trade  as  his  men  did.  Thus  his  craft  to  obtain  from  Neioport  his  goods  for 
whatever  he  pleased  to  give  in  return.  Smith  saw  through  Powhatan's  craft, 
and  told  Newport  how  it  would  turn  out,  but  being  determined  to  show  him- 
self as  dignified  as  the  Indian  chief,  repented  of  his  folly,  like  too  many  others, 
when  it  was  too  late.  Smith  was  the  interpreter  in  the  business,  and  Newport 
the  chief.  Powhatan  made  a speech  to  him,  when  they  were  about  to  enter 
upon  trading.  He  said,  “ Captain  Newport,  it  is  not  agreeable  to  my  greatness, 
in  this  peddling  manner,  to  trade  for  trifles;  and  I esteem  you  also  a great 
werowance.  Therefore,  lay  me  down  all  your  commodities  together;  what  I 
like  I will  take,  and  in  recompense  give  you  what  I think  fitting  their  value.” 
Accordingly,  Newport  gave  him  all  his  goods,  and  received  in  return  only 
about  three  bushels  of  corn  ; whereas  they  expected  to  have  obtained  twenty 
hogsheads.  This  transaction  created  some  hard  thoughts  between  Smith  and 
Ntvjport. 

If  it  add  to  raise  Powhatan  in  our  admiration,  it  can  detract  nothing  from 
the  character  of  Smith,  to  say,  that  he  was  as  wily  as  the  great  Indian  chief. 
For,  with  a few  blue  beads,  which  he  pretended  that  he  had  shown  him  only  by 
accident,  and  which  he  would  hardly  part  with,  as  he  pretended,  because  they 
were  of  great  price,  and  worn  only  by  great  kings,  he  completely  got  his  end, 
at  this  time,  answered.  Tantalization  had  the  desired  effect,  and  Powhatan  was 
so  infatuated  with  the  lure,  that  he  was  almost  beside  himself,  and  was  ready 
to  give  all  he  had  to  possess  them.  “ So  that,  ere  we  departed,”  says  my 
relation,  “ for  a pound  or  two  of  blew  beades,  he  brought  over  my  king  for  2 
or  300  bushells  of  corne.” 

An  English  boy  was  left  with  Poivhatan,  by  Captain  Newport,  to  learn  the 
language,  manners,  customs  and  geography  of  his  country  ; and,  in  return, 
Powhatan  gave  him  Namontack,  one  of  his  servants,  of  a shrewd  and  subtle 
capacity,  whom  he  afterwards  carried  to  England.  Powhatan  became  offended 
with  Captain  Smith,  when  Newport  left  the  country,  in  1608 ; at  whose  depart- 
ure he  sent  him  20  turkeys,  and  demanded,  in  return,  20  swords,  which  were 
granted.  Shortly  after,  he  sent  the  same  number  to  Smith , expecting  the  like 
return  ; but,  being  disappointed,  ordered  his  men  to  seize  the  English  wher- 
ever they  could  find  them.  This  caused  difficulty — many  of  the  English 
being  robbed  of  their  swords,  in  the  vicinity  of  their  forts.  They  continued 
their  depredations  until  Smith  surprised  a number  of  them,  from  whom  he 
learned  that  Powhatan  was  endeavoring  to  get  all  the  arms  in  his  power,  to  be 
able  to  massacre  the  English.  When  he  found  that  his  plot  was  discovered, 
he  sent  Pocahontas,  with  presents,  to  excuse  himself,  and  pretended  that  the 
mischief  was  done  by  some  of  his  ungovernable  chiefs.  He  directed  her  to 
endeavor  to  effect  the  release  of  his  men  that  were  prisoners,  which  Smith 
consented  to,  wholly,  as  he  pretended,  on  her  account ; and  thus  peace  was 
restored,  which  had  been  continually  interrupted  for  a considerable  time  before. 

On  the  10th  of  September,  1608,  Smith  was  elected  governor  of  Virginia. 
Neivport,  going  often  to  England,  had  a large  share  in  directing  the  affairs  of 
the  colony,  from  his  interest  with  the  proprietors.  He  arrived  about  this  time, 
and,  among  other  baubles,  brought  over  a crown  for  Powhatan , with  directions 
for  his  coronation  ; which  had  the  ill  effect  to  make  him  value  himself  more 
than  ever.  Newport  was  instructed  to  discover  the  country  of  the  Monacans, 
a nation  with  whom  Powhatan  was  at  war,  and  whom  they  would  assist  him 
against,  if  he  would  aid  in  the  business.  Captain  Smith  was  sent  to  him  to 
invite  him  to  Jamestown  to  receive  presents,  and  to  trade  for  corn.  On  arriv- 
ing at  Werowocomoco,  and  delivering  his  message  to  the  old  chief,  he  replied, 
u If  your  king  have  sent  me  presents,  I also  am  a king,  and  this  is  my  land. 


12 


POWHATAN.— ORDERS  THE  DEATH  OF  SMITH. 


[Book  IV. 


Eight  days  I will  stay  to  receive  them.  Your  father  [meaning  Netvport]  is  to 
come  to  me,  not  I to  him,  nor  yet  to  your  fort — neither  will  I bite  at  such  a 
bate.  As  for  the  Monacans,  I can  revenge  my  own  injuries;  and  as  for  JH- 
quanachuck , where  you  say  your  brother  was  slain,  it  is  a contrary  way  from 
those  parts  you  suppose  it ; but,  for  any  salt  water  beyond  the  mountains,  the 
relations  you  have  had  from  my  people  are  false.”  Some  of  the  Indians  had 
made  the  English  believe  that  the  South  Sea,  now  called  the  Pacific  Ocean, 
was  but  a short  distance  back.  To  show  Smith  the  absurdity  of  the  story,  he 
drew  a map  of  the  country,  upon  the  ground.  Smith  returned  as  wise  as  he 
went. 

A house  was  built  for  Powhatan,  about  this  time,  by  some  Germans,  who  came 
over  with  Newport.  These  men,  thinking  that  the  English  could  not  subsist 
in  the  country,  wantonly  betrayed  all  the  secrets  of  the  English  to  Poivhatany 
which  was  again  the  source  of  much  trouble.  They  even  urged  him  to  put 
all  the  English  to  death,  agreeing  to  live  with  him,  and  assist  him  in  the  exe- 
cution of  the  horrible  project.  Powhatan  was  pleased  at  the  proposition,  and 
thought,  by  their  assistance,  to  effect  what  he  had  formerly  hoped  to  do  by 
engaging  Smith  in  such  an  enterprise.  Their  first  object  was  to  kill  Captain 
Smith ; by  which  act,  the  chief  obstacle  to  success  would  be  removed ; and, 
accordingly,  they  took  every  means  in  their  power  to  effect  it. 

In  the  first  place,  he  invited  him  to  come  and  trade  for  corn,  hoping  an 
opportunity,  in  that  business,  would  offer.  That  his  design  might  not  be  mis- 
trusted, Powhatan  promised  to  load  his  ship  with  corn,  if  he  would  bring  him 
a grindstone,  50  swords,  some  muskets,  a cock  and  a hen,  and  a quantity  of 
copper  and  beads.  Smith  went  accordingly,  but  guarded,  as  though  sure  of 
meeting  an  enemy. 

In  their  way,  the  English  stopped  at  Warrasqueake,  and  were  informed, 
by  the  sachem  of  that  place,  of  Powhatan's  intentions.  That  sachem  kindly 
entertained  them,  and,  when  they  departed,  furnished  them  with  guides.  On 
account  of  extreme  bad  weather,  they  were  obliged  to  spend  near  a week  at 
Kicquotan.  This  obliged  them  to  keep  their  Christmas  among  the  Indians, 
and,  according  to  our  authorities,  a merry  Christmas  it  was ; having  been 
“ never  more  merry  in  their  lives,  lodged  by  better  fires,  or  fed  with  greater 
plenty  of  good  bread,  oysters,  fish,  flesh,  and  wild  fowl.” 

Having  arrived  at  Werowocomoco,  after  much  hardship,  they  sent  to  Pow- 
hatan for  provisions,  being  in  great  want,  not  having  taken  but  three  or  four 
days’  supply  along  with  them.  The  old  chief  sent  them  immediately  a supply 
of  bread,  turkeys,  and  venison,  and  soon  after  made  a feast  for  them,  accord- 
ing to  custom. 

Meanwhile,  Powhatan  pretended  he  had  not  sent  for  the  English ; telling 
them  he  had  no  corn,  “and  his  people  much  less,”*  and,  therefore,  intimated 
that  he  wished  they  would  go  off  again.  But  Smith  produced  the  messenger 
that  he  had  sent,  and  so  confronted  him  ; Powhatan  then  laughed  heartily, 
and  thus  it  passed  for  a joke.  He  then  asked  for  their  commodities,  “ but  he 
liked  nothing,  except  guns  and  swords,  and  valued  a basket  of  corn  higher  ♦ 
than  a basket  of  copper  ; saying,  he  could  rate  his  com,  but  not  the  copper.” 
Captain  Smith  then  made  a speech  to  him,  in  which  he  endeavored  to  work 
upon  his  feelings  and  sense  of  honor ; said  he  had  sent  his  men  to  build  him 
a house  while  his  own  was  neglected ; that,  because  of  his  promising  to  sup- 
ply him  with  corn,  he  had  neglected  to  supply  himself  with  provisions  when 
he  might  have  done  it  Finally,  Smith  reproached  him  of  divers  negligences, 
deceptions,  and  prevarications ; but  the  main  cause  of  Powhatan's  refusing 
to  trade  seems  to  have  been  because  the  English  did  not  bring  the  articles 
he  most  wanted. 

When  Smith  had  done,  Powhatan  answered  him  as  follows: — “We  have 
but  little  corn,  but  what  we  can  spare  shall  be  brought  two  days  hence.  As 
to  your  coming  here,  I have  some  doubt  about  the  reason  of  it.  I am  told,  by 
my  men,  that  you  came,  pot  to  trade,  but  to  invade  my  people,  and  to  possess 
my  country.  This  makes  me  leS9  ready  to  relieve  you,  and  frightens  my 


* The  reader  may  wonder  how  this  could  be,  but  it  is  so  in  the  old  history,  by  Stith,  86. 


Capt.  Smith  led  Captive  b j the  warriors  ofOpekankano  •CHLUCCO.  a Seminole  War  Chief 


' 


. 


*k 

• - 

■ 

. 


Chap.  I.] 


POWHATAN. — HIS  SPEECHES. 


13 


people  from  bringing  in  their  corn.  And,  therefore,  to  relieve  them  of  that 
fear,  leave  your  arms  aboard  your  boats,  since  they  are  needless  here,  where 
we  are  all  friends,  and  forever  Powhatans.” 

In  these,  and  other  speeches  of  like  amount,  they  spent  the  first  day.  “ But, 
whilst  they  expected  the  coming  in  of  the  country,  they  wrangled  Powhatan 
out  of  80  bushels  of  corn,  for  a copper  kettle ; which  the  president  seeing 
him  much  affect,  [value,]  he  told  him  it  was  of  much  greater  value  ; yet,  in 
regard  of  his  scarcity,  he  would  accept  that  quantity  at  present ; provided  he 
should  have  as  much  more  the  next  year,  or  the  Manakin  country,”  were  that 
condition  not  complied  with. 

This  transaction  will  equal  any  thing  of  the  kind  in  the  history  of  New 
England,  but  we  will  leave  the  reader  to  make  his  own  comment. 

At  the  same  time,  Powhatan  made  another  speech,  in  which  were  some 
very  singular  passages,  as  reported  by  Smith.  One  was,  that  he  had  seen  the 
death  of  all  his  people  three  times  ; and  that  none  of  those  three  generations 
was  then  living,  except  himself.  This  was  evidently  only  to  make  the  Eng- 
lish think  him  something  more  than  human.  The  old  chief  then  went  on 
and  said, 

“ I am  now  grown  old,  and  must  soon  die  ; and  the  succession  must  de- 
scend, in  order,  to  my  brothers,  Opitchapan , Opekankanough , and  Catataugh ,# 
and  then  to  my  two  sisters,  and  their  two  daughters.  I wish  their  experience 
was  equal  to  mine ; and  that  your  love  to  us  might  not  be  less  than  ours  to 
you.  Why  should  you  take  by  force  that  from  us  which  you  can  have  by 
love  ? Why  should  you  destroy  us,  who  have  provided  you  with  food  ? 
What  can  you  get  by  war?  We  can  hide  our  provisions,  and  fly  into  the 
woods ; and  then  you  must  consequently  famish  by  wronging  your  friends. 
What  is  the  cause  of  your  jealousy?  You  see  us  unarmed,  and  willing  to 
supply  your  wants,  if  you  will  come  in  a friendly  manner,  and  not  with 
swords  and  guns,  as  to  invade  an  enemy.  I am  not  so  simple,  as  not  to  know 
it  is  better  to  eat  good  meat,  lie  well,  and  sleep  quietly  with  my  women  and 
children ; to  laugh  and  be  merry  with  the  English  ; and,  being  their  friend, 
to  have  copper,  hatchets,  and  whatever  else  I want,  than  to  fly  from  all,  to  lie 
cold  in  the  woods,  feed  upon  acorns,  roots,  and  such  trash,  and  to  be  so 
hunted,  that  I cannot  rest,  eat,  or  sleep.  In  such  circumstances,  my  men 
must  watch,  and  if  a twig  should  but  break,  all  would  cry  out,  ‘ Here  comes 
Capt.  Smith;1  and  so,  in  this  miserable  manner,  to  end  my  miserable  life; 
and,  Capt.  Smith , this  might  be  soon  your  fate  too,  through  your  rashness  and 
unadvised  ness.  I,  therefore,  exhort  you  to  peaceable  councils  ; and,  above  all, 
I insist  that  the  guns  and  swords,  the  cause  of  all  our  jealousy  and  uneasiness, 
be  removed  and  sent  away.” 

Smith  interpreted  this  speech  to  mean  directly  contrary  to  what  it  expressed, 
and  it  rather  confirmed,  than  lessened,  his  former  suspicions.  He,  however, 
made  a speech  to  Powhatan , in  his  turn,  in  which  he  endeavored  to  convince 
him  that  the  English  intended  him  no  hurt ; urging,  that,  if  they  had,  how 
easily  they  might  have  effected  it  long  before;  and  that,  as  to  their  perishing 
with  want,  he  would  have  him  to  understand  that  the  English  had  ways  to 
supply  themselves  unknown  to  the  Indians ; that  as  to  his  sending  away  the 
arms,  there  was  no  reason  in  that,  since  the  Indians  were  always  allowed  to 
brjng  theirs  to  Jamestown,  and  to  keep  them  in  their  hands.  Seeing  Smith's 
inflexibility,  and  despairing  of  accomplishing  his  intended  massacre,  he  spoke 
again  to  Smith  as  follows: — 

“Capt.  Smith , I never  use  any  werowance  so  kindly  as  yourself;  yet  from 
you  I receive  the  least  kindness  of  any.  Capt.  JVewport  gave  me  swords,  cop- 
per, clothes,  or  whatever  else  I desired,  ever  accepting  what  I offered  him ; 
and  would  send  away  his  guns  when  requested.  No  one  refuses  to  lie  at  my 
feet,  or  do  what  I demand,  but  you  only.  Of  you  I can  have  nothing,  but 
what  you  value  not ; and  yet,  you  will  have  whatsoever  you  please.  Capt. 
JVewport  you  call  father,  and  so  you  call  me ; but  I see,,  in  spite  of  us  both, 
you  will  do  what  you  will,  and  we  must  both  study  to  humor  and  content  you. 
But  if  you  intend  so  friendly,  as  you  say,  send  away  your  arms ; for  you  see 


Catanaugh,  Stith. 


14  POWHATAN.— HIS  INSTRUCTIONS  TO  TOMOCOMO.  [Rook  IV. 

my  undesigning  simplicity  and  friendship  cause  me  thus  nakedly  to  forget 
myself.” 

Smith  now  was  out  of  all  patience,  seeing  Powhatan  only  trifled  away  the 
time,  that  he  might,  by  some  means,  accomplish,  his  design.  The  boats  of 
the  English  were  kept  at  a distance  fiorri  the  shore,  by  reason  of  ice.  Smith f 
therefore,  resorted  to  deception  ; he  got  the  Indians  to  break  the  ice,  that  hiss 
men  might  come  in  and  take  on  board  the  corn  they  had  bought,  and,  at  the 
same  time,  gave  orders  to  them  to  seize  Powhatan ; Smith,  in  the  mran  time, 
was  to  amuse  him  with  false  promises.  But  Smithes  talk  was  too  full  of 
flattery  not  to  be  seen  through  by  the  sagacious  sachem ; and,  before  it  was 
too  late,  he  conveyed  himself,  his  women,  children,  and  effects,  into  the 
woods;  having  succeeded  in  his  deception  better  than  Smith;  for  two  or 
three  squaws  amused  him  while  Powhatan  and  the  rest  escaped.  Unwilling, 
however,  to  renounce  his  purpose,  Powhatan  sent  Smith , soon  after,  a valuable 
bracelet,  as  a present,  by  an  old  orator  of  his,  who  tried  to  excuse  the  conduct 
of  his  sachem ; he  said  Powhatan  ran  off  because  he  was  afraid  of  the  Eng- 
lish arms,  and  said,  if  they  could  be  laid  aside,  he  would  come  with  his  peo- 
ple, and  bring  corn  in  abundance.  At  length,  finding  all  artifices  vain,  Pow- 
hatan resolved  to  fall  upon  the  English,  in  th<  ir  cabins,  on  the  following  night. 
But  here,  again,  Pocahontas  saved  the  life  of  Smith  and  his  attendants.  She 
came  alone,  in  a dismal  night,  through  the  woods,  and  informed  Smith  of  her 
father’s  design.  For  this  most  signal  favor,  he  offered  her  such  articles  as  he 
thought  would  please  her;  but  she  woidd  accept  of  nothing,  and,  with  tears 
standing  in  her  eyes,  said  if  her  father  should  see  her  with  any  thing,  he 
would  mistrust  what  she  had  done,  and  instant  death  would  be  her  reward ; 
and  she  retired  by  herself  into  the  woods,  as  she  came. 

Powhatan  was  so  exasperated  at  the  failure  of  his  plots,  that  he  threatened 
death  to  his  men  if  they  did  not  kill  Smith  by  some  means  or  other.  Not 
long  after,  a circumstance  occurred,  which  gave  him  security  the  rest  of  his 
administration.  One  of  Powhatan's  men,  having,  by  some  means,  got  a 
quantity  of  powder,  pretended  that  he  could  manage  it  like  the  English. 
Several  came  about  him,  to  witness  his  exploits  with  the  strange  commodity, 
when,  by  some  means,  it  took  fire,  “ and  blew  him,  with  one  or  two  more,  to 
death.”  This  struck  such  a dread  into  the  Indians,  and  so  amazed  and 
frightened  Powhatan , that  his  people  came  from  all  directions,  and  desired 
peace;*  many  of  whom  returned  stolen  articles  that  the  English  had  never 
before  missed.  Powhatan  would  now  send  to  Jamestown  such  of  his  men 
as  had  injured  the  English,  that  they  might  be  dealt  with  as  they  deserved. 
The  same  year,  1609,  he  sent  them  nearly  half  his  crop  of  corn,  knowing 
them  to  be  in  great  want. 

Captain  Smith , having,  by  accident,  been  shockingly  burned  by  his  powder- 
bags  taking  fire,  for  want  of  surgical  aid,  was  obliged  to  leave  the  country 
and  go  to  England,  from  whence  he  never  returned.  He  published  the 
account  of  the  first  voyages  to  Virginia,  and  his  own  adventures,  which  is 
almost  the  only  authority  for  the  early  history  of  that  country.  He  died  in 
London,  in  1631,  f in  the  52d  year  of  his  age. 

The  Dutchmen  of  whom  we  have  spoken,  and  who  had  been  so  assiduous 
to  bring  ruin  upon  the  colony,  came  to  a miserable  end.  One  of  them  died 
in  wretchedness,  and  two  others  had  their  brains  beat  out  by  order  of  Poivha- 
tan,  for  their  deception. 

After  Smith  had  left  Virginia,  the  Indians  were  made  to  believe  that  he  was 
dead.  Powhatan  doubted  the  report,  and,  some  time  after,  ordered  one  of  his 
counsellors,  named  Uttamatomakin,\  or  Tomocomo,  § whom  he  sent  to  England, 
to  find  out,  if  possible,  where  he  was.  He  instructed  him,  also,  to  note  the 
number  of  the  people,  to  learn  the  state  of  the  country,  and,  if  he  found  Smithy 
to  make  him  show  him  the  God  of  the  English,  and  the  king  and  queen. 
When  he  arrived  at  Plimouth,  he  took  a long  stick,  and  began  to  perform  a 
part  of  his  mission  by  cutting  a notch  for  eveiy  person  he  should  see.  But 


* Did  not  the  English  of  New  England  owe  their  safety  to  Massasoit  and  Miantunnomoh’ 
fear  of  the  same  article  ? 

t Josse/yn,  N.  Eng.  Rarities,  106.  f Or  Uttnmaccomack,  Smith.  $ PUrchas. 


Chap.  II.] 


DEATH  OF  POWHATAN.— HIS  SUCCESSORS. 


15 


lie  soon  gave  up  that  business.  And,  when  he  returned  to  his  own  country, 
his  chief  asked  him,  among  other  things,  to  give  him  an  account  of  the  num- 
ber of  the  inhabitants  in  England.  His  answer  to  that  inquiry,  we  hazard  not 
much  in  saying,  is  nearly  as  ext  nsively  known  as  the  golden  rule  of  Confu - 
cius.  It  was  as  follows:  “ Count  the  stars  in  the  sky , the  leaves  on  the  trees , and 
the  sand  upon  the  sea-shore,— for  such  is  the  number  of  the  people  of  England .” 

Tomocomo  had  married  a sister  of  Pocahontas , and,  probably,  accompanied 
her  to  England.*  While  there,  the  famous  antiquary,  Samuel  Purchase , had 
an  interview  with  him,  and  from  whom  he  collected  many  facts  relating  to 
the  manners  and  customs  of  his  countrymen ; the  result  of  which  he  after- 
wards published  in  his  Pilgrims,  f 

The  difficulties  were  almost  perpetual  between  Powhatan  and  the  English ; 
very  little  time  passed,  while  he  lived,  but  what  was  full  of  broils  and  dissatis- 
faction, on  the  one  part  or  the  other.  Few  Indian  chiefs  have  fallen  under 
our  notice,  possessing  such  extraordinary  characteristics  as  Powhatan.  He 
died  at  peace  with  the  English,  in  April,  1618,  and  was  succeeded  by  Opitcha- 
pan,  his  second  brother,  who  was  known  afterwards  by  the  name  Itopatm. 

Our  readers  will  be  compelled  to  acknowledge  that  Captain  Smith  was 
barbarous  enough  towards  the  Indians,  but  we  have  not  met  with  any  thing 
quite  so  horrible,  in  the  course  of  his  proceedings,  as  was  exhibited  by  his 
successor,  Lord  De  La  War.  This  gentleman,  instead  of  taking  a mean 
course  between  the  practices  of  Smith  and  Newport,  went  into  the  worst 
extreme.  Finding  Powhatan  insolent,  on  his  arrival  in  the  country,  he 
determined,  by  severity,  to  bring  him  to  unconditional  submission.  Having, 
therefore,  got  into  his  hands  an  Indian  prisoner,  his  lordship  caused  his  right 
hand  to  be  cut  off.  In  this  maimed  and  horrid  condition,  he  sent  him  to 
Powhatan ; at  the  same  time  giving  the  sachem  to  understand,  that  all  his 
subjects  would  be  served  in  this  manner,  if  he  refused  obedience  any  longer; 
telling  him,  also,  that  all  the  corn  in  the  country  should  be  immediately 
destroyed,  which  was  just  then  ripe.J  This  wretched  act  increased,  as 
reasonably  it  should,  the  indignation  of  Powhatan,  and  his  acts  were  governed 
accordingly. 


CHAPTER  H. 

Reflection  upon  the  character  of  Powhatan — Pocahontas — She  singularly  entertains 
Captain  Smith — Disaster  of  a lout's  crew — Smith's  attempt  to  surprise  Powhatan 
frustrated  in  consequence — Pocahontas  saves  the  life  of  JVyfjin — Betrayed  into  the 
hands  of  the  English — Japazaws — Mr.  Rolfe  marries  Pocahontas — Opachisco — 
Pocahontas  visits  England — Her  interview  with  Smith — Dies  at  Gravesend — Her 
son — Opekankanough — Made  prisoner  by  Smith — Is  set  at  liberty — Nemattanow 
— Murders  an  Englishman — Is  murdered  in  his  turn — His  singular  conduct  at  his 
death — Conducts  the  massacre  of  1622 — Plots  the  extirpation  of  the  English — Con- 
ducts the  horrid  massacre  of  1644 — Is  taken  prisoner — His  conduct  upon  the. 
occasion — Barbarous' y wounded  by  the  guard — Last  speech,  and  magnanimity  in 
death — Reflections — Njckotawance — Totopotomoi — Joins  the  English  against 
the  Rechahecrians — Is  defeated  and  slain. 

It  is  impossible  to  say  what  would  have  been  the  conduct  of  the  great 
Powhatan  towards  the  English,  had  he  been  treated  by  them  as  he  ought  to 
have  been.  The  uncommonly  amiable,  virtuous,  and  feeling  disposition  of 
his  daughter,  will  always  be  brought  to  mind  in  reading  his  history  ; and,  not- 
withstanding he  is  described  by  the  historians  as  possessing  a sour,  morose, 
and  savage  disposition,  full  of  treachery,  deceit  and  cunning — and  whose 
word  was  never  to  be  depended  upon — yet,  on  the  very  page  that  he  is  thus 

* Mr.  Oldmixon  (Brit.  Empire,  i.  285.)  says,  “ That  when  the  princess  Pocahontas  came 
for  England,  a coucarousa,  or  lord  of  her  own  nation,  attended  her;  his  name  was  Uttamacco- 
mack.” 

f Vol.  v.  b.  viii.  chap.  vi.  page  955.  + Harris,  Voyages,  ii.  226. 


1G  POCAHONTAS.— SAVES  THE  LIFE  OF  A CAPTIVE.  [Book  IV. 

represented,  we  shall  find  the  same  faults  set  him  as  examples  by  the  English 
themselves. 

The  first  and  most  memorable  events  in  the  life  of  Pocahontas  have  neces- 
sarily been  detailed  in  the  account  of  her  father;  therefore  we  shall,  under  her 
own  name,  give  those  which  are  more  disconnected  with  his. 

POCAHONTAS  was  born  about  the  year  1594  or  5,  and  hence  was  no  more 
than  12  or  13  years  old  when  she  saved  the  life  of  Captain  Smith,  in  1607. 
Every  particular  of  that  most  extraordinary  scene  has  been  exhibited.  The 
name  Pocohuntes  or  Pockohuntes , says  I Iecke welder,  means  a run  between  two 
hills.  Jt  has  been  mentioned,  that,  at  the  suggestion  of  Captain  JYewport,  Smith 
went  with  a few  men  to  Werowocomoco,  to  invite  Powhatan  to  Jamestown 
to  receive  presents,  hoping  thereby  to  influence  him  to  open  a trade  in  corn 
with  them. 

When  he  arrived  at  that  place,  Powhatan  was  not  at  home,  but  was  at  the 
distance  of  30  miles  off.  Pocahontas  and  her  women  received  him,  and  while 
he  waited  for  her  father,  they  thus  entertained  him: — “ In  a fayre  plaine  field,  (says 
Smith,)  they  made  a fire,  before  which,  he  sitting  upon  a mat,  suddainly  amongst 
the  woods  was  heard  such  a hydeous  noise  and  shrecking,  that  the  English 
betooke  themselves  to  their  arms,  and  seized  on  two  or  three  old  rnen  by 
them,  supposing  Powhatan,  with  all  his  power,  was  come  to  surprise 
them.  But  presently  Pocahontas  came,  willing  him  to  kill  her  if  any  hurt 
were  intended  ; and  the  beholders,  which  were  rnen,  women  and  children, 
satisfied  the  captain  there  was  no  such  matter.  Then  presently  they  were 
presented  with  this  anticke  ; 30  young  women  came  naked  out  of  the  woods, 
onely  covered  behind  and  before  with  a few  greene  leaues,  their  bodies  all 
painted,  some  of  one  color,  some  of  another,  but  all  differing.  Their  leader 
had  a,  fayre  payre  of  buck’s  homes  on  her  head,  and  an  otter-skinne  at  her 
girdle,  and  another  at  her  arme,  a quiver  of  arrowes  at  her  backe,  a bow  and 
arrows  in  her  hand.  The  next  had  in  her  hand  a sword,  and  another  a club, 
another  a pot-sticke,  all  horned  alike ; the  rest  every  one  with  their  seuerall 
devises.  These  fiends,  with  most  hellish  shouts  and  cryes,  rushing  from 
among  the  trees,  cast  themselves  in  a ring  about  the  fire,  singing  and  dancing 
with  most  excellent  ill  varietie,  oft  falling  into  their  infernall  passions,  and 
solemnly  again  to  sing  and  daunce.  Having  spent  neare  an  houre  in  this 
mascarado,  as  they  entred,  in  like  manner  they  departed.”  After  a short  time, 
they  came  and  took  the  English  to  their  wigwams.  Here  they  were  more 
tormented  than  before,  “ with  crowding,  pressing,  hanging  about  them,  most 
tediously  crying,  ‘Love  you  not  me?  love  you  not  me  ? ’”  When  they  had 
finished  their  caresses,  they  set  before  them  the  best  victuals  their  country 
afforded,  and  then  showed  them  to  their  lodgings. 

While  Captain  Smith  was  upon  an  expedition  into  the  country,  with  an 
intention  of  surprising  Powhatan,  there  happened  a melancholy  accident  at 
home,  to  a boat’s  crew,  which  had  been  sent  out  in  very  severe  weather,  by 
one  who  was  impatient  to  have  the  direction  of  matters.  In  the  boat  were 
Captain  IValdo,  Master  Scrivener,  the  projector  of  the  expedition,  Mr.  Anthony 
Gosnold,  brother  of  the  well-known  Bartholomew  Gosnold ,*  and  eight  others. 
By  the  sinking  of  the  boat,  these  all  perished,  and  none  knew  what  had  become 
of  them,  until  their  bodies  were  found  by  the  Indians.  The  veiy  men  on 
whom  Smith  depended  to  remain  at  the  fort  for  his  succor,  in  case  he  sent  for 
them,  were  among  the  number.  Therefore,  to  prevent  the  failure  of  this 
expedition,  somebody  must  be  sent  to  apprize  Smith  of  the  catastrophe.  None 
volunteered  for  the  hazardous  service,  but  Mr.  Richard  Wyjjin,  who  was 
obliged  to  undertake  it  alone.  This  was  a time  when  Powhatan  was  very 
insolent,  and  urged  daily  the  killing  of  Smith  upon  his  men.  Nevertheless, 
after  many  difficulties,  he  arrived  at  Werowocomoco.  Here  he  found  himself 
amidst  preparations  for  war,  and  in  still  greater  danger  than  he  had  yet  been. 
But  Pocahontas  appeared  as  his  savior.  Knowing  the  intention  of  the  war- 
riors to  kill  him,  she  first  secreted  him  in  the  woods,  and  then  directed  those 
who  sought  him  in  an  opposite  direction  from  that  he  had  gone ; so,  by  this 


* Who  had  miserably  perished  by  disease  and  famine  at  Jamestown.  22  Aug.,  1607,  See 
Bancroft,  U.  Slates,  i.  144. 


Chap.  II.]  POCAHONTAS. — BETRAYED  TO  THE  ENGLISH.  17 

means,  be  escaped,  and  got  safe  to  Smith  at  Pamunkey.  This  was  in  the 
Winter  of  1609. 

We  next  hear  of  her  saving  the  life  of  Henry  Spilman,  who  was  one  of  31 
that  went  to  trade,  upon  the  confidence  of  Powhatan,  but  who  were  all,  except 
Spilman , killed  by  his  people. 

Such  was  the  wretched  state  to  which  the  colony  of  Virginia  was  now 
reduced,  that  scarce  a parallel  in  the  annals  of  the  world  can  be  found.  No 
sooner  had  Smith  left  the  country,  but  all  was  in  confusion.  Officers  spent 
their  time  in  riotings,  while  the  men  seem  to  have  taken  no  means  for  defence 
or  preservation  ; so  that  the  Indians  made  constant  spoil  upon  their  domestic 
animals,  and  whatever  else  had  been  provided  for  their  support.  Insomuch, 
that  when  Captain  Smith  had  been  gone  six  months,  the  colony  was  reduced 
from  above  500  to  about  60  persons.  Herbs  and  roots  were  eaten  to  sustain 
life,  in  the  early  part  of  their  distresses  ; but  as  the  famine  increased,  the  skins 
of  horses  were  eagerly  devoured,  and  an  Indian,  who  had  been  some  time 
dead,  was  disinterred  and  eaten  by  these  miserable  creatures.  In  one  instance, 
a wretched  man  killed  his  own  wife,  and  preserved  the  body  by  salt,  which 
enormity  was  not  discovered  until  it  had  been  chiefly  devoured.* 

It  was  during  this  season  of  horror  that  Captain  Ratcliff  went  out  with  30 
men,  who  were  trepanned  as  we  have  related.  This  was  in  the  beginning  of 
the  year  1610.  Spilman  lived  many  years  afterwards  among  the  Patowamack 
Indians,  by  the  care  of  Pocahontas,  f 

From  1609,  the  time  Smith  left  the  country,  until  1611,  Pocahontas  was  not 
seen  at  Jamestown.  In  the  latter  year,  she  was  treacherously  taken  prisoner 
by  Captain  Argal,  and  kept  by  the  English  to  prevent  Powhatan  from  doing 
them  injury,  and  to  extort  a great  ransom  from  him,  and  such  terms  of  peace 
as  they  should  dictate.  At  the  time  she  was  betrayed  into  the  hands  of  Cap- 
tain Argal, she  was  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  chief  of  Potomack,  whose  name 
was  Jctpazaws , a particular  friend  of  the  English,  and  an  old  acquaintance  of 
Captain  Smith.  Whether  she  had  taken  up  her  residence  here,  or  whether  she 
was  here  only  upon  a visit,  we  are  not  informed.  But  some  have  conjectured, 
that  she  retired  here  soon  after  Smith’s  departure,  that  she  might  not  witness 
the  frequent  murders  of  the  ill-governed  English,  at  Jamestown.  Captain 
Argal  was  in  the  Potomack  River,  for  the  purpose  of  trade,  with  his  ship, 
when  he  learned  that  Pocahontas  was  in  the  neighborhood.  Whether  Japa- 
zaws had  acquired  his  treachery  from  his  intercourse  with  the  English,  or 
whether  it  were  natural  to  his  disposition,  we  will  not  undertake  to  decide 
here  ; but  certain  it  is,  that  he  was  ready  to  practise  it,  at  the  instigation  of 
Argal.  And  for  a copper  kettle  for  himself,  and  a few  toys  for  his  squaw,  he 
enticed  the  innocent  girl  on  board  ArgaVs  ship,  and  betrayed  her  into  his 
hands.  It  was  effected,  however,  without  compulsion,  by  the  aid  of  his  squaw. 
The  captain  had  previously  promised  that  no  hurt  should  befall  her,  and  that 
she  should  be  treated  with  all  tenderness.  This  circumstance  should  go  as  far  as 
it  may  to  excuse  Japazaws.  The  plot  to  get  her  on  board  was  well  contrived. 
Knowing  that  she  had  no  curiosity  to  see  a ship,  having  before  seen  many. 
Japazaws ’ wife  pretended  a great  anxiety  to  see  one,  but  would  not  go  on 
board  unless  Pocahontas  would  accompany  her.  To  this  she  consented,  but 
with  some  hesitation.  The  attention  with  which  they  were  received  on  board 
soon  dissipated  all  fears,  and  Pocahontas  soon  strayed  from  her  betrayers  into 
the  gun-room.  The  captain,  watching  his  opportunity,  told  her  she  was  a 
prisoner.  When  her  confinement  was  known  to  Japazaws  and  his  wife,  they 
feigned  more  lamentation  than  she  did,  to  keep  her  in  ignorance  of  the  plot ; 
and,  after  receiving  the  price  of  their  perfidy,  were  sent  ashore,  and  Argal , 
with  his  pearl  of  great  price,  sailed  for  Jamestown.  On  being  informed  of  the 
reason  why  she  was  thus  captivated,  her  grief,  by  degrees,  subsided. 

The  first  step  of  the  English  was  to  inform  Powhatan  of  the  captivity  of  his 
daughter,  and  to  demand  of  him  their  men,  guns  and  tools,  which  he  and  his 
people  had,  from  time  to  time,  taken  and  stolen  from  them.  This  unexpected 
news  threw  the  old,  stern,  calculating  chief  into  a great  dilemma,  and  what 
course  to  take  he  knew  not ; and  it  was  three  months  before  he  returned  any 


Keith’s  Hist.  Virginia,  121. 
2* 


t Sixth,  Hist.  Virginia,  116. 


18 


POCAHONTAS  — MARRIES  AN  ENGLISHMAN. 


[Cook  IV. 


answer.  At  the  end  of  this  time,  by  the  advice  of  his  council,  he  sent  back 
seven  Englishmen,  with  each  a gun  which  had  been  spoiled,  and  this  answer: 
that  when  they  should  return  his  daughter,  he  would  make  full  satisfaction, 
and  give  them  500  bushels  of  corn,  and  be  their  friend  forever;  that  he  had 
no  more  guns  to  return,  the  rest  being  lost.  They  sent  him  word,  that  they 
would  not  restore  her,  until  he  had  complied  with  their  demand  ; and  that,  as 
for  the  guns,  they  did  not  believe  they  were  lost.  Seeing  the  determination  of 
the  English,  or  his  inability  to  satisfy  them,  was,  we  apprehend,  why  they 
“heard  no  more  from  him  for  a long  time  after.” 

In  the  spring  of  the  year  1613,  Sir  Thomas  Dale  took  Pocahontas , and  went, 
with  a ship,  up  Powhatan's  River  to  Werowocomoco,  the  residence  of  her 
father,  in  hopes  to  effect  an  exchange,  aud  bring  about  a peace.  Powhatan 
was  not  at  home,  and  they  met  with  nothing  but  bravadoes,  and  a disposition 
to  fight  from  all  the  Indians  they  saw.  After  burning  many  of  their  habita- 
tions, and  giving  out  threats,  some  of  the  Indians  came  and  made  peace,  as  they 
called  it,  which  opened  the  way  for  two  of  Pocahontas's  brothers  to  come  on 
board  the  ship.  Their  joy  at  seeing  their  sister  may  be  imagined. 

A particular  friendship  had  some  time  existed  between  Pocahontas  and  a 
worthy  young  Englishman,  by  the  name  of  John  Rolfe ; which,  at  length, 
growing  into  a sincere  attachment,  and  being  mutual  between  them,  he  made 
known  his  desire  to  take  her  for  his  companion.  This  being  highly  approved 
of  by  Sir  Thomas  Dale , and  other  gentlemen  of  high  standing  and  authority,  a 
consummation  was  soon  agreed  upon.  Acquainting  her  brother  with  her 
determination,  it  soon  came  to  the  knowledge  of  her  father  also ; who,  as 
highly  approving  of  it  as  the  English,  immediately  sent  Opachisco , her  uncle, 
and  two  of  his  sons,  to  witness  the  performance,  and  to  act  as  her  servants 
upon  the  occasion  ; and,  in  the  beginning  of  April,  1613,  the  marriage  was 
solemnized  according  to  appointment.  Powhatan  was  now  their  friend  in 
reality  ; and  a friendly  intercourse  commenced,  which  was,  without  much 
interruption,  continued  until  his  death. 

Pocahontas  lived  happily  with  her  husband,  and  became  a believer  in  the 
English  religion,  and  expressed  no  desire  to  live  again  among  those  of  her 
own  nation.  When  Sir  Thomas  Dale  returned  to  England,  in  1616,  Pocahon- 
tas accompanied  him,  with  her  husband,  and  several  other  young  natives. 
They  arrived  at  Plimouth  on  the  12th  of  June  of  that  year.  She  met  with 
much  attention  in  that  country,  being  taken  to  court  by  the  Lord  and  Lady 
Delaware , and  others  of  distinction.  She  was,  at  this  time,  called  the  Lady 
Rebecca.  Her  meeting  with  Captain  Smith  was  affecting  ; more  especially  as 
she  thought  herself,  and  very  justly,  no  doubt,  too  slightly  noticed  by  him, 
which  caused  her  much  grief.  Owing  to  the  barbarous  nonsense  of  the  times, 
Smith  did  not  wish  her  to  call  him  father,  being  afraid  of  giving  offence  to 
royalty,  by  assuming  to  be  the  father  of  a king’s  daughter.  Yet  he  did  not 
intend  any  cause  of  offence,  and  did  all  in  his  power  to  make  her  happy.  At 
their  first  interview,  after  remaining  silent  some  time,  she  said  to  him,  “ You 
promised  my  father , that  ivhat  ivas  yours  should  be  his ; and  that  you  and  he  would 
be  all  one.  Being  a stranger  in  our  country , you  called  Powhatan  father ; and  I, 
for  the  same  reason , will  now  call  you  so.  You  were  not  afraid  to  come  into  my 
father's  country , and  strike  fear  into  every  body  but  myself ; and  are  you  here  afraid 
to  let  me  call  you  father  ? I tell  you,  then,  I will  call  you  father,  and  you  shall  call 
me  child ; and  so  I loill  forever  be  of  your  kindred  and  country.  They  alivays  told 
us  that  yon  were  dead,  and  I knew  not  othenoise,  till  I came  to  Plimouth.  But 
Powhatan  commanded  Tomocomo  to  seek  you  out,  and  know  the  truth,  because 
your  countrymen  are  much  given  to  lying." 

The  useful  and  worthy  young  Pocahontas,  being  about  to  embark  for  her 
native  country,  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1617,  "fell  sick  at  Gravesend,  and 
died  ; having  attained  only  the  age  of  22  years.  She  left  one  son,  whose  name 
was  Thomas  Rolfe , very  young  ; and  whom  Sir  Lewis  Steukly,*  of  Plimouth, 

* tl  As  to  the  infamous  Sir  Lewis  Stucleij,  who  had  betrayed  Ralegh,  he  was  taken  soon 
after  [Ralegh  was  beheaded]  in  Whitehall,  dipping  the  very  gold  which  was  the  produce  of 
his  infamy,  and  tried  and  condemned  for  it ; and  having  stripped  himself  to  his  shirt  to  raise 
money  to  purchase  his  pardon,  he  banished  himself  to  the  Island  of  Sundy,  where  he  died, 
both  mad  and  a beggar,  in  less  than  two  years  after  Sir  Wcdter  Raleigh.”— Prince's  Worthies 
of  Devon,  677. — Harding's  Naval  Biography , i.  330. 


19 


Chap.  II  ] OPEKANKANOUGH.--  SEIZED  BY  CAPTAIN  SMITH. 

desired  to  be  left  with  him,  that  he  might  direct  his  education.  But,  from  the 
unmanly  part  this  gentleman  took  against  the  unfortunate  Ralegh,  he  was 
brought  into  such  merited  disrepute,  that  he  found  himself  obliged  to  turn  all 
his  attention  to  his  own  preservation  ; and  the  son  of  Pocahontas  was  taken  to 
London,  and  there  educated  by  his  uncle,  Mr.  Henry  Rolfe.  He  afterwards 
came  to  America,  to  the  native  country  of  his  mother,  where  he  became  a 
gentleman  of  great  distinction,  and  possessed  an  ample  fortune.  . He  left  an  only 
daughter,  who  married  Colonel  Robert  Bolling , and  died,  leaving  an  only  son, 
Major  John  Bolling , who  was  the  father  of  Colonel  John  Bolling , and  several 
daughters  ; one  of'  whom  married  Colonel  Richard  Randolph,  from  whom  are 
descended  the  distinguished  John  Randolph,  and  those  bearing  that  name  in 
Virginia,  at  this  day.* 

Barlow  thus  notices  Pocahontas : — - 

“ Blest  Pocahontas  ! fear  no  lurking  guile  ; 

Thy  hero’s  love  shall  well  reward  thy  smile. 

Ah,  soothe  the  wanderer  in  his  desperate  plight, 

Hide  him  by  day,  and  calm  his  cares  by  night 3 
Tho’  savage  nations,  with  thy  vengeful  sire, 

Pursue  their  victim  with  unceasing  ire — 

And  tho’  their  threats  thy  startled  ear  assail, 

Let  virtue’s  voice  o’er  filial  fears  prevail.”— Columbiad. 

OPEKANKANOUGH  has  already  received  our  notice.  He  was  a very 
conspicuous  character  in  his  time,  and  was  styled,  by  the  Virginians,  King  of 
the  Painunkies.  The  dreadful  massacre,  of  which  he  was  author,  brings  to 
mind  his  name  oftener  than  almost  any  other  chief  of  his  times. 

There  seems  to  be  some  contradiction,  or  difference  of  opinion,  with  regard 
to  the  origin  of  this  chief.  Some  of  the  Indians  reported  that  he  came  from 
the  west,  and  was  not  a brother  of  Powhatan;  but  that  story,  we  judge,  is 
merely  a fable,  invented  and  told  by  his  enemies,  to  influence  the  English 
against  him,  that  they  might  destroy  him. 

Opekankanough  seems  to  have  borne  the  name  of  Mangopeomen  in  1621,  f a 
circumstance  unnoticed  by  most  historians,  qnd,  therefore, 'we  conclude  that  it 
prevailed  only  among  his  own  tribe,  and,  perhaps,  even  among  them  fell  into 
disuse  soon  after. 

Opitchapan,  called  also  Oetan,  and  lastly  Sasauopeomen,  \ was  the  successor 
of  Poivhatan,  but  he  sterns  never  to  have  been  otherwise  noted.  “ The  defects 
of  the  new  emperor,”  says  Mr.  Burk,  “ were  aggravated  in  the  minds  of  the 
Indians,  by  a comparison  with  the  accomplished  Opekankanough,  who,  in  the 
council  and  the  field,  was  the  most  conspicuous  warrior  amongst  the  Powha- 
tans  ; and  who,  during  the  lifetime  of  the  late  emperor,  had  procured  from  the 
free  tribe  of  the  Chickahominies,  the  title  of  their  king.”  The  same  author 
calls  Opitchapan  a “ feble  and  decrepid  ” chief,  who  “ was  little  calculated  to 
secure  respect,  or  enforce  obedience.”  § 

In  1608,  the  Indians  had  become  universally  at  variance  with  the  English, 
and  insulted  them  whenever  they  appeared  abroad  ; knowing  their  miserable, 
half-starved  condition.  Insult  followed  insult,  upon  both  sides,  and,  but  for 
the  never-tiring  perseverance  of  Smith,  this  colony,  like  the  first,  would  hava 
been  soon  destroyed.  The  Indians  would  promise  to  trade  with  them,  but 
when  they  went  to  them  for  that  purpose,  they  only  “ laughed  at  their  calam- 
ities ; ” sometimes  putting  jokes  upon  them,  and  at  others,  running  away  into 
the  woods. 

In  this  extremity  of  their  circumstances,  though  in  the  depth  of  winter,  Smith 
resolved  to  make  himself  master  of  some  of  the  Indians’  store  of  provisions,  by 
some  means  or  other.  He,  therefore,  proceeded  to  Pamunkey,  the  residence 

* John  Randolph,  of  Roanoke,  died  in  Philadelphia,  24  May,  1834.  He  had  come  there 
in  very  low  health,  intending  to  embark  for  Europe  in  a few  days.  Having  met  with  some 
perplexity  in  procuring  lodgings  on  his  arrival  in  Philadelphia,  being  taken  from  the  steam-boat 
to  one  hotel  after  another,  in  a bad  hack,  in  bad  weather,  he  was  much  irritated,  and,  from  his 
frequent  allusions  to  it  in  his  sickness,  it  was  supposed  to  have  hastened  his  end.  He  was 
about  (10  years  of  age  at  his  death. 

f Burk’s  Va.  i.  228.  f Ibid.  § Hist.  Virginia,  i.  233. 


20 


OPEKANKANOUGH.-NEMATTANOW'S  DEATH.  [Book  IV, 

of  Opekankanough,  with  15  men,  where  he  tried  to  trade  with  him  for  corn ; 
but,  not  succeeding,  he,  in  a desperate  manner,  seized  upon  the  chief  by  his 
hair,  in  the  midst  of  his  men,  “with  his  pistoll  roadie  bent  against  his  breast, 
Tims  lie  led  the  trembling  king,  neare  dead  with  fear,  amongst  all  his  peo- 
ple.”* Smith  told  him  that  he  had  attempted  to  murder  him,  which  was  the 
cause  of  his  treating  him  thus.  No  one  can  doubt,  on  reading  the  history  of 
those  affairs,  that  the  Indians  all  wished  Smith  dead,  but  whether  they  all 
wanted  to  kill  him,  is  not  quite  so  plain. 

One  great  end  of  Smith's  design  was  now  answered ; for  Opekankanough' s 
people  came  in  loaded  with  presents  to  ransom  their  chief,  until  his  boats 
were  completely  filled.  News  being  brought  of  a disaster  at  Jamestown,  he 
was  set  at  liberty. 

Ne.mattanow,  a renowned  warrior,  we  have  to  introduce  here,  as  well  on 
account  of  his  supposed  agency  in  bringing  about  the  great  massacre  of  1622, 
as  for  the  object  of  exhibiting  a trait  cf  character  equally  to  be  admired  and 
lamented.  We  are  not  certain  that  he  belonged  to  the  people  of  Opekanka- 
nough, but  it  is  storied  that  a jealousy  existed  between  them,  and  that  the  chief 
had  informed  Sir  George  Yeardley  that  he  wished  Nemattanow's  throat  were 
cut,  some  time  before  the  massacre  took  place,  to  which  we  have  alluded. 
However,  Opekankanough  denied  it.  afterwards,  and  affected  great  indignation 
at  his  murder,  and  the  Indians  said  the  massacre  was  begun  by  him,  to  revenge 
Nemattanow's  death.  But  our  present  object  is  to  portray  the  character  of 
Nemattanow , who  was  both  eccentric  and  vain,  and  “ who  was  wont,  out  of 
bravery  and  parade,  to  dress  himself  up,  in  a strange,  antic,  and  barbaric 
fashion,  with  feathers,  which,  then  fore,  obtained  him  the  name  of  Jack-of-the - 
feather .”  He  was  even  more  popular  among  his  countrymen  than  Opekanka - 
nough , which,  doubtless,  was  the  ground  of  that  chief’s  jealousy ; especially 
as  he  was  one  of  the  greatest  war-captains  of  his  times.  He  had  been  in 
many  fights  and  encounters  with  the  English,  always  exposing  himself  to  the 
greatest  danger,  and  yet  was  never  wounded  in  any  of  them.  This  circum- 
stance caused  the  Indians  to  believe  in  his  invulnerability,  and  hence  he  was 
by  them  considered  superhuman.  Only  about  14  days  before  the  massacre, 
Jack.-of-the-feather  went  to  the  house  of  one  Morgan , where  he  saw  many  such 
articles  exhibited  as  were  calculated  to  excite  admiration  in  such  people. 
Jack , perhaps,  had  not  the  means  to  purchase,  but,  it  seems,  he  was  resolved, 
some  how  or  other,  to  possess  them.  He,  therefore,  told  Morgan,  that  if  he 
would  take  his  commodities  to  Pamunkey,  the  Indians  would  give  him  a great 
price  for  them.  Not  in  the  least  mistrusting  the  design  of  Nemattanorv , the 
simple  Englishman  set  out  for  Pamunkey,  in  company  with  this  Indian. 
This  was  the  last  the  English  heard  of  Morgan . However,  strange  as  it  may 
seem,  Jack's  ill-directing  fate  sent  him  to  the  same  place  again,  and,  what  was 
still  more  strange,  he  had  the  cap  of  the  murdered  Morgan  upon  his  head. 
Morgan's  servants  asked  him  where  their  master  was,  who  very  deliberately 
answered,  that  he  was  dead.  This  satisfied  them  that  he  had  murdered  him. 
They,  therefore,  seized  him,  in  order  to  take  him  before  a magistrate  at 
Berkeley ; but  he  made  a good  deal  of  resistance,  which  caused  one  of  his 
captors  to  shoot  him  down.  The  singular  part  of  the  tragedy  is  yet  to  be 
related.  Though  mortally  wounded,  Nemattanow  was  not  killed  outright,  and 
his  captors,  which  were  two  stout  young  men,  got  him  into  a boat  to  proceed 
to  Mr.  Thorp's,  the  magistrate.  As  they  were  going,  the  warrior  became  satis- 
fied that  he  must  die,  and,  with  the  most  extraordinary  earnestness,  besought 
that  two  things  might  be  granted  him.  One  was,  that  it  should  never  be  told 
to  his  countrymen  that  he  was  killed  by  a bullet ; and  the  other,  that  he  should 
be  buried  among  the  English,  so  that  it  should  never  be  discovered  that  ho 
had  died,  or  was  subject  to  death  like  other  men.  Such  was  the  pride  and 
vanity  exhibited  by  an  Indian  at  his  death.  The  following  inference,  there- 
fore, is  naturally  to  be  drawn ; that  a desire  to  be  renowned,  and  held  in 
veneration  by  posterity,  is  not  confined  to  the  civilized  and  learned  of  any  age 
or  nation. 


* Perhaps  the  New  Englanders  followed  Smith’s  example,  afterwards,  in  the  case  of  AUx~ 
under , Ninigret,  and  others. 


I 


Chap.  II  ] OPEKANKANOUGH.— SECOND  GREAT  MASSACRE.  21 

Meanwhile,  Opekankanough,  the  better  to  increase  the  rage  of  his  warriors, 
affected  great  grief  at  JVemattanoiv’s  death,  which  had  the  effect  he  intended ; 
owing,  especially,  to  the  favor  in  which  that  warrior  had  stood  among  the 
Indians.  But  the  English  were  satisfied  that  this  was  only  pretence,  as  we 
have  before  observed  ; because  they  were  informed  of  his  trying  to  engage 
some  of  his  neighbors  against  them,  and  otherwise  acted  suspiciously,  some 
time  before  Nemattanow's  death  ; of  the  justice  of  which,  however,  the  Eng- 
lish tried  arguments  at  first,  and  threats  afterwards,  to  convince  them.  By 
his  dissimulation,  Opekankanough  completely  deceived  them,  and,  just  before 
the  massacre,  treated  a messenger  that  was  sent  to  him,  with  much  kindness 
and  civility;  and  assured  him  that  the  peace,  which  had  been  some  time 
before  concluded,  was  held  so  firm  by  him,  that  the  sky  should  fall  sooner 
than  it  should  be  violated  on  his  part.  And  such  was  the  concert  and  secrecy 
among  all  the  Indians,  that,  only  two  days  before  the  fatal  22  March,  some 
kindly  conducted  the  English  through  the  woods,  and  sent  one  of  their  youth 
to  live  with  the  English,  and  learn  their  language.  Moreover,  on  the  morn- 
ing of  that  very  day,  they  came  unarmed  among  them,  and  traded  as  usual, 
and  even  sat  down  to  breakfast  with  their  victims,  in  several  instances.  Never, 
perhaps,  was  a massacre  so  well  contrived  and  conducted,  to  ensure  success, 
as  was  this  of  Opekankanough.  The  English  were  lulled  into  a fatal  security, 
and  even  unknowingly  assisted  the  Indians  in  their  design;  lending  them 
their  boats  to  communicate  with  distant  tribes,  and  furnishing  them  with 
various  utensils,  which  were  converted  at  once  into  weapons  of  death. 

The  22  March,  1622,  having  come,  and  the  appointed  hour  of  that  mem- 
orable day  arrived,  with  a simultaneousness  unparalleled  on  any  former  occa- 
sion, the  Indians  rose  from  their  ambushes,  and,  with  the  swiftness  of  the 
tiger,  appeared,  in  a moment,  amidst  the  English  settlements.  Age,  sex,  nor 
condition,  shielded  no  one;  their  greatest  benefactors  were  among  their  first 
victims.  Thus,  in  the  space  of  about  one  hour,  fell  three  hundred  and  forty- 
seven  men,  women,  and  children.  By  this  horrid  calamity,  out  of  80  planta- 
tions, six  only  were  left  uninjured.  And  these  were  saved  by  the  timely 
information  of  a Christian  Indian  called  Chanco. 

The  ensuing  summer  was  spent,  by  the  surviving  English,  in  strengthening 
themselves  against  further  attacks,  and  preparations  for  taking  vengeance  on 
the  Indians;  wholly  neglecting  all  improvements,  works  of  utility,  and  even 
their  planting.  Every  thing  was  lost  sight  of  in  their  beloved  project  of 
revenge ; and  the  English,  in  their  turn,  showed  themselves  more  treacherous, 
if  not  more  barbarous,  than  their  enemy.  For,  under  pretence  of  making 
peace  again  with  them,  they  fell  upon  them  at  unawares,  and  murdered  many 
without  mercy.  This  crime  was  vastly  aggravated,  in  that,  to  induce  the 
Indians  to  come  forward  and  make  peace,  the  English  had  not  only  solemnly 
assured  them  forgiveness,  but  likewise  security  and  safety  in  their  persons. 

It  was,  for  some  time,  supposed  that  Opekankanough  was  among  the  slain, 
but,  if  Mr.  Beverly  was  not  misinformed,  the  same  sachem,  22  years  after- 
wards, executed  a still  greater  massacre  upon  the  English,  as,  in  the  next 
place,  we  shall  relate. 

How  long  Opekankanough  had  been  secretly  plotting  to  cut  off  the  intruders 
of  his  soil  cannot  be  known ; but,  in  1644,  all  the  Indians,  over  a space  of 
country  of  600  miles  in  extent,  were  leagued  in  the  enterprise.  The  old  chief 
at  this  lime,  was  supposed  to  be  near  100  years  of  age,  and,  though  unable  to 
walk,  would  be  present  in  the  execution  of  his  beloved  project.  It  was  upon 
the  18  April,  when  Opekankanough , borne  in  a litter,  led  his  warriors  for- 
ward, and  commenced  the  bloody  work.  They  began  at  the  frontiers,  with  a 
determination  to  slay  all  before  them,  to  the  sea.  After  continuing  the  mas- 
sacre two  days,  in  which  time  about  500*  persons  were  murdered,  Sir  William 
Berkeley , at  the  head  of  an  armed  force,  checked  their  progress.  The  destruc- 
tion of  the  inhabitants  was  the  greatest  upon  York  and  Parnuukey  Rivers, 
where  Opekankanough  commanded  in  person.  The  Indians  now,  in  their 
turn,  were  driven  to  great  extremity,  and  their  old  chief  was  taken  prisoner, 


* This  is  the  number  generally  set  down  in  the  histqries,  but  the  probably  just  scrutiny  of 
Mr.  Bancroft , Hist.  U.  3.  i.  224,  caused  him  to  fix  upon  the  number  300, 


22 


DEATH  OF  OPE  KAN  K ANOLJG  H . — TOTOPOTOMOI.  [Book  IV, 


and  carried  in  triumph  to  Jamestown.  Hdw  long  after  the  massacre  this 
happ  tried,  we  are  not  informed  ; but  it  is  said  that  the  fatigues  he  had  pre- 
viously undergone  had  wasted  away  his  flesh,  and  destroyed  the  elasticity  of 
his  muscles  to  that  degree,  that  lie  was  no  longer  able  ro  raise  the  eyelids 
from  his  eyes;  and  it  was  in  this  forlorn  condition,  that  he  fell  into  the  hands 
of  his  enemi  es.  A soldier,  who  had  been  appointed  to  guard  him,  barbarously 
fired  upon  him,  and  inflicted  a mortal  wound.  He  was  supposed  to  have 
been  prompted  to  the  bloody  deed,  from  a recollection  of  the  old  chief’s 
agency  in  the  massacre.  Just  before  he  expired,  hearing  a great  bustle  and 
crowd  about  him,  he  ordered  an  attendant  to  lift  up  his  eyelids ; when  he 
discovered  a multitude  pressing  around,  to  gratify  the  untimely  curiosity  of 
beholding  a dying  sachem.  Undaunted  in  death,  and  roused,  as  it  were,  from 
Bleep,  at  the  conduct  of  the  confused  multitude,  he  deigned  not  to  observe 
them ; but,  raising  himself  from  the  ground,  with  the  expiring  breath  of 
authority,  commanded  that  the  governor  should  be  called  to  him.  When  the 
governor  came,  Opekankanough  said,  with  indignation,  “ Had  it  been  my  for- 
tune to  have  taken  Sir  Wm.  Berkeley  prisoner , I would  not  meanly  have 
expose  l him  as  a show  to  my  people  ; ” * * * § and  soon  after  expired. 

It  is  said,  aud  we  have  no  reason  to  doubt  the  fact,  that  it  was  owing  to  the 
encroachments  upon  his  lands,  that  caused  Opekankanough  to  determine  upon 
a massacre  of  the  whites.  These  intrusions  were,  nevertheless,  conformable 
to  the  grants  of  the  proprietors.  He  could  hardly  have  expected  entire  con- 
quest, as  his  people  had  already  begun  to  waste  away,  and  English  villages 
were  springing  lip  over  an  extent  of  country  of  more  than  500  miles,  with  a 
populousness  beyond  any  preceding  example ; still,  he  was  determined  upon 
the  vast  undertaking,  and  sacrificed  himself  with  as  much  honor,  it  will,  per- 
haps, be  acknowledged,  as  did  Leonidas  at  Thermopylae. 

Sir  fVilliam  Berkeley  intended  to  have  sent  him,  as  a present,  to  the  king 
of  England;  but  assassination  deprived  him  of  the  wretched  satisfaction,  and 
saved  the  chief  from  the  mortification,  f 

None  of  the  Virginia  historians  seem  to  have  been  informed  of  the  true 
date  of  this  last  war  of  Opekankanough;  the  ancient  records  of  Virginia,  says 
Mr.  Burk,  are  silent  even  upon  the  events  of  it,  (an  extraordinary  omission.) 
Mr.  Beverly  thinks  it  began  in  1639,  and,  although  Mr.  Burk  is  satisfied  that  it 
took  place  after  1641,  yet  he  relates  it  under  the  date  1640.  And  we  are  not 
certain  that  the  real  date  would  ever  have  been  fixed,  but  for  the  inestimable 
treasury  of  New  England  history,  Winthrop's  Journal.]: 

That  it  took  place  subsequent  to  1641,  Mr.  Burk  assures  us,  upon  the  evi- 
dence of  the  MS.  records ; for  they  relate  that,  in  1640,  one  John  Burton  had 
been  convicted  of  the  murder  of  an  Indian,  and  that  his  punishment  was 
remitted,  “at  the  intercession  of  Opekankanough,  and  his  great  men.”  And 
that,  in  the  end  of  the  year  1641,  Thomas  Rolfe,  the  son  of  Pocahontas,  peti- 
tioned the  governor  for  permission  to  visit  his  kinsman,  Opekankanough , and 
Cleopatre , the  sister  of  his  mother.  That,  therefore,  these  events  happened 
previous  to  the  war,  and  death  of  Opekankanough.  § 

Nickotawance  succeeded  Opekankanough,  as  a tributary  to  the  English. 
In  1646,  he  came  to  Jamestown,  with  five  other  chiefs,  and  brought  20  beaver 
skins  to  be  sent  to  King  Charles.  He  made  a long  oration,  which  he  con- 
cluded with  the  protestation,  “that  the  sun  and  moon  should  first  loose  their 
glorious  lights,  and  shining,  before  he,  or  his  people,  should  ever  more  here- 
after wrong  the  English.” 

Totopotomoi  prolrably  succeeded  Nickotawance,  as  he  was  king  of  Pa- 
munkey  in  1656.  In  that  year,  a large  body  of  strange  Indians,  called 
Rechahecrians,  came  down  from  the  inland  mountainous  country,  and  forcibly 


* Bmerly,  llist.  Virg.  51.  f See  British  Empire  in  America,  i.  240,  1. 

f Whether  it  be  preserved  in  Hening’s  Statutes,  I have  not  learned,  but  presumed  it,  from 

the  inference  of  Bancroft. 

§ Like  most  of  the  early  writers,  the  author  of  A New  Description  of  Virginia,  (2  Coll. 
Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  ix.  11 1J  speaks  of  the  Indians  in  terms  dictated  by  indignation.  ‘'Their 
great  king/’  he  says,  “ Opecliau/cenow,  that  bloody  monster  upon  a hundred  years  old,  was 
taken  by  Sir  William  Berkely”  This  tract  was  published  in  1G59,  but  no  date  is  given  to 
the  massacre. 


23 


Chap.  III.]  THE  CREEK  NATION.— ORIGIN  OP  THE  NAME. 

possessed  themselves  of  the  country  about  the  falls  of  James  River.  The 
legislature  of  Virgiuia  was  in  session,  when  the  news  of  their  coming  was 
received.  What  cause  the  English  had  to  send  out  an  army  against  them, 
our  scanty  records  do  not  satisfactorily  show;*  but,  at  all  events,  they 
determined  at  once  to  dispossess  them.  To  that  end,  an  army  of  about  100 
men  was  raised,  and  put  uuder  the  direction  of  Colonel  Edward  Hill , who 
was  joined  by  Totopotomoi,  with  100  of  his  warriors.  They  did  not  find  the 
Rechahecriatis  unprepared,  but  of  the  particulars  of  the  meeting  of  the 
adverse  parties  we  are  not  informed.  The  event,  however,  was,  to  the  allies, 
most  disastrous.  Totopotomoi , with  the  most  of  his  men,  was  slain,  and  the 
English  suffered  a total  defeat,  owing,  it  is  said,  1o  the  criminal  management 
of  Colonel  Hill.  This  officer  lost  his  commission,  and  his  property  was 
taken  to  defray  the  losses  sustained  by  the  couutry.  A peace  seems  to  have 
been  concluded  with  the  Indians  soon  after. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Of  the  Creek  Indians — Muskogees — Prohibit  the  use  of  ardent  spirits — Their  rise  and 
importance — Their  origin — Catawbas — Chikusaus — Cherokees — A mode  of  flattening 
their  heads — Complexion  lighter  than  other  Indians — Seminoles — Ruins  at  Oak- 
mnlge  Fields — Expedtim  of  Soto — K Us  2000  Indiuns — Laudonniere — Gourges' 
expedition — Grijalva — Voyage  of  De  Ayllov — Carries  off  Indians  to  se'l  for  slaves 
— Moytoy  made  emperor  of  the  Cherokees — Sir  Alexander  Camming — Hs  travels 
among  the  Cherokees — Seven  chiefs  accompany  him  to  England — Attakui lakulla — 
Sxijagustah — His  speech  to  the  king — His  death. 

In  the  preceding  chapters  of  this  book,  much  has  been  narrated  of  the 
southern  nations  in  general ; and,  in  particular,  of  many  prominent  indi- 
viduals and  events.  It  is  designed,  in  the  present  chapter,  to  speak  more 
particularly  upon  the  events  of  the  great  nation  of  Creek  Indians. 

It  will  be  proper,  in  the  first  place,  to  give  some  general  account  of  the 
nation,  whose  men  of  eminence  have  been,  and  are  to  be,  noticed  ; for  there 
are  some  facts  that  will  not  necessarily  fall  in  otherwise ; but,  in  such  di- 
gression, if  so  it  should  be  termed,  our  chief  axiom  is  not  overturned,  which 
is,  that  to  write  the  history  of  the  men  of  a country,  is  to  write  the  history 
of  such  country.  The  reader,  however,  should  be  reminded,  that  a general 
history  of  a people  at  one  period,  will  not  exactly  apply  to  them  at  another. 
This  observation  is  not  only  true  with  regard  to  their  political  and  civil  his- 
tory, but  also  in  regard  to  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  same  nations: 
these  facts  are  true,  both  as  they  regard  people  called  civilized,  as  well  as 
those  called  savage.  Hence,  descriptions  of  tribes  or  nations  by  one  observer, 
at  one  time,  differ  from  those  of  another  at  a different  period  ; and  yet  both 
may  be  true  in  the  main  particulars.  Students,  therefore,  not  aware  of  this 
fact,  may  be  disposed  to  discredit  writers  for  such  disagreements,  which,  in 
fact,  are  altogether  imaginary.  But  it  is  time  to  commence  upon  the  imme- 
diate business  of  the  present  chapter. 

The  Creek  Indians  take  their  name  from  that  of  the  country  in  which  they 
live;  that  is,  the  English  gave  them  the  name  of  Creeks,  because  their 
country  is  full  of  creeks. 

*•  By  the  following  preamble  and  resolve  of  the  legislature,  all  we  possess,, touching  this 
matter,  is  to  be  gathered  : — “ Whereas  information  hath  been  received,  that  many  western  or 
inland  Indians  are  drawn  from  the  mountains,  and  lately  set  down  near  the  falls  of  James 
River,  to  the  number  of  6 or  700,  whereby,  upon  many  several  considerations  being  had,  it  is 
conceived  great  danger  might  ensue  to  this  colony.  This  assembly,  therefore,  do  think  fit 
and  resolve,  that  these  new  come  Indians  be  in  no  sort  suffered  to  seat  themselves  there,  or 
any  place  near  us,  it  having  cost  so  much  blood  to  expel  and  extirpate  those  perfidious  and 
treacherous  Indians,  which  were  there  formerly.  It  being  so  apt  a place  to  invade  us,  and 
within  the  limits,  which,  in  a just  war.  were  formerly  conquered  by  us,  and  by  us  reserved,  at 
the  conclusion  of  peace,  with  the  Indians."  Burk , Hist.  Virginia,  ii.  105. 


24 


CREEK  LANGUAGE.— CHEROKEE  INVENTION.  [BooK  IV. 


The  nation  of  most  importance  among  the  Creeks  was,  in  1775,  the 
Muskogees.  That  community,  or  nation,  like  the  Iroquois,  was  more  politic 
than  their  neighbors,  and  vastly  increased  their  strength  and  importance  by 
encouraging  small  declining  tribes  to  incorporate  themselves  with  them.  At 
one  time,  another  most  wise  resolution  was  adopted  among  them,  which,  above 
all  others,  should  be  mentioned ; that  was  a prohibition  of  the  importation  of  all 
kinds  of  ardent  spirits  into  their  country.  How  long  this  resolution  was  main- 
tained, or  at  what  period,  cannot,  at  this  time,  be  stated.  It  was  very  probably 
at  the  period  of  their  greatest  prosperity,  which  was  just  before  the  breaking 
out  of  the  revolutionary  war.  The  Muskogees  had  another  excellent  regulation, 
namely,  the  men  assisted  their  women  in  their  planting  before  setting  out  on 
their  warlike  and  other  expeditions.  This  was  called  the  Creek  nation, 
which,  in  what  was  called  its  best  days,  about  1786,  contained  17,000  souls;* 
but  they  were  reckoned,  in  1829,  at  20,000. 

Some  have,  latterly,  given  the  name  of  Creeks  only  to  a part  of  the  nations 
of  which  we  have  begun  to  treat ; but  it  is  here  intended  to  include  under  that 
head,  all  the  tribes  between  the  Savannah  on  the  east,  the  Mississippi  on  the 
west,  and  the  country  bordering  on  the  Ohio  on  the  north. 

The  following  is  a specimen  of  their  language,  which  will  answer  tolerably 
well  as  a specimen  of  all  the  southern  languages,  from  Carolina  to  the 
Mississippi : — 

Isti  tsukhvlhpi  laksakat  Tshihofv  inhomitsi  tomis;  momais  fvtsv  opunaho- 
yan  im  afvlski  tomis. f In  English,  Lying  lips  are  an  abomination  to  the  Lord; 
but  they  that  deal  truly  are  his  delight. 

The  following  is  Choktau  reckoning:  Achvfa,  1,  Tuklo,  2,  Tuchina,  3, 
Ushta,  4,  Tahlapi,  5,  Hanali,  6,  Untuklo,  7,  Untuchina,  8,  Chakali,  9,  Pokoli,  10. 
By  prefixing  auh  to  the  names  of  the  digits,  they  arrive  at  20 ; then,  by  pre- 
fixing Pokoli  (10)  to  the  series  of  digits,  they  arrive  at  30,  and  so  on.  \ 

The  Cherokees  have  now  a written  language,  and,  before  the  late  troubles 
with  Georgia,  were  making  good  advancement  in  all  the  useful  arts.  One 
of  the  most  remarkable  discoveries  of  modern  times  has  been  made  by  a 
Cherokee  Indian,  named  George  Guess.  His  invention  was  that  of  a syllabic 
alphabet  of  the  language  of  his  nation,  which  he  applied  to  writing  with 
unparalleled  success.  Young  Cherokees  learned  by  it  to  write  letters  to  their 
friends  in  three  days’  time;  and  although  the  inventor  used  a part  of  the 
English  alphabet  in  making  up  his  own,  yet  he  was  acquainted  with  no  other 
language  but  the  Cherokee.  This  invention  was  brought  to  maturity  in  1826. 
Two  years  after,  a newspaper,  called  the  Cherokee  Ph<enix,  was  established 
in  the  Cherokee  nation,  printed  chiefly  in  Cherokee,  with  an  English  transla- 
tion. § Being  considered  an  independent  nation,  they  instituted  a form  of 
government  similar  to  that  of  the  United  States. 

It  was  some  time  after  the  Natchez  massacred  the  French,  that  the  principal 
nation  of  Creeks,  the  Muskogees,  began  to  rise  into  importance.  For  a time 
after  that  memorable  event,  the  country  of  the  Natchez  was  desolate;  but 
when  some  years  had  elapsed,  a tribe  seated  themselves  there,  and  it  became 
the  seat  of  a powerful  nation;  and  this  was  the  Muskogees.  That  nation, 
like  the  ancient  Romans,  had,  in  about  30  years,  extended  their  dominions 
over  a fertile  country  near  200  miles  square  ;*had  3500  bow-tnen,  and  50  con- 
siderable towns.  They  had  dominion  also  over  one  town  of  the  Shawanese. 
Their  chief  places  were  upon  the  branches  of  the  Alabama  and  the  Apalachi- 
cola rivers;  the  people  upon  the  latter  being  called  the  lower  Creeks.  This, 
as  well  as  the  other  nations  whom  we  call  Creeks,  are  generally  supposed  to 
have  originally  come  from  the  south  or  south-west ; but  the  Indians  them- 
selves believe,  or  pretend  to  believe,  that  they  came  from  the  east,  or  place  of 
the  sun’s  rising;  concerning  which  opinion  we  may  observe  once  for  all,  that 
it  most  probably  had  the  same  origin  among  all  ignorant  people,  which  arose 
from  no  other  than  a desire  that  otners  should  think  them  descended  from  the 


* It  is  common  to  reckon  a third  warriors. 

t This  specimen  I take  from  a little  volume,  called  the  “ Muskogee  (Creek)  Assistant/' 
published  in  Boston,  1835,  by  the  Am.  Board  of  Com.  for  Foreign  Missions. 

J Choktau  Arithmetic,  printed  as  above. 

$ Hist.  Missions , ii,  354.— Missionary  Herald. 


Chap.  III.] 


COUNTRY  OF  THE  SOUTHERN  INDIANS. 


25 


sun  ; that  being  the  most  glorious  and  noble  origin  of  which  they  could  con- 
ceive. Indeed,  such  is  not  altogether  unnatural ; for  that  luminary  quickens 
and  enlivens  every  thing  that  has  life,  whether  animal  or  vegetable. 

Beside  the  Muskogees,  the  Kataubahs,  or  Catawbas,  Cherokees,  Choktaus, 
and  Chikasaus,  were  other  numerous  tribes  spread  over  the  great  country 
of  which  we  have  spoken. 

The  Kataubahs  and  the  Chikasaus  were  very  warlike  ; but  their  vicinity  to 
Europeans  was  as  detrimental  to  them,  and  even  more  so,  than  their  own 
exterminating  wars ; for,  as  in  other  cases,  as  soon  as  an  intercourse  com- 
menced, degradation  and  ruin  followed. 

The  Cherokees  have  withstood  the  deletery  effects  of  civilization  much 
beyond  what  can  be  said  of  any  other  tribe  of  Indians.  Their  country  is 
chiefly  in  Alabama,  Mississippi,  and  Tennessee ; but  they  occupy  also  the 
western  part  of  the  state  of  Georgia.  Before  the  war  of  1812,  their  country 
covered  24,000  square  miles.*  Numbers  of  this  tribe  have  emigrated  to 
Arkansaw. 

The  Choktaus  possessed  a country  not  so  filled  with  creeks  and  rivers  as 
the  Muskogees.  This  circumstance,  it  is  said,  was  a great  hinderance  to  their 
prosperity ; for  in  their  wars  with  their  neighbors,  they  suffered  greatly  from 
their  ignorance  of  swimming.  There  were  Upper  and  Lower  Choktau  towns ; 
the  former  were  situated  about  160  miles  from  the  Chikasaus,  and  the  latter 
about  200  above  New  Orleans.  The  people  of  this  nation  flattened  their  heads 
by  wearing  bags  of  sand  on  them,]  and,  according  to  Father  Hennepin, X the 
heads  of  all  the  Indians  upon  the  Mississippi  are  flatter  than  those  of  Canada. 
It  is  said  also  that  they  are  of  a lighter  complexion ; but  this  has  reference 
only  to  the  Muskogees,  according  to  some  writers.  The  Choktaus  princi- 
pally inhabit  Mississippi.  They  were,  in  1820,  set  down  at  25,000  souls,  and 
are  rather  increasing. 

The  Chikasaus  are  supposed  to  have  come  from  the  west  of  the  Mississippi, 
and  as  it  was  a custom  among  the  Creeks  for  their  unoccupied  lands  to  be 
taken  by  any  that  came  among  them,  as  emigrants,  the  Chikasaus  found  no 
obstacles  in  the  way  of  establishing  themselves  on  this  side  the  Mississippi. 
Where  they  first  established  themselves  is  unknown,  but  in  1770  they  were  a 
powerful  and  warlike  nation,  and  were  seated  upon  the  western  branches  of 
the  Mobile.  The  tribe  of  Yazoos  belonged  to  this  nation.  The  Chikasaus 
reside  in  Mississippi,  Kentucky,  and  Tennessee.  They  do  not  exceed  4900 
in  number. 

The  Seminoles  were  a nation  made  up  similar  to  many  others,  and  chiefly 
of  Muskogees.  The  Creeks  called  them  Seminoles,  which  signified  wild, 
because  they  had  estranged  themselves  from  their  former  country.  This 
nation  was  principally  seated,  40  years  ago,  upon  the  rivers  Apalachicola  and 
Flint,  and  had  a large  town  on  Calos  Bay,  on  the  west  side  of  East  Florida. 
They  now  reside  in  Florida,  a scattered  remnant  of  about  1200. 

The  names  alone  of  the  different  clans  or  tribes  of  these  nations  would  fill 
several  pages,  and  it  is  not  necessary  here  to  enumerate  them  ; we  shall  there- 
fore, after  some  general  observations,  pass  to  the  consideration  of  those  chiefs 
who  have  been  conspicuous. 

There  are  upon  the  east  bank  of  the  Oakmulge,  near  its  confluence  with 
the  Ocone,  beautiful  fields,  extensively  known  as  the  Oakmulge  fields  ; they 
are  upon  the  rich  low  lands  of  the  river,  and  upon  the  elevated  part  of  them 
are  yet  visible  remains  of  a town.  These  fields  extend  20  miles  along  the  river. 
The  Creek  Indians  give  this  account  of  them,  namely,  that  here  was  the  place 
where  they  first  set  down  after  crossing  the  Mississippi;  that  their  journey 
from  the  west  had  been  attended  with  incredible  suffering,  and  that  they  were 
opposed  at  every  step  by  various  hostile  bands  of  Indians,  and  that  on  reach- 


* Dr.  Morse’s  Report. 

t Adair. — “ As  soon  as  the  child  is  born,  the  nurse  provides  a cradle  or  wooden  case,  hol- 
lowed and  fashioned,  to  receive  the  infant,  lying  prostrate  on  its  back,  that  part  of  the  case 
where  the  head  reposes,  being  fashioned  like  a brick-mould.  In  this  portable  machine  the 
little  boy  is  fixed,  a bag  of  sand  being  laid  on  his  forehead.’-' — Bartratn,  515. 
f New  Discovery,  176. 

3 


20  SOTO'S  EXPEDITION.  [Book  IV. 

ing  this  place  they  fortifier!  themselves,  and  could  proceed  no  further,  and  at 
length  gained  ground  and  became  conquerors  in  their  turn. 

There  are  few  greater  curiosities  in  the  south,  than  the  great  highways  or 
roads,  which,  50  years  ago,  struck  the  traveller  with  surprise.  In  West  Florida 
they  are  still  easily  traced  lor  near  50  miles  in  a straight  line  upon  the  Oldo- 
koney  River.  All  history  is  silent  about  them  ; and  it  is  a singular  fact  that 
the  Indians  will  make  no ‘use  of  them,  but  studiously  make  their  paths  in  any 
other  direction.  * 

The  country  of  the  southern  Indians  has  suffered  in  some  respects  as  much 
as  some  parts  of  South  America;  it  having  been  traversed  and  overrun  from 
time  to  time  by  l>ands  of  mercenary  whites.  In  the  year  1538,  Ferdinand  de 
Soto , with  a commission  from  the  Emperor  Charles  V.,  sailed  with  a consid- 
erable fleet  for  America.  He  was  a Portuguese  gentleman,  and  had  been 
with  Pizarro  in  the  conquest  (as  it  is  called)  of  Peru.  His  commission  con- 
stituted him  governor  of  Cuba  and  general  of  Florida,  f Although  he  sailed 
from  St.  Lucar  in  1538,  he  did  not  land  in  Florida  { until  May,  1539.  With 
about  1000  men,  213  of  whom  were  provided  with  horses,  he  undertook  the 
conquest  of  Florida  and  countries  adjacent.  After  cutting  their  way  in  vari- 
ous directions  through  numerous  tribes  of  Indians,  traversing  nearly  1000 
miles  of  country,  losing  a great  part  of  their  army,  their  general  died  upon 
the  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  and  the  survivors  were  obliged  to  build  vessels 
in  which  to  descend  the  river ; which,  when  they  had  done,  they  sailed  for 
Mexico.  This  expedition  was  five  years  in  coming  to  nothing,  and  bringing 
ruin  upon  its  performers.  A populous  Indian* 1  town  at  this  time  stood  at  or 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Mobile,  of  which  Soto's  army  had  possessed  themselves. 
Their  intercourse  with  the  Indians  was  at  first  friendly,  but  at  length  a chief 
was  insulted,  which  brought  on  hostilities.  A battle  was  fought,  in  which,  it 
is  said,  2t>00  Indians  were  killed,  and  83  Spaniards. 

We  shall  not  attempt  here  to  go  more  into  detail  concerning  the  band  of 
marauding  Spaniards  under  Soto , as  it  will  answer  the  present  purpose  to> 
observe,  that  what  has  just  been  related,  is  but  one  of  the  many  butcheries 
committed  by  that  band ; and,  moreover,  our  accounts  are  rather  indistinct 
upon  the  whole  affair,  and  savor  much  of  exaggeration. 

The  French,  under  Rene  de  Laudonniere , settled  in  Florida  in  1564,  near 
where  Pensacola  was  since  built.  The  Spaniards  claimed  the  country,  and 
hence  the  bloody  wars  which  followed.  This  first  settlement  of  the  French, 
projected  by  Admiral  Coligni , was  soon  broken  up  by  the  Spaniards : they, 
in  the  basest  and  most  savage  manner,  murdered  the  whole  colony.  A 
religious  war  at  this  period  distracted  the  French  nation,  and  this  outrage 
would  have  remained  unrevenged,  hut  for  the  indignation  of  an  individual. 
In  1567,  Dominique  de  Gourgfs  sailed  to  Florida,  took  three  forts  from  the 
Spaniards,  put  the  men  to  the  sword,  and  hanged  all  the  other  settlers  he 
could  find.  § A French  garrison  was  again  established,  but,  being  left  without 
protection,  was  soon  retaken  by  the  Spaniards,  who  remained  masters  of  the 
country  for  more  than  a hundred  years.  |j 

From  these  transactions  of  antiquity,  we  must  descend  to  times  nearer  our 
own.  In  the  year  1730,  Sir  Alexander  Cumming  travelled  among  the  southern 
Indians,  and  from  whose  account  we  are  able  to  give  several  interesting  par- 
ticulars. At  this  period,  he  relates  that  the  Cherokee  nation  was  governed 
by  seven  Mother  Towns,  each  of  which  chose  a king  to  preside  over  them 
and  their  dependants.  He  was  elected  out  of  certain  families,  and  the  descent 

* Williams's  W.  Florida,  32. 

t Chaudon  de  Delanditie,  Nouveau  Diet.  Historique,  art.  Soto. 

f “ So  called,  because  it  was  first  discovered  by  the  Spaniards  on  Palme-Sunday,  or,  as 
the  most  interpret,  Eastcr-day,  which  they  call  Pasqua  Florida,  and  not,  as  Theuet  writetb, 
for  the  flourishing  verdure  thereof.,,  Purclias,  769.  Modern  writers  of  discoveries  would  do 
better  were  they  to  look  more  to  the  sources  of  information. 

$ See  an  animated  account  of  these  bloody  affairs  in  Johnson's  Life  of  General  Greene, 

i.  480.  &c. 

jj  Dupratz,  i.  1 — 3.  Juan  de  Grijalva  discovered  the  country  upon  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  i» 
1518,  (Herrera,  ii.  199.)  and  some  report  that  he  carried  off  Indians  as  slaves.  (See  Wil- 
liams’s  Florida,  90.)  But  we  are  not  aware  that  the  fact  is  elsewhere  recorded.  Herrera , 
though  very  minute,  does  not  name  it.  Purchas  (812)  agrees  with  him. 


Chap.  III.] 


MOYTOY  MADE  KING  OF  THE  CREEKS. 


27 


was  regarded  only  on  the  mother’s  side.  These  mother  towns  were,  according 
to  Sir  Alexander , Tannassie,  Kettooah,  Ustenary,  Telliquo,  Estootowie,  Keyo- 
wee,  and  Noeyeoee.  Four  of  these  towns  were  without  kings  at  this  time, 
they  having  died.  Some  towns  had  princes,  as  our  author  called  them ; 
namely,  Tomasso,  one ; Settecho,  one ; Tassetrchte,  oue ; Iwassee,  one;  Tel- 
liquo, two;  Tannassie,  two;  Canuostee,  one;  Cowte,  one. 

The  chief  Moytoy  was  called  emperor,  and  presided  over  the  seven  towns, 
in  1730.  His  residence  was  at  Telliquo.  On  the  3 April,  this  year,  deputies 
from  all  parts  of  the  nation  met  at  Nequassie,  and  in  presence  of  Sir 
Alexander  Camming  and  12  other  Englishmen,  declared  Moytoy  emperor;  he 
having  been  nominated  by  Sir  Alexander.* * * §  The  nation  consented  to  receive 
Moytoy  as  their  king,  provided  he  was  held  accountable  to  Sir  Alexander.  At 
the  ceremony  of  declaring  Moytoy  king  or  emperor,  by  whose  order  Sir 
Alexander  was  placed  in  a chair,  himself  and  the  conjurers  standing  about 
him,  and  a throng  of  warriors  “siroked  him  with  13  eagles’ tails,  and  their 
sing  ts  sung  from  morning  till  night.”  After  this  was  done  with,  he  made  a 
speech  to  the  great  concourse  of  Indians ; in  which,  among  a good  deal  besides, 
he  displayed  the  power  and  goodness  of  the  king  beyond  the  great  water ; 
and  “required  Moytoy  and  all  the  head  warriors  to  acknowledge  themselves 
dutiful  subjects  and  sons  to  King  George ,”  “all  which  they  did  on  their  knees, 
calling  upon  every  thing  that  was  terrible  to  them  to  destroy  them,  and  that 
they  might  become  no  people,  if  they  violated  their  promise  and  obedience.” 
The  next  day,  4 April,  “the  crown  was  brought  from  great  Tannassie, 
which,  with  five  eagles’  tails  and  four  scalps  of  their  enemi;  s,  Moytoy  pre- 
sented to  Sir  Alexander , impowering  him  to  lay  the  same  at  his  majesty’s  feet.” 
The  conjurers  were  well  pleased  with  the  English  baron,  and  told  him  they 
would  follow  all  his  directions,  “ That  when  he  left  them  they  would  still 
consider  him  as  present  in  the  person  of  Moytoy  of  Telliquo,  who  would 
punctually  do  what  he  had  bid.”  Sir  Alexander  was  now  at  Tannassie,  400 
miles  from  Charleston,  according  to  his  reckoning,  and  had  but  15  days  to 
arrive  there  in,  to  go  for  England  in  the  Fox  man-of  war,  which  was  then  to 
sail.  lie  therefore  asked  Moytoy  if  the  Indians  could  travel  there  in  so  short 
a time  on  foot.  The  chief  said  it  might  be  done,  and  that  he  would  have 
accompanied  him,  but  for  the  dangerous  illness  of  his  wife,  and  requested  him 
to  choose  such  as  he  desired  from  among  his  people,  to  go  with  him.  f 

Accordingly,  Sir  Alexander  chose,  as  evidences  of  what  had  happened, 
Skijagusta,  \ the  head  warrior  of  Tassetchie,  “a  man  of  great  power  and 
interest,  who  had  a right  to  be  a king,”  Attakullakidla , and  Otassiie,  or  Outa- 
cite , a third  warrior,  Collannah , a fourth;  “and  from  Tannassie,  the  remotest 
town  of  the  country,  he  took  Clogoittah  and  Oukanaekah , § warriors.”  About 
23  miles  from  Charleston  they  met  with  the  warrior  Ounakannowine , a 
friend  of  these  chiefs,  “who  had  just  come  from  the  Kattarbe  nation,  and 
desired  to  go  along  with  his  countrymen,  to  which  Sir  Alexander  consented.” 
They  went  on  board  the  Fox,  a man-of-war,  and  sailed  from  Charleston 
Bay  4 May,  and  arrived  at  Dover  5 June;  thus  performing  a passage  across 
the  Atlantic  in  a month  and  a day,  in  1730,  not  much  inferior  to  what  is  done 
now-a-days.  At  Dover  Sir  Alexander  “ took  post  to  London,  with  the  crown 


* This  part  of  the  sentence  is  upon  the  authority  of  a good  writer,  (Hewatt,  Hist.  Carolina, 
ii.  5,)  but  Sir  Alexander  does  not  say  quite  as  much  in  his  account. 

t Moytoy  was  a bitter  enemy  afterwards.  In  1758  he  went  with  his  warriors  to  a place 
called  Statiquo,  and  killed  several  whites,  without,  as  was  said,  any  provocation.  Hewatt, 
ii.  220. 

{ Or  Kitagusta.  This  chief  was  one  of  the  seven,  as  will  appear  immediately  onward, 
although  Sir  Alexander,  in  his  communication,  does  not  name  him.  Neither  does  he  name 
Attakullakulla , or  Oulassite ; yet  it  is  certain  they  were  both  in  England,  and  we  believe  at 
this  time : they  make  up  the  number  seven,  with  those  named  in  his  own  narrative.  That 
Attakullakulla  was,  see  Hewatt,  ii.  221,  and  Wynne,  ii.  280,  n.  We  can  only  account  for  the 
blanks  in  the  narrative,  by  supposing  that  Sir  Alexander's  amanuensis  did  not  understand 
him,  (for  he  did  not  write  himself,)  ana  the  enumeration  of  the  chiefs  which  he  took  with  him, 

is  very  blundering.  Thus,  after  naming  one  only,  it  is  set  down,  “ and 

a third  warrior,”  &c. 

§ Perhaps  Ockonostota,  who  was  called  the  great  warrior  of  the  Cherokee  nation.  Hewatt, 
ii.  217. 


23 


CREEK  CHIEFS  VISIT  ENGLAND. 


[Eook  IV. 


of  the  Cherokee  nation,  leaving  the  Indians  behind  to  come  up  with  the  man- 
of-war,  He  let  the  secretary  of  state  immediately  know  that  he  had  full  power 
from  that  nation  to  lay  their  crown  at  his  majesty’s  feet,  and  that  he  had  brought 
over  seven  Indian  chiefs,  as  an  evidence  of  the  truth.  His  majesty  was  gra- 
ciously pleased  to  order  Sir  Alexander  to  bring  in  his  people  to  the  installation, 
the  18th  of  June,  where  they  were  extremely  surprised  at  the  magnificence  of 
every  thing  about  them  : they  compared  the  king  and  queen  to  the  sun,  the 
princes  to  the  stars,  and  themselves  to  nothing.  On  the  22d  of  June,  Sir 
Alexander  was  introduced  to  his  majesty,  and  upon  his  knee,  in  presence  of 
the  court,  declared  the  full  power  he  had  received,  the  Indian  chiefs  all 
kneeling  at  the  same  time,  as  a testimony  of  their  submission  and  approbation. 
Sir  Alexander  laid  the  crown  of  the  Cherokee  nation  at  his  majesty’s  feet,  with 
the  five  eagles’  tails,  as  an  emblem  of  his  majesty’s  sovereignty,  and  four  scalps 
of  Indian  enemies;  all  which  his  majesty  was  graciously  pleased  to  accept  of.” 

While  in  England,  they  made  a treaty  with  the  king,  every  article  of  which 
was  accompanied,  on  his  part,  with  presents  of  some  sort  or  other:  such  as 
cloth,  guns,  vermilion,  hatchets,  knives,  &c.  This  treaty  was  dated  at  White- 
hall, 7 September,  1730,  and  from  it  we  get  the  names  of  the  seven  chiefs.  It 
begins,  “Whereas  you,  Scayagusta  Oukah,  chief  of  the  town  of  Tasseta; 
you,  Sc  a li  los  ken  Ketagusta  ; you,  Tethtowe  ; you,  Clogoittah  ; you, 
Colannah  ; you,  Unnaconoy  ; you,  Oucounacou,  have  been  deputed  by  the 
whole  nation  of  the  Cherokee  Indians,  to  come  to  Great  Britain,”*  &c.  After 
the  treaty  was  finished,  a certified  copy  was  presented  to  the  chiefs  by  Sir 
Alexander  Gumming ; upon  which  Skijagustah , in  the  name  of  the  whole, 
mad  ? the  following  speech  : — 

“ We  are  come  hither  from  a mountainous  place,  where  nothing  but  dark- 
ness is  to  be  found  ; but  we  are  now  in  a place  where  there  is  light.  There 
was  a person  in  our  country,  he  gave  us  a yellow  token  of  warlike  honor, 
which  is  left  with  Moytoy  of  Telliquo,  and  as  warriors  we  received  it.  He 
came  to  us  like  a warrior  from  you.  A man  he  is  ; his  talk  is  upright,  and  the 
token  he  left  preserves  his  memory  among  us.  We  look  upon  you  as  if  the 
great  king  were  present;' we  love  you  as  representing  the  great  king.  We 
shall  die  in  the  same  way  of  thinking.  The  crown  of  our  nation  is  different 
from  that  which  the  great  King  George  wears,  and  from  that  we  saw  in  the 
tower.  But  to  us  it  is  all  one.  The  chain  of  friendship  shall  be  carried  to 
our  people.  We  look  upon  the  great  King  George  as  the  sun,  and  as  our 
father,  and  upon  ourselves  as  his  children.  For  though  we  are  red,  and  you 
are  white,  yet  our  hands  and  hearts  are  joined  together.  When  we  shall  have 
acquainted  our  people  with  what  we  have  seen,  our  children  from  generation 
to  gen?  ration  will  always  remember  it.  In  war  we  shall  always  be  one  with 
you.  The  enemies  of  the  great  king  shall  be  our  enemies.  His  people  and 
ours  shall  be  one,  and  shall  die  together.  We  came  hither  naked  and  poor  as 
the  worms  of  the  earth,  but  you  have  every  thing,  and  we  that  have  nothing 
must  love  you,  and  will  never  break  the  chain  of  friendship  which  is  between 
us.  Here  stands  the  governor  of  Carolina,  whom  we  know.f  This  small 
ropef  we  show  you  is  all  that  we  have  to  bind  our  slaves  with,  and  it  may  be 
broken.  But  have  iron  chains  for  yours.  However  if  we  catch  your  slaves, 
we  will  bind  them  as  well  as  we  can,  and  deliver  them  to  our  friends,  and  take 
no  pay  for  it.  We  have  looked  round  for  the  person  that  was  in  our  country 
— he  is  not  here  : However,  we  must  say  he  talked  uprightly  to  us,  and  we 
shall  never  forget  him.  Your  white  people  may  very  safely  build  houses  near 
us.  We  shall  hurt  nothing  that  belongs  to  them,  for  we  are  children  of  one 
father,  the  great  king,  and  shall  live  and  die  together.” 

When  Skijngustah  had  proceeded  thus  far,  he  laid  his  feathers  upon  a table, 
and  closed  as  follows : — 


* Report  of  the  Commissioners  (1736)  on  the  Affairs  of  Georgia,  p.  53. — If  Attalcullabifla 
were  among  these  chiefs,  he  went  under  another  name,  as  did  also  Outacite.  See  a few  pages 
forward. 

t There  was  at  this  time  no  governor,  though  Robert  Johnson  was  nominally  such.  In  1729 
the  government  of  Carolina  was  delivered  to  the  crown  of  England,  for  about  £17,000.  John - 
ton  was  reappointed  in  1731. 
t String  of  wampum,  probably. 


TOMOCHICHI. 


29 


Chap.  IV.] 

« This  is  our  way  of  talking,  which  is  the  same  thing  to  us  as  your  letters  in 
the  book  are  to  you,  and  to  you.  beloved  men,  we  deliver  these  feathers  in 
confirmation  of  all  we  have  said.” 

In  October,  the  Indians  embarked  at  Portsmouth  with  Mr.  Johnson , the 
governor  of  Carolina,  for  their  own  country,  and  in  the  same  ship  in  which 
they  went  over. 

Skijagustah,  or,  as  he  was  sometimes  called,  Kittagusta , “was  brother  of 
Oucconnostota , or  the  great  warrior,  and  also  chief  of  Chote.  He  lived  to  be 
very  old,  and  died  in  May,  1768. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Settlement  of  Carolina  and  Georgia — Tomochichi  receives  the  English — Goes  to  Eng- 
land with  General  Oglethorpe — Makes  a speech  to  the  King — His  death — War  with 
the  Spaniards — Outacitie — Malachty — Attakullakulla — Indians  murdered 
— Attakullakulla  prevents  retaliation  upon  whites  in  his  power — Cherokee  War 
begins — Governor  Littleton’s  expedition — Imprisons  their  Ambassadors — They  are 
massacred — Colonel  Montgomery  sent  against  them — Battle  near  Keoivee — Chero * 
kecs  take  Fort  London — Sjlouce — Saves  the  life  of  Colonel  Byrd — Colonel  Grant 
subdues  the  Cherokees,  and  they  make  peace  with  the  whites — Chlucco. 

The  presumption  is  pretty  strongly  supported,  that  Sir  Walter  Ralegh  visited 
the  southern  shores  of  North  America.  When  General  Oglethorpe  landed  in 
Georgia,  in  1732,*  O.  S.,  and  communicated  to  the  Indiafis  the  contents  of  a 
journal  of  Sir  Walter's , they  seemed  to  have  a tradition  of  him,  which  they  had 
fondly  cherished  ; although,  if  the  person  they  met  were  Ralegh,  a hundred 
years  had  elapsed  since  he  was  there.  They  pointed  out  to  Mr.  Oglethorpe  a 
place  near  Yamacraw  bluff,  since  Charleston,  on  which  was  a large  mound, 
in  which  was  buried,  they  said,  a chief  who  had  talked  with  Sir  Walter  Ralegh 
upon  that  spot.  The  chief  had  requested  his  people  to  bury  him  there,  that 
the  place  might  be  kept  in  veneration. 

TOMOCHICHI  was  the  principal  chief,  or  Mico,  as  chiefs  were  called,  of  a 
small  band  of  Creeks  and  Yamasees,  who,  having  in  some  way  offended  their 
countrymen,  fled  their  country,  and  “wandered  about  in  the  woods  some  time, 
until  about  1732,  when  they  begged  leave  of  this  government  to  sit  down  on 
the  high  land  of  Yamacraw,  on  the  south  side  of  Savannah  river,  at  or  near 
the  place  where  the  new  town  of  Savannah,  in  Georgia,  is  now  situated.”  f 
They  consisted  of  but  17  or  18  families,  and  their  first  chief  appears  to  have 
been  called  Bocachee.  Several  chief  men,  of  various  tribes,  came  to  welcome 
the  English,  immediately  after  their  arrival.  “ They  were  as  follows : From 
the  tribe  of  Coweeta,  Yahan-lakee , their  king,  or  mico  ; Essaboo,  their  warrior, 
the  son  of  Old-brim,  lately  dead,  whom  the  Spaniards  called  emperor  of  the 
Creeks,  with  eight  men  and  two  women  attendants.  From  the  tribe  of  Cusse- 
tas,  Cusseta,  their  mico  : Tatchiqualchi,  their  head  warrior,  with  four  attendants. 
From  the  tribe  of  Owseecheys,  Ogeese,  the  mico,  or  war  king ; JYeathlouth - 
ko  and  Ougachi,  two  chief  men,  with  three  attendants.  From  the  tribe  of 
Cheechaws,  Outhleteboa,  their  mico,  Thlautho-thlukee,  Figeer,  Sootamilla,  war 
captains,  with  three  attendants.  From  the  tribe  of  Echetas,  Chutabeeche  and 
Robin,  two  war  captains,  (the  latter  was  bred  among  the  English,)  with  four 
attendants.  From  the  tribe  of  Polachucolas,  Gillattee,  their  head  warrior,  and 
five  attendants.  From  the  tribe  of  Oconas,  Oueekachumpa , called  by  the  Eng- 
lish  Long-king,  Koowoo,  a warrior.  From  the  tribe  of  Eufaule,  Tomaumi , head 
warrior,  and  three  attendants. 

* 31any  gentlemen  in  England  contributed,  in  various  ways,  this  year,  for  the  advancement 
of  the  coldny  ; .some  in  cattle,  some  in  labor,  some  in  provisions,  and  others  as  soldiers.  The 
contribution  of  one  gentleman,  for  its  singularity,  shall  be  mentioned.  “ Mr.  Hume  gave  a 
silver  boat  and  spoon  for  the  first  child  born  in  Georgia,  which  being  born  of  Mrs.  Close , were 
given  accordingly.” — Commissioners’  Report  on  Georgia  Affairs,  p.  119. 
f Report  of  the  Commissioners,  ut  supra , 11,  116,  117. 


30 


TOMOCHICHI  AND  OTHERS  VISIT  ENGLAND.  [Book  IV. 


“The  Indians  being  all  seated,  Oueekachumpa , a very  tall  old  man,  stood, 
and  made  a speech,  which  was  interpreted  by  Mr.  JViggan  and  Mr.  Musgrove* 
in  which  he  said  all  the  lands  to  the  southward  of  Savannah  River  belonged 
to  the  Creeks,  lie  said,  the  Indians  were  poor,  but  the  same  Power  that  gave 
the  English  breath,  gave  them  breath  also.  That  that  Power  had  given  the 
English  the  most  wisdom.  That,  as  they  had  come  to  instruct  them,  they  should 
have  all  the  lands  which  they  did  not  use  themselves.  That  this  was  not  only- 
his  mind,  but  the  minds  of  the  eight  towns  of  Creeks,  who  had,  after  consult- 
ing together,  sent  some  of  their  chief  men  with  skins,  which  was  their  wealth. 
At  this  period  of  Oueekachumpa' s speech,  some  of  the  chiefs  of  the  eight 
towns  brought  each  a bundle  of  buck’s  skins,  and  laid  them  down  before  Miv 
Oglethorpe.  Then  the  chief  said,  “ These  are  the  best  things  ive  possess,  but  we 
give  them  with  a good  heart.  I thank  you  for  your  kindness  to  Tomochichi,  and 
his  people.  He  is  my  kinsman , and , though  he  was  banished  from  his  nation,  he 
is  a good  man  and  a great  warrior.  It  was  on  account  of  his  wisdom  and  justice, 
that  the  banished  men  chose  him  their  king.  1 hear  that  the  Cherokees  have 
killed  some  Englishmen.  If  you  [addressing  Mr.  Oglethorpe]  will  command  vs, 
we  will  go  against  them  with  all  our  force,  kill  their  people , and  destroy  their 
living." 

When  Oueekachumpa  had  done  speaking,  Tomochichi  drew  near  with  his 
men,  and,  after  making  a low  bow,  said, — “ I was  a banished  man,  and  I came 
here  poor  and  helpless  to  look  for  good  land  near  the  tombs  of  my  ancestors , and 
when  you  came  to  this  place,  I feared  you  would  drive  us  away ; for  we  were  weak 
and  wanted  corn.  But  you  confirmed  our  land  to  us,  and  gave  us  food."  The 
other  chiefs  spoke  in  the  same  manner  as  Oueekachumpa  had,  and  then  agreed 
upon  and  executed  an  amicable  treaty. 

By  the  assistance  of  his  interpreter,  Mary  Musgrove,  General  Oglethorpe  had 
been  able  to  draw  together,  at  one  time,  50  chiefs  from  the  upper  and  lower 
Creek  towns,  and,  by  his  conciliatory  conduct,  had  secured  their  friendship. 
He  next  resolved  to  take  a deputation  of  them  to  England,  hoping  what  they 
might  witness  and  experience  there,  would  result  in  lasting  benefits  to  both 
their  nations  and  the  English.  Accordingly,  measures  having  been  taken  for 
the  furtherance  of  this  project,  the  general  and  the  Indian  chiefs  embarked 
for  England,  in  the  Aldborough  man-of-war,  and  arrived  at  St.  Hellens,  in 
the  Isle  of  Wight,  16  June,  1734.  The  names  of  the  Indians  were  Tomo- 
chichi, Se^awki,  his  consort,  and  Toonakowi,  the  prince,  his  nephew; 
also  II illispilli,  a war  captain,  and  Apakowtski,  Stimalechi,  Sintouchi, 
Hinguithi,  and  Umpiiyciii,  five  other  chiefs,  with  their  interpreter. 

Immediately  after  their  arrival,  orders  were  given  for  preparing  proper 
habits  for  them,  in  order  to  their  being  introduced  at  court.  This  having 
been  done,  Sir  Clement  Cotterel,  knight,  master  of  the  ceremonies,  was  sent, 
August  1,  with  three  of  the  king’s  coaches,  drawn  by  six  horses  each,  to  the 
Georgia  office,  where  the  chiefs,  all  except  one,  were  taken  in  and  carried  to 
Kensington,  where  their  introduction  to  his  majesty,  King  George  II.,  took 
place.  The  one  left  at  the  Georgia  office  was  sick  with  the  small-pox,  of 
which  he  died  the  next  day.  Tomochichi,  after  presenting  the  king  with  sev- 
eral eagle’s  feathers,  which  were  considered,  by  his  nation,  the  most  respectful 
present  they  could  send,  delivered  the  following  speech  to  his  majesty : — 

“ This  day  I sec  the  majesty  of  your  face,  the  greatness  of  your  house,  and 
the  number  of  your  people.  I am  come  for  the  good  of  the  whole  nation  of 
the  Creeks,  to  renew  the  peace  they  had  long  ago  made  with  the  English.  I 
am  come  over  in  my  old  days ; and,  though  I cannot  live  to  see  any  advantage 
to  myself,  I am  come  for  the  good  of  the  children  of  all  the  nations  of  the 
Upper  and  Lower  Creeks,  that  they  may  be  instructed  in  the  knowledge  of 
the  English.  These  are  the  feathers  of  the  eagle,  which  is  the  swiftest  of 
birds,  and  who  flieth  all  round  our  nations.  These  feathers  are  a sign  of 
peace  in  our  land,  and  we  have  brought  them  over  to  leave  them  with  you, 
great  king,  as  a sign  of  everlasting  peace.  O ! great  king,  whatsoever  words 


* His  wife  was  the  interpreter,  according  to  J1 TCalL,  i.  35,  who  was  a half  breed  named 
Mary.  Oglethorpe  first  purchased  her  friendship  with  presents,  and  afterwards  allowed  her  a 
hundred  pounds  a year  for  her  services. — Commissioners’  Report  on-  Georgia  Affairs. 


31 


Chap.  IV.]  T0M0CH1CHI  AND  OTHERS  VISIT  ENGLAND. 

you  shall  say  unto  me,  I will  tell  them  faithfully  to  all  the  kings  of  the  Creek 
nations.”  The  king’s  answer,  though  short,  was,  in  the  highest  degree,  con- 
ciliatory, and  what  was  termed  gracious.* 

When  the  chiefs  were  introduced  at  court,  his  majesty  received  them  upon 
his  throne,  in  the  presence  chamber,  attended  by  the  officers  of  state,  and  a 
numerous  court.  They  were  introduced  by  the  Duke  of  Grafton , chamberlain 
of  his  majesty’s  household  ; and,  after  the  ceremonies,  they  returned  to  their 
apartments,  at  the  Georgia  office. 

Their  first  care,  after  returning  from  court,  was  to  inter  their  deceased 
companion,  which  was  accordingly  done  with  great  ceremony,  in  the  burial- 
ground  of  St.  Johu  the  Evangelist,  Westminster,  according  to  the  custom  of 
the  “Cherokee  Creeks,”  which  was  in  the  following  manner -.—“The  deceased 
being  sewed  up  in  two  blankets,  with  one  deal  board  under  and  another  over 
him,  and  tied  down  with  a cord,  was  placed  upon  a bier,  and  carried  to  the 
place  of  interment.  There  were  only  present  at  the  time  of  his  being  put  into 
the  grave,  King  Tomo,  and  some  of  the  chiefs,  the  upper  church  warden  of 
the  parish,  and  the  grave  digger.  When  the  corpse  was  laid  in  the  earth,  the 
clothes  of  the  deceased  were  thrown  into  the  grave  ; after  this  a quantity  of 
glass  beads  were  cast  in,  and  then  some  pieces  of  silver ; the  custom  of  those 
Indians  being  to  bury  all  the  deceased’s  effects  with  him.” 

Although  we  have  the  names  of  all  the  chiefs  given  us  that  went  over  with 
Mr.  Oglethorpe , we  have  not  the  means  of  knowing  which  it  was  that  died. 
Indians  often  died  on  their  visits  to  Europe.  One  of  the  five  Iroquois  chiefs 
died  in  England,  f in  1710,  and  of  his  name  too  we  are  ignorant. 

Mr.  Oglethorpe's  chiefs,  after  having  been  showed  the  chief  curiosities  in 
and  about  London,  were  taken  to  Spithead,  where  the  English  fleet  lay,  that 
they  might  go  on  board  and  view  the  tremendous  ship  Britannia , and  some 
others  of  great  magnitude.  On  the  30  October,  1734,  a little  past  noon,  they 
embarked  at  Gravesend,  on  board  the  Prince  of  Wales,  for  Georgia. 

Of  Tomo  chichi,  who  was  the  most  prominent  character  among  them,  we 
have  yet  a little  to  add.  He  lived  until  he  had  attained  his  97th  year,  and  died 
15  October,  1739,  five  years,  wanting  15  days,  after  he  sailed  from  England, 
lie  resided,  at  the  time  of  his  death,  about  four  miles  from  Savannah.  He 
was  highly  beloved  by  the  English,  having  always  been  their  particular  friend, 
fought  for  them  in  war,  and  aided  them  by  his  counsel  in  peace.  He  was 
aware  of  the  approach  of  death,  and  expressed  but  little  desire  to  live  longer, 
as  he  should  be  unable  to  aid  his  allies  any  more  against  the  Spaniards. 
For  General  Oglethorpe  he  expressed  the  greatest  tenderness,  and  entreated 
the  Indians  to  bear  in  remembrance  the  kindnesses  with  which  the  king  of 
England  had  treated  him,  and  hoped  they  would  always  remain  his  subjects. 
Having  expressed  a wish  that  his  body  might  be  buried  among  the  English  in 
Savannah,  accordingly,  his  corpse  was  there  interred  in  Percival  Square,  with 
military  parade,  and  General  Oglethorpe  ordered  a pyramid  to  be  erected  over 
it,  with  an  appropriate  inscription.  \ 

Thus  are  traced  the  first  steps  in  the  history  of  Georgia,  and  thus  did  every 
thing  promise  a continuance  of  that  friendship  so  well  begun  by  General 
Oglethorpe.  Nothing  was  left  undone,  while  the  Creek  chiefs  were  in  Eng- 
land, to  impress  upon  their  minds  exalted  ideas  of  the  power  and  greatness  of 
the  English  nation.  The  nobility  were  not  only  curious  to  see  them,  but 
entertained  them  at  their  tables  in  the  most  magnificent  style.  Multitudes 
flocked  around  them,  conferring  gifts  and  marks  of  respect  upon  them.  The 
king  allowed  them  £20  sterling  a week,  during  their  stay,  and  it  was  computed 
that,  at  their  return  to  America,  they  brought  presents  to  the  amount  of  £400 
sterling.  After  remaining  in  England  four  months,  they  embarked  at  Grave- 
send for  Georgia.  They  were  conveyed  to  the  place  of  embarkation  in  his 
majesty’s  carriages.  § 

In  the  invasion  of  Georgia  by  the  Spaniards,  in  1743,  many  Indians  were 
drawn  into  the  controversy,  on  both  sides.  Toeanoeowi , |j  or  Tooanohoivi,  a 
nephew  of  Tomochichi,  was  shot  through  the  right  arm,  in  an  encounter  with 


* Harris,  Voyages. 

\ M’Call,  Hist.  Georgia,  i.  196,  197. 


t Kahn's  Travels  in  America,  i.  210. 

§ lb.  i.  45.  ||  Harris . 


32 


OUTACITE.— INTERVIEW  WITH  GOV.  NICHOLSON.  [Book  iv, 


the  Spaniards,  by  a Spanish  captain.  Tooanohoivi  drew  his  pistol  with  his  left 
hand,  and  shot  the  captain  through  the  head. 

Thus,  with  the  Spaniards  upon  one  hand,  and  the  English  upon  the  other, 
and  the  French  in  the  midst  of  them,  the  Creeks  and  Cherokees  became  sub- 
ject to  every  possible  evil  to  which  the  caprice  of  those  several  nations  gave 
rise.  In  1723,  a chief,  whose  name  we  find  in  writers  of  that  day,  Wootassitaw , 
Woosatasate,  Wootassitau , Wrosdasatow ,*  &c.  is  styled  “ Governor  of  the  Lower 
and  Middle  Settlements  of  the  Charikees.”  He  is  presumed  to  be  the  same 
with  Otacite , or  Olassite,  one  of  the  prisoners  above  enumerated,  and  from 
what  we  are  about  to  relate  of  him,  his  eminence  will  be  apparent.  In  1721, 
Francis  JYicholson  went  over  as  governor  of  S.  Carolina,  who  was  said  to  have 
been  very  successful  in  managing  affairs  with  the  Indians.  Soon  after  his 
arrival,  the  Cherokees  despatched  messengers  to  Charleston  to  adjust  some 
difficulties  which  had  for  some  time  existed  ; and,  not  long  after,  another  more 
full  and  complete  deputation  arrived.  Governor  JYicholson  opened  the  council 
by  a long  speech  to  “ fVootassite , King,  and  to  the  heads  of  the  Lower  and 
Middle  Settlements  of  the  Charokee  Nations.” 

In  the  course  of  his  speech,  he  observes,  that,  when  they  delivered  their 
acknowledgments  and  paid  their  submission  to  the  government,  “the  other 
day,”  they  had  made  mention  of  37  towns  that  had  sent  down  their  chiefs  for 
that  purpose,  and  wished  to  be  satisfied  that  these  towns  were  represented, 
that  his  words  might  be  carried  to  all  their  inhabitants.  After  laying  much 
stress  on  their  submission  and  respect  to  the  king  of  England,  he  speaks  thus 
sensibly  upon  their  trading  with  the  whites,  which  at  the  same  time  discovers 
to  us  the  origin  of  former  troubles. 

After  ordering  that  if  either  party  injured  the  other,  restitution  should  be 
made  by  the  aggressor,  he  says,  “Frequent  complaints  have  been  made  that 
your  people  have  often  broke  open  the  stores  belonging  to  our  traders,  and 
carry’d  away  their  goods  ; and  also  pillaged  several  of  their  packs,  when 
employ’d  and  entrusted  to  carry  them  up ; and  restitution  has  never  been 
made,  which  are  great  faults : We  therefore  recommend  to  you,  to  take  all 
possible  precautions  to  prevent  such  ill  practices  for  the  future,”  &c.  “And  to 
prevent  any  injury  or  misunderstanding,  we  have  pass’d  a law,  which  appoints 
commissioners  that  are  to  go  twice  a year  to  the  Congaree,  or  Savana  garrison, 
to  hear  and  redress  all  grievances.” 

“ Woosatasate  being  a man  in  great  esteem  amongst  you,  having  given  fre- 
quent testimonies  of  his  affection  and  firm  adherence  to  this  government,  and 
being  appointed  king  over  you  by  the  former  governor f of  this  province*,  so 
I,  who  am  sent  immediately  from  his  majesty,  having  the  same  regard  to  so 
deserving,  a man,  and  in  compliance  with  your  own  request,  that  I would 
constitute  proper  commanders  over  you,  do  now  declare  the  said  Woosatasate , 
youf*  leader  and  commander  in  chief  over  all  the  lower  settlements  of  the 
Cherrokees,  and  give  him  a commission  for  that  office,  under  the  broad  seal 
of  this  his  Majesty’s  province,”  &c.  “ I expect  that  you,  Woosatasate , do,  within 
a month  after  your  return,  call  together  all  the  chief  men  in  your  district,  and 
that  you  make  them  thoroughly  acquainted  with  what  I now  say  to  you,  and 
require  of  you,  and  shall  give  directions,  that  all  the  Englishmen  amongst  you 
shall  be  at  that  meeting.  That  your  ancient  government  may  be  restored,  I 
recommend  to  you  to  keep  your  young  men  in  that  due  decorum  they  us’d  to 
be,”  &c.  This  treaty  was  held  3 February,  1721,  O.  S.,  or  this  is  the  date  to 
Governor  JYicholson’s  speech;  but  it  appears  by  our  account  that  it  was  the 
middle  of  March  before  the  Indian  deputies  left  Charleston. 

Although  there  were  events,  in  every  year,  of  importance,  yet,  in  this  place, 
we  shall  take  up  the  period  rendered  more  memorable  by  the  distinguished 
chiefs 


* Hewatt,  I.  298. 

t James  Moore,  who,  according* 1  to  Hewatt  (I.  276),  was  put  into  office  in  opposition  to  the 
regular  course,  by  a kind  of  revolutionary  spirit.  See  Oldmixon,  who  is  far  more  particular, 

I.  348.— Moore  was  elected  in  1701.  The  author  of  “ The  British  Dominions,”  (142,)  says 
the  Indians  were  cruelly  treated  during  his  administration.  There  were  several  other  govern- 
ors before  Nicholson,  beside  Moore. 


OUTACITE, 

chief  of  the  Cherokees 


Chap.  IV.J 


ATTAKULLAKULLA. 


33 


ATTAKULLAKULLA  and  OCKONOSTOTA.*  The  fame  of  Carolina 
had,  in  1753,  drawn  a multitude  of  Europeans  to  her  shores.  The  same  year, 
on  the  26  May,  Malachty,  attended  by  the  Wolf-king  and  the  Ottasee  chief, 
with  about  20  others,  and  above  a hundred  of  their  people,  came  to  Charleston. 
They  were  met,  on  their  way,  by  a troop  of  horsemen,  who  conducted  them  to 
the  town,  by  the  governor’s  order,  in  great  state.  This  was  to  induce  them 
to  make  peace  and  remain  their  allies,  and,  to  this  end,  the  governor,  G/erm, 
made  a very  pacific  speech,  in  the  Indian  manner.  Malachty , who,  at  this 
time,  seems  to  have  been  the  head  chief  among  the  Creeks,  presented  the 
governor  with  a quantity  of  skins,  and  readily  consented  to  a peace  with  the 
English ; but,  in  regard  to  a peace  with  the  Cherokees,  he  said,  that  was  a 
matter  of  great  moment,  and  he  must  deliberate  with  his  people,  before  he 
could  give  an  answer.  The  Cherokees  were  already  under  the  protection  of 
the  English,  and  some  of  them  had,  not  long  before,  been  killed  by  the  Creeks, 
in  the  very  neighborhood  of  Charleston.  The  party  which  committed  this 
outrage  was  led  by  Malachty.  Notwithstanding,  a cessation  of  hostilities  seems 
to  have  taken  place,  for  numbers  of  each  nation  joined  the  English  immediately 
after  the  capture  of  Oswego,  by  the  French,  in  1756.  The  Cherokees  are 
particularly  named,  as  having  rendered  essential  service  in  the  expedition 
against  Fort  Duquesne  ; but  a circumstance  happened,  while  those  warriors 
were  returning  home  from  that  expedition,  which  involved  them  in  an  imme- 
diate war  with  the  English,  in  whose  service  they  had  been  engaged.  Having 
lost  their  horses,  and  being  worn  out  with  toil  and  fatigue,  on  coming  to  the 
frontiers  of  Virginia,  they  picked  up  several  of  those  animals,  which  belonged 
to  the  inhabitants  of  the  places  through  which  they  travelled.  This,  Dr.  Ram- 
say] says,  was  the  cause  of  the  massacre  which  they  suffered  at  that  time. 
But  Mr.  Adair, \ who  lived  then  among  the  Indians  in  those  parts,  says, 
— “ Several  companies  of  the  Cheerake,  who  joined  our  forces  under  Gen. 
Stanwix,  at  the  unfortunate  Ohio,  affirmed  that  their  alienation  from  us  was 
because  they  were  confined  to  our  martial  arrangement,  by  unjust  suspicion  of 
them — were  very  much  contemned, — and  half  starved  at  the  main  camp  : 
their  hearts  told  them,  therefore,  to  return  home,  as  freemen  and  injured  allies, 
though  without  a supply  of  provisions.  This  they  did,  and  pinching  hunger 
forced  them  to  take  as  much  as  barely  supported  nature,  when  returning  to 
their  own  country.  In  their  journey,  the  German  inhabitants,  without  any 
provocation,  killed,  in  cool  blood,  about  40  of  their  warriors,  in  different  places 
— though  each  party  was  under  the  command  of  a British  subject.”  It  must 
be  remembered  that,  upon  Braddock's  defeat,  Virginia  had  offered  a reward 
for  the  scalps  of  hostile  Indians.  Here,  then,  was  an  inducement  for  remorse- 
less villains  to  murder,  and  it  was  impossible,  in  many  cases,  to  know  whether 
a scalf)  were  taken  from  a friend  or  an  enemy.  Out  of  this,  then,  we  have  no 
hesitation  in  saying,  grew  the  excessive  calamities,  which  soon  after  distressed 
the  southern  provinces.  Forty  innocent  men,  and  friends,  too,  murdered  in 
cold  blood  by  the  backwoodsmen  of  Virginia,  brought  on  a war,  which  caused 
as  much  distress  and  misery  among  the  parties  engaged,  as  any  since  that 
region  of  country  was  planted  by  the  whites. 

At  one  place,  a monster  entertained  a party  of  Indians,  and  treated  them 
kindly,  while,  at  the  same  time,  he  caused  a gang  of  his  kindred  ruffians  to  lie 
in  ambush  where  they  were  to  pass,  and,  when  they  arrived,  barbarously  shot 
them  down  to  a man ! The  news  was  forthwith  carried  to  the  Cherokee 
nation,  and  the  effect  of  it  upon  the  minds  of  the  warriors,  was  like  that  of 
electricity.  They  seized  their  tomahawks  and  war  clubs,  and,  but  for  the 
wisdom  of  Attakullakulla,  would  have  murdered  several  Englishmen,  then  in 
their  country  upon  some  matters  respecting  a treaty.  As  Attakullakulla  was  a 
chief  sachem,  he  was  among  the  first  apprized  of  the  murders,  and  the  design 


* Ouconnostotah,.  Ouconnostota,  Ouconnostata,  Wynne. — Occonoslota,  Ramsay. — Attakul- 
lakulla was  generally  called  the  Little  carpenter. 
t Hist.  South  Carolina,  i 169. 

% Hist.  Amer  Indians,  245.  That  the  Indians’  taking  horses  was  no  pretext  for  the  murders, 
even  at  the  time,  appears  evident.  “As  (says  Captain  M’Ca/l,  i.  257.)  the  horses  in  those 
parts  ran  wild  in  the  woods,  it  was  customary,  hoth  among  the  Indians  and  while  people  on  the 
frontiers,  to  catch  them  and  appropriate  them  to  their  own  use.” 


34 


ATTAKULLAKULLA.— LITTLETON’S  ILL  CONDUCT.  [Book  IV. 


of  vengeance.  He  therefore  goes  immediately  to  them,  and  informed  them  of 
their  danger,  and  assisted  them  to  secrete  themselves;  then,  without  loss  of 
time,  he  assembled  his  warriors,  and  made  a speech  to  them,  in  which  he 
inveighed,  with  great  bitterness,  against  the  murderous  English,  and  urged 
immediate  war  against  them;  “ and  never  (said  he)  shall  the  hatchet  be  buriedy 
until  the  blood  of  our  countrymen  be  atoned  for.  Let  us  not  (he  continued)  violate 
our  faith , or  the  laws  of  hospitality , by  imbruing  our  hands  in  the  blood  of  those 
who  are  now  in  our  power.  They  came  to  vs  in  the  confdence  of  friendship , ivith 
belts  of  wampum  to  cement  a perpetual  alliance  with  us.  Let  us  cany  them  back 
to  their  own  settlements  ; con  luct  them  safely  ivithin  their  confines , and  then  take 
up  the  hatchet , and  endeavor  to  exterminate  the  whole  race  of  them .”  This  counsel 
was  adopted.  Before  commencing  hostilities,  however,  the  murderers  were 
demanded,  but  were  blindly  refused  them,  and  we  have  related  the  conse- 
quences. 

The  French,  it  was  said,  used  their  influence  to  enrage  the  Indians ; but  if 
that  were  the  case,  we  should  not  deem  it  worth  naming,  as  it  appears  to  us 
that  nothing  more  could  be  necessary  to  inflame  them  than  the  horrid  out- 
rages of  which  we  have  spoken. 

It  appears  from  another  source,*  that  Governor  Littleton  was  met  at  Charles- 
ton by  a deputation  of  32  Cherokee  chiefs,  among  whom  was  Ockonostota, 
who,  on  hearing  of  the  warlike  movements  at  that  place,  had  set  out  to  visit 
the  English,  and  if  possible  to  prevent  a war  with  them.  For  although  some 
of  their  young  warriors  had  committed  several  acts  of  violence,  yet  the  great 
body  of  the  nation  were  friendly  towards  the  English,  and  desired  peace. 
But  instead  of  seizing  on  this  opportunity  of  treating  with  the  chiefs,  he 
insultingly  told  them,  “ That  he  would  soon  be  in  their  country,  where 
he  would  let  them  know  his  demands.”  Ockonostota  began  to  speak  in 
reply,  “ but  the  governor  being  determined  that  nothing  should  prevent  his 
military  expedition,  declared  he  would  hear  no  talk  he  had  to  make,  neither 
in  vindication  of  his  nation,  nor  any  proposals  with  regard  to  peace.”  The 
Lieutenant-Governor  Bull  saw  the  bad  policy  of  this  step,  and  urged  the 
necessity  of  hearing  what  Ockonostota , the  Great  Warrior , as  he  was  called, 
had  to  say,  and  settling  their  difficulties ; but  this  godd  advice  had  no  effect 
on  Littleton , and  he  marched  from  Charleston  in  October,  a few  days  after. 
At  a place  of  rendezvous,  about  140  miles  from  that  place,  his  force  amounted 
to  about  1400  men.  The  chiefs,  by  order  of  the  governor,  had  marched  with 
the  army  to  this  place,  and,  although  burning  with  resentment  at  their  treatment, 
yet  they  discovered  no  signs  of  discontent.  When  the  army  was  about  to  inarch 
from  Congarees,  (this  being  their  place  of  rendezvous,)  the  chiefs  were  all  made 
prisoners,  and  under  guard  were  marched  to  Fort  Prince  George,  f 

Their  resentment  now  showed  itself ; “ stung  to  the  heart  by  such  base 
treatment,”  they  cringed  in  sullen  silence,  and  we  may  suppose  that  “ they 
spent  their  time  in  concerting  plots  for  obtaining  their  liberty,  and  satisfaction 
for  the  injuries  done  them.”  j: 

Being  now  at  Fort  Prince  George  with  his  army,  Littleton  found  himself  in 
about  the  same  repute  with  his  own  men  as  with  the  injured  Indians;  he 
therefore  concluded  not  to  carry  his  conquests  any  further  at  present,  but  to 
make  a treaty,  and  retain  captive  Indians  enough  as  hostages  to  insure  its 
observance.  lie  therefore  sent  a messenger  to  Attakullakulla,  who  was  reck- 
oned the  wisest  man  in  the  nation,  or  the  best  friend  to  the  English,  request- 
ing him  tp  come  to  Fort  George.  He  immediately  came;  and  to  show  the 
English  he  was  their  friend,  produced  a French  prisoner  whom  he  had  just 
taken  in  an  expedition  against  that  nation,  and  whom  he  presented  to  Gov- 
ernor Littleton.  A “congress”  was  now  (about  18  December,  1759)  held 
with  Attakullakulla,  in  which  a long  speech,  in  which  all  the  grievances  he 
could  think  of  were  enumerated  by  the  governor ; after  which  the  chief 
made  another,  in  which  he  promised  to  do  all  he  could  to  persuade  his  coun- 
trymen to  give  the  governor  the  satisfaction  he  demanded;  yet  he  said,  “it 


* Hewatt,  Hist.  Carolina,  ii.  216. 

t This  fort  was  upon  the  Savannah  River,  near  the  Cherokee  town  called  Keowee. 
1 Hewalt , Hist.  Carolina,  ii.  18. 


'Chap.  IV.]  ATTAKULLAKULLA. — IMPRISONMENT  OF  HOSTAGES.  35 

neither  would  nor  could  be  complied  with,  as  they  had  no  coercive  authority, 
one  over  another.”  He  desired  that  some  of  the  chiefs  then  confined  might 
be  liberated  to  aid  him  in  restoring  tranquillity;  and  accordingly  Ockonostota, 
Fiftoe,  chief  of  Keowee,  and  the  head  warrior  of  Estatoe,  were  given  up,  and 
two  Indians  were  taken  in  exchange  and  put  in  irons  The  other  Cherokees 
present,  observing  what  was  going  forward,  withdrew  into  the  woods,  and  At- 
takullakulla , presuming  the  business  must  end  here,  withdrew  also.  It  had  been 
premised,  or  rather  demanded,  in  the  governor’s  speech,  that  24  Indians,  who 
were  known  to  have  killed  white  people,  should  be  given  into  his  hands  to  be 
put  to  death,  or  otherwise  disposed  of.  Two  only  had  been  delivered,  and  22 
yet  remained  of  the  number  of  the  murderers,  in  their  own  native  forests. 

As  soon  as  Littleton  knew  of  Attakullakulla' s departure,  he  sent  for  him,  and 
he  immediately  returned,  and  the  business  of  a treaty  was  renewed,  and  on 
the  26  December,  1759,  it  was  signed  by 

Attakullakulla,  Otassite,  Oconnoeca,  and 

Oucojnjvostota,  Kitagusta,  Killcajnnokea. 

By  article  III.  of  the  treaty,*  it  was  agreed  that  22  chiefs,  (those  who  had 
been  treacherously  seized,)  should  remain  as  hostages,  to  ensure  the  delivery 
of  the  like  number  of  murderers  to  the  English.  There  seems,  however,  to 
have  been  but  21  retained,  whose  names  we  are  able  to  give  below,  and  who, 
under  the  name  of  hostages,  were  thrown  into  a dismal,  close  prison,  scarce 
large  enough  for  six  men,  where  they  remained  about  two  months,  and  were 
then  masacred,  as  in  the  sequel  we  shall  show: — 

Chenohe , Ousanatanah , Tallicharna , Tallitahe,  Quarrasattahe,  Connasaratah , 
Kataetoi,  Otassite  of  Watogo,  Ousannletah  of  Jore,  Kataeletah  of  Cowetche, 
Chisquatalone , Skiagusta  of  Sticoe,  Tanaesto , IVohat  he , ffyejah , Oucahchista- 
nah , JYicolche , Tony , Toatiahoi,  Shallisloske , and  Chistie.  f 

Things  having  been  thus  settled,  Mr.  Littleton  returned  to  Charleston,  where 
he  was  received  like  a conqueror,  although  what  he  had  done,  it  will  appear, 
was  worse  than  if  he  had  done  nothing. 

Ockonostota,  for  good  reason,  no  doubt,  entertained  a deep-rooted  hatred 
against  Captain  Cotymore , an  officer  of  the  garrison,  and  the  army  had  but  just 
left  the  country,  when  it  was  found  that  he  was  hovering  about  the  garrison 
with  a large  number  of  warriors.  But  it  was  uncertain,  for  some  time,  wheth- 
er they  intended  to  attack  the  fort,  or  whether  they  wished  to  continue  near 
their  friends,  who  were  imprisoned  in  it.  However,  it  is  said,  that,  by  some 
means,  a plan  was  concerted  between  the  Indians  without  and  those  confined 
within  the  fort,  for  surprising  it.  Be  this  as  it  may,  Ockonostota , on  the  16 
February,  1760,  practised  the  following  wile  to  effect  the  object.  Having 
placed  a party  of  his  warriors  in  a dark  cane-brake  near  at  hand,  he  sent  a 
squaw  to  the  garrison  to  invite  the  commander  to  come  out,  for  he  had  some- 
thing of  importance  to  communicate  to  him.  Captain  Cotymore  imprudently 
went  out,  accompanied  by  two  of  his  officers,  and  Ockonostota  appeared  upon 
the  opposite  bank  of  the  Savannah,  with  a bridle  in  his  hand,  the  better  to 
conceal  his  intentions.  He  told  the  captain  he  was  going  to  Charleston  to 
effect  the  release  of  the  hostages,  and  requested  that  a white  man  might 
accompany  him ; and  that,  as  the  distance  was  great,  he  would  go  and  try  to 
catch  a horse.  The  captain  promised  him  a guard,  and  hoped  he  would 
succeed  in  finding  a horse.  Ockonostota  then  quickly  turned  himself  about, 
and  swinging  his  bridle  thrice  over  his  head,  which  was  the  signal  to  his 
men,  and  they  promptly  obeying  it,  about  30  guns  were  discharged  upon  the 
officers  at  the  same  moment.  Captain  Cotymore  received  a shot  in  his  left 
breast,  from  which  he  died  in  two  or  three  days  after,  and  both  the  others 
were  wounded.  \ On  recovering  the  fort,  an  attempt  was  made  to  put  the 


* It  is  printed  at  length  in  the  British  Empire,  by  Huddlestone  Wynne,  Esq.  ii.  273 — 
277 ; an  author  of  no  inconsiderable  merit  on  our  affairs. 

f Several  of  these  22  were  of  the  number  who  had  been  in  England  in  1730,  and  executed 
h treaty  with  the  king,  as  has  been  before  stated,  and  as  will  be  seen  by  comparing  the  names 
above  with  those  named  in  the  treaty. 

t u Two  Indian  women  appeared  at  Keowee,  on  the  other  side  of  the  river.  Mr.  Doherty 
went  out,  and  accosting  them,  asked  what  news  ? Ockonostota  joined  them,  pretending  some 


36 


CHEROKEE  WAR. — MONTGOMERY’S  EXPEDITION  [Book  IV. 


hostages  in  irons.  An  Englishman,  who  laid  hold  on  one  of  them  for  that 
purpose,  was  stabbed  and  slain  ; and,  in  the  scuffle,  two  or  three  more  were 
wounded,  and  driven  out  of  the  place  of  confinement.  The  trygedy  in  the 
fort  had  now  only  commenced  ; the  miserable  prisoners  had  repelled  their 
assassins  for  the  moment,  and,  doubtless,  hoped  for  deliverance  from  their 
friends  without,  who  had  now  closely  besieged  the  place.  But,  unfortunately 
for  these  poor  wretches,  the  fort  was  too  strong  to  be  carried  by  their  arts  of  war, 
and  the  dastardly  whites  found  time  and  means  to  murder  their  victims,  one  by 
one,  in  a manner  too  horrible  to  relate.* *'  There  were  few  persons  among 
the  Cherokees  who  did  not  lose  a friend  or  relation  by  this  massacre ; and,  as 
one  man,  the  nation  took  up  the  hatchet,  and  desolations  quickly  followed. 

Meanwhile,  singular  as  it  may  appear,  Attakullakulla  remained  the  fast 
friend  of  the  whites,  and  used  all  his  arts  to  induce  his  countrymen  to  make 
peace.  But  it  was  in  vain  he  urged  them  to  consider  that  they  had  more 
than  revenged  themselves;  they  were  determined  to  carryall  before  them. 
Attakullakulla  was  now  an  old  man,  and  had  become  much  attached  to  the 
English,  from  several  causes.  On  the  other  hand,  Ockonostota  was  a stern 
warrior,  in  the  vigor  of  manhood,  and,  like  the  renowned  Pontiac , was  deter- 
mined to  rid  his  country  of  his  barbarous  enemies. 

The  leaders  in  every  town  seized  the  hatchet,  telling  their  followers  that  the 
spirits  of  murdered  brothers  were  flying  around  them,  and  calling  out  for  ven- 
geance. All  sung  the  war-song,  and,  burning  with  impatience  to  imbrue  their 
hands  in  the  blood  of  their  enemies,  rushed  down  among  innocent  and  de- 
fenceless families  on  the  frontiers  of  Carolina,  where  men,  women,  and 
children,  without  distinction,  fell  a sacrifice  to  their  merciless  fury.  Such 
of  the  whites  as  fled  to  the  woods,  and  escaped  the  scalping-knife,  perished 
with  hunger.  Every  day  brought  fresh  accounts  to  the  capital  of  their 
ravages  and  desolations.  But,  while  the  back  settlers  impatiently  looked  to 
their  governor  for  relief,  the  small-pox  raged  to  such  a degree  in  town,  that 
few  of  the  militia  could  be  prevailed  on  to  leave  their  distressed  families  to 
serve  the  public.  In  this  extremity,  an  express  was  sent  to  General  Amherst , 
the  commander-in-chief  in  America,  for  assistance,  in  terms  too  pressing  to 
be  denied.  Accordingly,  he  ordered  a battalion  of  Highlanders,  and  four 
companies  of  Royal  Scots, f under  the  command  of  Colonel  Montgomery , 
afterwards  Earl  Eglinton , to  embark  at.  New  York  for  Carolina. . In  the 
mean  time,  Littleton , having  been  appointed  governor  of  Jamaica,  William 
Bull  succeeded  him;  a change  much  to  the  advantage  of  the  province. 

Colonel  Montgomery  arrived  in  Carolina  towards  the  end  of  April,  to  the 
great  joy  of  the  people,  who  had  taken  measures  to  cooperate  with  him  to  the 
best  advantage ; but,  as  the  conquest  of  Canada  was  the  grand  object  now, 
General  Amherst  had  ordered  Colonel  Montgomery  to  strike  a sudden  blow  for 
the  relief  of  the  Carolinians,  and  then  to  return  to  head-quarters  at  Albany, 
without  loss  of  time ; and  we  have  scarce  an  example  in  military  history, 
where  an  officer  fulfilled  his  commission  with  greater  promptitude.  He  soon 
after  rendezvoused  at  the  Congarees ; and,  being  joined  by  many  gentlemen 
of  distinction  as  volunteers,  besides  the  principal  strength  of  the  country,  he 
marched  for  the  heart  of  the  Cherokee  country.  After  reaching  a place 
called  Twelve  Mile  River,  he  encamped  upon  advantageous  ground,  and 
marched  with  a party  to  surprise  Estatoe,  about  20  miles  from  his  camp.  In 
the  way,  he  took  Little  Keowee,  and  put  every  man  to  the  sword.  Estatoe 
he  found  abandoned,  except  by  a few  that  could  not  escape,  and  it  was 
reduced  to  ashes,  as  was  Sugar  Town,  and  every  other  settlement  in  the 
lower  nation.  About  60  Indians  were  killed,  and  40  taken  prisoners;  but  the 

mailers  of  business  j he  drew  from  ihe  fort  several  of  the  officers  to  converse  with  them.” — 
Haywood's  Hist.  Tennessee,  30. 

* “ A bottle  of  poison  was  found  with  one  of  the  dead  hostages,  probably  intended  to  be 
dropped  into  the  well  ; and  several  tomahawks  were  found  buried  in  the  earth.”  Haipcood, 
Hist.  Tennessee,  30. — Any  stories  would  gain  credence  among  the  whites,  which  went  to 
make  the  Indians  as  bad  as  themselves.  Whether  the  bottle  spoken  of  contained  poison, 
may  be  questioned ; and,  if  it  did,  it  may  be  reasonably  doubted  whether  the  Indians  knew 
any  thing  about  it. 

t I am  following  Hewatt,  but  the  Annual  Register,  iii.  62,  says,  “a  regiment  of  Highland- 
ers, a battalion  of  Royal  Americans,  a body  of  grenadiers,”  &.c. 


CHEROKEE  WAR.— BATTLE  OF  ETCHOE. 


37 


Chap.  IV.] 

warriors  had  generally  escaped  to  the  mountains  and  deserts.  Thus  far,  the 
campaign  had  been  prosperous  with  the  whites,  but  three  or  four  men  having 
been  killed ; but  it  had  no  other  effect  upon  the  Indians  than  to  increase  their 
rage. 

Meanwhile,  Fort  Prince  George  had  been  closely  invested,  and  Colonel 
Montgomery  marched  to  its  relief.  From  this  place,  two  friendly  chiefs 
were  despatched  to  the  middle  settlements,  to  offer  peace  to  the  people  there, 
and  orders  were  sent  to  those  in  command  at  Fort  Loudon,  to  use  means 
to  bring  about  an  accommodation  with  the  Upper  Towns ; but  the  Indians 
would  not  hear  to  any  terms,  and  Colonel  Montgomery  was  constrained  to 
march  again  to  find  the  enemy.  He  had  now  the  most  difficult  part  of  his 
service  to  perform.  The  country  through  which  he  had  to  march  was 
covered  by  dark  thickets,  numerous  deep  ravines,  and  high  river  hanks ; 
where  a small  number  of  men  might  distress  and  wear  out  the  best  appointed 
army. 

Having  arrived  within  five  miles  of  Etchoe,  the  nearest  town  of  the  middle 
settlements,  the  army  was  attacked  on  the  27  June,  in  a most  advantageous 
place  for  the  attacking  party.  It  was  a low  valley,  in  which  the  bushes  were 
so  thick,  that  the  soldiers  could  see  scarcely  three  j'ards  before  them ; and  in 
the  bottom  of  this  valley  flowed  a muddy  river,  with  steep  clay  banks. 
Through  this  place  the  army  must  march.  Rightly  judging  the  enemy  had 
not  omitted  so  important  a pass,  Colonel  Montgomery  ordered  out  a company 
of  rangers,  under  Captain  Morrison , to  enter  the  ravine  and  make  discovery. 
No  sooner  had  he  entered  it,  but  the  fierce  war-whoop  was  raised,  and  the 
Indians  darted  from  covert  to  covert,  at  the  same  time  firing  upon  the  whites. 
Captain  Morrison  was  immediately  shot  down,  and  his  men  closely  engaged ; 
but,  being  without  delay  supported  by  the  infantry  and  grenadiers,  they  were 
able  to  maintain  their  ground,  and  the  battle  became  obstinate ; nor  could  the 
Indians  be  dislodged,  until  near  an  hour  of  hard  fighting.  In  the  mean  time, 
the  Royal  Scots  took  possession  of  a place  between  the  Indians  and  a rising 
ground  on  their  right,  while  the  Highlanders  sustained  the  light  infantry  and 
grenadiers  on  the  left.  As  the  left  became  too  warm  for  them,  and  not  well 
understanding  the  position  of  the  Royal  Scots,  the  Indians,  in  their  retreat, 
fell  in  with  them,  and  were  sharply  encountered  ; but  they  soon  effected  their 
retreat  to  a hill,  and  could  no  more  be  brought  to  action.  In  this  fight,  96  of 
the  whites  were  killed  and  wounded,  of  whom  20  were  of  the  former  num- 
ber. Of  the  Cherokees,  40  were  said  to  have  been  killed. 

The  Indians  had  now  been  driven  from  one  ravine,  with  a small  loss;  but 
Colonel  Montgomery  was  in  no  condition  to  pursue  his  advantage  farther,  and 
he  therefore,  after  destroying  so  much  of  his  provisions  as  would  afford 
horses  for  the  wounded,  began  his  retreat  out  of  the  Indian  country,  and,  in 
obedience  to  his  commission,  soon  after  returned  to  New  York;  not,  how- 
ever, without  leaving  400  men  for  the  security  of  the  province.  But  it  was 
soon  seen,  that  what  had  yet  been  done  only  increased  the  rage  of  the 
Indians,  and  their  depredation  continued  at  the  very  heels  of  the  retreating 
army.  They  immediately  cut  off  all  communication  with  Fort  Loudon, 
which  was  garrisoned  with  200  men.*  Ockonostota , with  his  numerous 
warriors,  kept  strict  watch,  insomuch  that  there  was  no  means  of  escape.  At 
length,  the  garrison  having  miserably  subsisted,  for  some  time,  upon  poor 
famished  horses,  dogs,  &c.,  many  of  them  became  resolved  to  throw  them- 
selves into  the  power  of  the  Indians,  wishing  rather  to  die  by  their  hands, 
than  miserably  to  perish  within  their  fortress.  Captain  Steuart,  an  officer 
among  them,  was  well  known  to  the  Indians,  and  possessed  great  address  and 
sagacity.  He  resolved,  at  this  crisis,  to  repair  to  Chote,  the  residence  of 
Ockonostota , and  make  overtures  for  the  surrender  of  the  garrison.  He, 
accordingly,  effected  his  object,  and  returned  with  articles  of  capitulation 
agreed  upon.  Besides  the  names  of  Ockonostota  and  Paul  Demere , the 
commander  of  the  garrison,  the  name  of  another  chief  was  to  the  articles, 
called  Cunigacatgoae.  The  articles  stipulated,  that  the  garrison  should  inarch 


* The  Cherokees  were  now  supposed  fo  number  3000  warriors,  and  it  was  daily  expected 
that  the  Chocktaws  were  about  to  join  them. 

4 


3S 


OCKON OSTOTA . — MA SS ACRE  OF  THE  ENGLISH.  [Book  5V, 


out  with  their  arms  and  dnims,  each  soldier  having  as  much  powder  and  ball 
as  his  officers  should  think  necessary,  and  that  they  should  march  for  Virginia 
unmolested. 

Accordingly,  on  7 August,  1760,  the  English  took  up  their  march  for  Fort 
Prince  George.  They  had  proceeded  but  about  15  miles,  when  they  encamp- 
ed, for  the  night,  upon  a small  plain  near  Taliquo.  They  were  accompanied 
thus  far  by  Ockonostota  in  person,  and  many  others,  in  a friendly  manner, 
but  at  night  they  withdrew  without  giving  any  notice.  The  army  was  not 
molested  during  the  night,  but,  at  dawn  of  day,  a sentinel  came  running  into 
camp  with  the  information  that  a host  of  Indians  were  creeping  up  to  surround 
them.  Captain  Deincre  had  scarce  time  to  rally,  before  the  Indians  broke  into 
his  camp  with  great  fury.  The  poor  emaciated  soldiers  made  but  feeble 
resistance.  Thirty  of  their  number  fell  in  the  first  onset,  among  whom  was 
their  captain.  Those  that  were  able,  endeavored  to  save  themselves  by  flight, 
and  others  surrendered  themselves  upon  the  place.  This  massacre,  it  will  not 
be  forgotten,  was  in  retaliation  for  that  of  the  hostages  already  related.  Among 
the  prisoners  was  Captain  Sleuart.  They  were  conducted  to  Fort  Loudon, 
which  now  became  Ockonostota' s head-quarters. 

Jlttakullakulla,  learning  that  his  friend  Steuart  was  among  the  captives,  pro- 
ceeded immediately  to  Fort  Loudon,  where  he  ransomed  him  at  the  expense 
of  all  the  property  he  could  command,  and  took  care  of  him  with  the  greatest 
tenderness  and  affection. 

The  restless  Ockonostota  next  resolved  to  invest  Fort  Prince  George.  He 
was  induced  to  undertake  that  project,  as  fortune  had  thrown  in  his  way  some 
of  the  means  for  such  an  undertaking,  hitherto  beyond  his  reach.  Before 
abdicating  Fort  Loudon,  the  English  had  hid  in  the  ground  several  bags  of 
powder.  This  his  men  had  found.  Severat  cannon  had  also  been  left  behind, 
and  he  designed  to  force  his  English  prisoners  to  get  them  through  the  woods, 
and  manage  them  in  the  attack  upon  Fort  Prince  George.  But  Attakulla- 
kutla  defeated  these  operations,  by  assisting  Captain  Steuart  to  escape.  He 
even  accompanied  him  to  the  English  settlements,  and  returned  loaded  with 
presents. 

The  French  were  said  to  have  had  their  emissaries  busily  employed  in  spir- 
iting on  the  Indians.  One,  named  Lewis  Latinac , an  officer,  is  particularly 
mentioned.  He  persuaded  them  that  the  English  had  nothing  less  in  view 
than  their  total  extermination,  and,  furnishing  them  with  arms  and  ammuni- 
tion, urged  them  to  war.  At  a great  council  of  the  nation,  after  brandishing 
his  hatchet,  he  struck  it  into  a log  of  wood,  calling  out,  u Who  is  the  man  that 
will  take  this  up  for  the  king  of  France  ? ” 

SALOUE  or  Silouee,  a young  warrior  of  Estatoe,  instantly  laid  hold  of  it, 
and  cried  out,  “ I am  for  war.  The  spirits  of  our  brothers  who  have  been  slain, 
still  call  upon  us  to  avenge  their  death.  He  is  no  better  than  a woman  that 
refuses  to  follow  me.”  Others  were  not  wanting  to  follow  his  example,  and 
the  war  continued. 

SUbuee  was  a Cherokee  chief,  and  was  introduced  by  Mr.  Jefferson , to  illus- 
trate the  observation  in  his  Notes  on  Virginia,  that  the  Indian  “is  affectionate 
to  his  children,  careful  of  them,  and  indulgent  in  the  extreme  ; that  his  affec- 
tions comprehend  his  other  connections,  weakening,  as  with  us,  from  circle  to 
circle,  as  they  recede  from  the  centre  ; that  his  friendships  are  strong  and 
faithful  to  the  uttermost  extremity.”  “A  remarkable  instance  of  this  appeared 
in  the  case  of  the  late  Col.  Byrdf  who  was  sent  to  the  Cherokee  nation  to 
transact  some  business  with  them.  It  happened  that  some  of  our  disorderly 
people  had  just  killed  one  or  two  of  that  nation.  It  was  therefore  proposed 
in  the  council  of  the  Cherokees,  that  Col.  Byrd  should  be  put  to  death,  in 
revenge  for  the  loss  of  their  countrymen.  Among  them  was  a chief  called 
Silbuee , who,  on  some  former  occasion,  had  contracted  an  acquaintance  and 
friendship  with  Col.  Byrd.  He  came  to  him  every  night  in  his  tent,  and  told 
him  not  to  be  afraid,  they  should  not  kill  him.  After  many  days’  deliberation, 

* Perhaps  the  same  mentioned  by  Oldmixon,  (i.  283,)  who,  in  speaking  of  the  Indian  pow- 
wows, says,  “ one  very  lately  conjured  a shower  of  rain  for  Col.  Byrd's  plantation  in  time  of 
drouth,  for  two  bottles  of  rum  5”  and  our  author  says  he  should  not  have  believed,  had  he  not 
found  it  in  an  author  who  was  on  the  spot  L 


Chap.  IV.]  SILOUEE.— SAVES  THE  LIFE  OF  COLONEL  BYRD. 


39 


however,  the  determination  was,  contrary  to  Silouee1  s expectation,  that  Byrd 
should  be  put  to  death,  and  some  warriors  were  despatched  as  executioners. 
Silouee  attended  them  ; and  when  they  entered  the  tent,  he  threw  himself 
between  them  and  Byrd,  and  said  to  the  warriors,  ‘ This  man  is  my  friend : 
before  you  get  at  him  you  must  kill  me ! ’ On  which  they  returned,  and  the  coun- 
cil respected  the  principle  so  much,  as  to  recede  from  their  determination.” 

A more  impolitic  and  barbarous  measure,  perhaps,  never  entered  the  heart 
of  man,  than  that  of  offering  a reward  for  human  scalps.  This  was  done  by 
Virginia,  as  we  have  before  related.  It  is  true  the  government  of  Virginia  was 
not  alone  in  this  criminal  business,  but  that  betters  not  her  case.  The  door  of 
enormity  being  thus  opened,  it  was  easy  to  have  foreseen,  that  many  men  upon 
the  frontiers,  “ of  bad  lives  and  worse  principles,”  says  an  intelligent  writer,* 
stood  ready  to  step  in.  .As  the  event  proved,  many  friendly  Indians  were 
murdered , and  the  government  defrauded.  It  was  at  the  news  of  a murder  of 
this  description  that  Colonel  Byrd  was  seized. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  the  country,  that  a second  application  was  made 
to  General  Amherst  for  aid,  and  he  promptly  afforded  it.  Colonel  James  Grant 
arrived  there  early  in  1761,  and  not  long  after  took  the  field  with  a force  of 
English  and  Indians,  amounting  to  about  2600  men.f  He  traversed  the  Cher- 
okee country,  and  subdued  that  people  in  a hard-fought  battle,  near  the  same 
place  where  Colonel  Montgomery  was  attacked  the  year  before.  It  lasted 
about  three  hours,  in  which  about  60  whites  were  killed  and  wounded.  The 
loss  of  the  Indians  was  unknown.  Colonel  Grant  ordered  his  dead  to  be  sunk 
in  the  river,  that  the  Indians  might  not  find  them,  to  practise  upon  them  their 
barbarities.  He  then  proceeded  to  the  destruction  of  their  towns,  15  in  num- 
ber, which  he  accomplished  without  molestation.  | Peace  was  at  last  effected 
by  the  mediation  of  Attakullakulla.  This  chief’s  residence  was  upon  the 
Tennessee  or  Cherokee  River,  at  what  was  called  the  Overhill  Towns.  In  1773, 
when  the  learned  traveller,  Bartram , travelled  into  the  Cherokee  country,  he 
met  the  old  chief  on  his  way  to  Charleston  ; of  which  circumstance  he  speaks 
thus  in  his  Travels  : — “ Soon  after  crossing  this  large  branch  of  the  Tanase,  1 
observed  descending  the  heights,  at  some  distance,  a company  of  Indians,  all 
well  mounted  on  horseback.  They  came  rapidly  forward  ; on  their  nearer 
approach,  I observed  a chief  at  the  head  of  the  caravan,  and  apprehending  him 
to  be  the  Little-carp  enter,  emperor  or  grand  chief  of  the  Cherokees,  as  they 
came  up,  I turned  off  from  the  path  to  make  way,  in  token  of  respect,  which 
compliment  was  accepted,  and  gratefully  and  magnanimously  returned  ; for 
his  highness,  with  a gracious  and  cheerful  smile,  came  up  to  me,  and  clapping 
his  hand  on  his  breast,  offered  it  to  me,  saying,  I am  Ata-cul-culla,  and  heartily 
shook  hands  with  me,  and  asked  me  if  I knew  it ; I answered,  that  the  good 
spirit  who  goes  before  me  spoke  to  me,  and  said,  that  is  the  great  Ata-cul-culla .” 
Mr.  Bartram  added,  that  he  was  of  Pennsylvania,  and  though  that  was  a great 
way  off,  yet  the  name  of  Attakullakulla  was  dear  to  his  white  brothers  of 
Pennsylvania.  The  chief  then  asked  him  if  he  came  directly  from  Charleston, 
and  if  his  friend  “ John  Stewart  were  well.”  Mr.  Bartram  said  he  saw  him 
lately,  and  that  he  was  well.  This  was,  probably,  the  same  person  whom 
Attakullakulla  had  assisted  to  make  an  escape,  as  we  have  just  related. 

In  carrying  out  the  history  of  the  two  chiefs,  Attakullakulla  and  Ockonostota , 
we  have  omitted  to  notice  Chlucco,  better  known  by  the  name  of  the  Long- 
warrior,  king  or  mico  of  the  Seminoles.  He  went  out  with  Colonel  Montgom- 
ery, and  rendered  him  essential  service  in  his  unsuccessful  expedition,  of  which 
we  have  spoken.  A large  band  of  Creeks  accompanied  him,  and  there  is  but 
little  doubt,  if  it  had  not  been  for  him  and  his  warriors,  few  of  the  English 
would  have  returned  to  their  friends.  But,  as  usual,  the  English  leader,  in  his 
time,  had  ail  the  honor  of  successfully  encountering  many  difficulties,  and 
returning  with  his  own  life  and  many  of  his  men’s.  It  was  by  the  aid  of 
Chlucco,  that  the  army  escaped  ambush  after  ambush,  destroyed  many  of  the 
Cherokee  villages,  and  finally  his  warriors  covered  its  retreat  out  of  one  of  the 
most  dangerous  countries  through  which  an  army  could  pass.  Long-warrior 
was  what  the  New  England  Indians  termed  a great  powwow.  That  he  was 


* Doctor  Burnaby. 


f Hewatt. 


Annual  Register,  iv.  58;  Hew  ait,  ii.  248 — 51. 


40 


MONCACHTAPE. 


[Book  IV. 


a man  possessing  a good  mind,  may  fairly  be  inferred  from  bis  ability  to 
withstand  the  temptation  of  intoxicating  liquors.  lie  had  been  known  to 
remain  sober,  when  all  his  tribe,  and  many  whit' s among  them,  had  all  been 
wallowing  in  the  mire  of  drunkenness  together.  In  the  year  1773,  at  the 
head  of  about  40  warriors,  he  marched  against  the  Chocktaws  of  West  Flor- 
ida. What  was  the  issue  of  this  expedition  we  have  not  learned.  We  may 
have  again  occasion  to  notice  Chlucco . 


CHAPTER  V. 

Moncachtape,  the  Yazoo — Narrative  of  his  adventures  to  the  Pacific  Ocean — Grand- 
sun,  chief  of  the  Natchez — Receives  great  injustice  from  the  French — Concerts  their 
destruction — 700  French  are  cut  off — War  with  them — The  Natchez  destroyed  in  their 
turn — Grf.at-mortar — M’Gillivray — His  birth  and  education — Visits  New  York. 
— Troubles  of  his  nation — His  death — Tame-king — Mad-dog. 

MONCACHTAPE  was  a Yazoo,  whose  name  signified,  in  the  language  of 
that  nation,  killer  of  pain  and  fatigue.  How  well  he  deserved  this  name,  the 
sequel  will  unfold.  He  was  well  known  to  the  historian  Du  Pratz , about 
1760,  and  it  was  owing  to  his  singular  good  intelligence,  that  that  traveller 
was  able  to  add  much  valuable  information  to  his  work.  “ This  man  (says 
Du  Pratz*)  was  remarkable  for  his  solid  understanding  and  elevation  of 
sentiment;  and  I may  justly  compare  him  to  those  first  Greeks,  who  travelled 
chiefly  into  the  east,  to  examine  the  manners  and  ci  stoms  of  different  nations, 
and  to  communicate  to  their  fellow  citizens,  upon  their  return,  the  knowledge 
which  they  had  acquired.”  He  was  known  to  the  French  by  the  name  ofj;he 
Interpreter,  as  he  could  communicate  with  several  other  nations,  having  gained 
a knowledge  of  their  languages.  Monsieur  Du  Pratz  used  great  endeavors 
among  the  nations  upon  the  Mississippi,  to  learn  their  origin,  or  from  whence 
they  came;  and  observes  concerning  it,  “All  that  I could  learn  from  them 
was,  that  they  came  from  between  the  north  and  the  sun-setting ; and  this 
account  they  uniformly  adhere  to,  whenever  they  give  any  account  of  their 
origin.”  This  was  unsatisfactory  to  him,  and  in  his  exertions  to  find  some  one 
that  could  inform  him  better,  he  met  with  Moncachtape.  The  following  is  the 
result  of  his  communications  in  his  own  words: — 

“I  had  lost  my  wife,  and  all  the  children  whom  I had  by  her,  when  I 
undertook  my  journey  towards  the  sun-rising.  I set  out  from  my  village 
contrary  to  the  inclination  of  all  my  relations,  and  went  first  to  the  Chicasaws, 
our  friends  and  neighbors.  I continued  among  them  several  days,  to  inform 
myself  whether  they  knew  whence  we  all  came,  or,  at  least,  whence  they 
themselves  came ; they,  who  were  our  elders ; since  from  them  came  the 
language  of  the  country.  As  they  could  not  inform  me,  I proceeded  on  my 
journey.  I reached  the  country  of  the  Chaouanous,  and  afterwards  went  up 
the  Wabash,  or  Ohio,  near  to  its  source,  which  is  in  the  country  of  the  Iroquois, 
or  Five  Nations.  I left  them,  however,  towards  the  north  ; and,  during  the 
winter,  which,  in  that  country,  is  very  severe  and  very  long,  I lived  in  a village 
of  the  Albenaquis,  where  I contracted  an  acquaintance  with  a man  somewhat 
older  than  myself,  who  promised  to  conduct  me,  the  following  spring,  to  the 
great  water.  Accordingly,  when  the  snows  were  melted,  and  the  weather  was 
settled,  we  proceeded  eastward,  and,  after  several  days’  journey,  1 at  length 
saw  the  great  water,  which  filled  me  with  such  joy  and  admiration,  that  I 
could  not.  speak.  Night  drawing  on,  we  took  up  our  lodging  on  a high  bank 
above  the  water,  which  was  sorely  vexed  by  the  wind,  and  made  so  great  a 
noise  that  I could  not  sleep.  Next  day,  the  ebbing  and  flowing  of  the  water 
filled  me  with  great  apprehension  ; but  my  companion  quieted  my  fears,  by 
assuring  me  that  the  water  observed  certain  bounds,  both  in  advancing  and 


Hist.  Louisiana,  ii.  121. 


Cha?.  V.] 


ADVENTURES  OF  MONCACI1TAPE. 


41 


retiring.  Having  satisfied  our  curiosity  in  viewing  the  great  water,  we  returned 
to  the  village  of  the  Abenaquis,  where  I continued  the  following  winter;  and, 
after  the  snows  were  melted,  my  companion  and  I went  and  viewed  the  great  fall 
of  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  at  Niagara,  which  was  distant  from  the  village  several 
days’  journey.  The  view  of  this  great  fall,  at  first,  made  my  hair  stand  on  end, 
and  my  heart  almost  leap  out  of  its  place ; but  afterwards,  before  1 left  it,  I 
had  the  courage  to  walk  under  it.  Next  day,  we  took  the  shortest  road  to  the 
Ohio,  and  my  companion  and  I,  cutting  down  a tree  on  the  banks  of  the  river, 
we  formed  it  into  a pettiaugre,  which  served  to  conduct  me  down  the  Ohio 
and  the  Mississippi,  after  which,  with  much  difficulty,  1 went  up  our  small 
river,  and  at  length  arrived  safe  among  my  relations,  who  were  rejoiced  to  see 
me  in  good  health. — This  journey,  instead  of  satisfying,  only  served  to  excite 
my  curiosity.  Our  old  men,  for  several  years,  had  told  me  that  the  ancient 
speech  informed  them  that  the  red  men  of  the  north  came  originally  much 
higher  and  much  farther  than  the  source  of  the  River  Missouri ; and,  as  I had 
longed  to  see,  with  my  own  eyes,  the  land  from  whence  our  first  fathers  came, 
I took  my  precautions  for  my  journey  westwards.  Having  provided  a small 
quantity  of  corn,  I proceeded  up  along  the  eastern  bank  of  the  River  Mississippi, 
till  I came  to  the  Ohio.  I went  up  along  the  bank  of  this  last  river,  about  the 
fourth  part  of  a day’s  journey,  that  I might  be  able  to  cross  it  without  being 
carried  into  the  Mississippi.  There  I formed  a cajeux,  or  raft  of  canes,  by  the 
assistance  of  which  I passed  over  the  river;  and  next  day  meeting  with  a herd 
of  buffaloes  in  the  meadows,  I killed  a fat  one,  and  took  from  it  the  fillets,  the 
bunch,  and  the  tongue.  Soon  after,  I arrived  among  the  Tarnaroas,  a village 
of  the  nation  of  the  Illinois,  where  I rested  several  days,  and  then  proceeded 
norihwards  to  the  mouth  of  the  Missouri,  which,  after  it  enters  the  great  river, 
runs  for  a considerable  time  without  intermixing  its  muddy  waters  with  the 
clear  stream  of  the  other.  Having  crossed  the  Mississippi,  I went  up  the 
Missouri,  along  its  northern  bank,  and,  after  several  days"  journey,  I arrived  at 
the  nation  of  the  Missouris,  where  I staid  a long  time  to  learn  the  language 
that  is  spoken  beyond  them.  In  going  along  the  Missouri,  I passed  through 
meadows  a whole  day’s  journey  in  length,  which  were  quite  covered  with 
buffaloes. 

“ When  the  cold  was  past,  and  the  snows  were  melted,  I continued  my  jour* 
ney  up  along  the  Missouri,  till  I came  to  the  nation  of  the  west,  or  the  Cauzas. 
Afterwards,  in  consequence  of  directions  from  them,  I proceeded  in  the  same 
course  near  30  days,  and  at  length  I met  with  some  of  the  nation  of  the  Otters, 
who  were  hunting  in  that  neighborhood,  and  were  surprised  to  see  me  alone. 
I continued  with  the  hunters  two  or  three  days,  and  then  accompanied  one  of 
them  and  his  wife,  who  was  near  her  time  of  lying  in,  to  their  village,  which 
lay  far  off  betwixt  the  north  and  west.  We  continued  our  journey  along  the 
Missouri  for  nine  days,  and  then  we  marched  directly  northwards  for  five 
days  more,  when  we  came  to  the  fine  river,  which  runs  westward  in  a dlrec* 
tion  contrary  to  that  of  the  Missouri.  We  proceeded  down  this  river  a whole 
day,  and  then  arrived  at  the  village  of  the  Otters,  who  received  me  with  as 
much  kindness  as  if  I had  been  of  their  own  nation.  A few  days  after,  I 
joined  a party  of  the  Otters,  who  were  going  to  carry  a calumet  of  peace  to  a 
nation  beyond  them,  and  we  embarked  in  a pettiaugre,  and  went  down  the 
river  for  18  days,  landing  now  and  then  to  supply  ourselves  with  provisions. 
When  I arrived  at  the  nation  who  were  at  peace  with  the  Otters,  I staid  with 
them  till  the  cold  was  passed,  that  I might  learn  their  language,  which  was 
common  to  most  of  the  nations  that  lived  beyond  them. 

“ The  cold  was  hardly  gone,  when  I again  embarked  on  the  fine  river,  and 
in  my  course  I met  with  several  nations,  with  whom  I generally  staid  but  one 
night,  till  I arrived  at  the  nation  that  is  but  one  day’s  journey  from  the  great 
water  on  the  west.  This  nation  live  in  the  woods  about  the  distance  of  a 
league  from  the  river,  from  their  apprehension  of  bearded  men,  who  come 
upon  their  coasts  in  floating  villages,  and  carry  off  their  children  to  make 
slaves  of  them.  These  men  were  described  to  be  white,  with  long  black 
beards  that  came  down  to  their  breast  ; they  were  thick  and  short,  had  large 
heads,  which  were  covered  with  cloth  ; they  were  always  dressed,  even  in  the 
-greatest  heats  ; their  clothes  fell  down  to  the  middle  of  their  legs,  which,  with 

4 * 


42 


GRAND-SUN. 


[Book  IV. 


their  feet,  were  covered  with  red  or  yellow  stuff.  Their  arms  made  a great 
fire  and  a great  noise ; and  when  they  saw  themselves  outnumbered  by  red 
men,  they  retired  on  board  their  large  pettiaugre,  their  number  sometimes 
amounting  to  thirty,  but  never  more. 

“Those  strangers  came  from  the  sun-setting,  in  search  of  a yellow  stinking 
wood,  which  dyes  a fine  yellow  color;  but  the  people  of  this  nation,  that  they 
might  not  be  tempted  to  visit  them,  had  destroyed  all  those  kind  of  tfees. 
Two  other  nations  in  their  neighborhood,  however,  having  no  other  wood, 
could  not  destroy  the  trees,  and  were  still  visited  by  the  strangers ; and  being 
greatly  incommoded  by  them,  had  invited  their  allies  to  assist  them  in  making 
an  attack  upon  them,  the  next  time  they  should  return.  The  following  sum- 
mer I accordingly  joined  in  this  expedition,  and,  after  travelling  five  long  days’ 
journey,  we  came  to  the  place  where  the  bearded  men  usually  landed,  where 
we  waited  seventeen  days  for  their  arrival.  The  red  men,  by  my  advice, 
placed  themselves  in  ambuscade  to  surprise  the  strangers,  and  accordingly 
when  they  landed  to  cut  the  wood,  we  were  so  successful  as  to  kill  eleven  of 
them,  the  rest  immediately  escaping  on  board  two  large  pettiaugres,  and  flying 
westward  upon  the  great  water. 

“ Upon  examining  those  whom  we  had  killed,  we  found  them  much  smaller 
than  ourselves,  and  very  white ; they  had  a large  head,  and  in  the  middle  of 
the  crown  the  hair  was  very  long;  their  head  was  wrapt  in  a great  many  folds 
of  stuff,  and  their  clothes  seemed  to  be  made  neither  of  wool  nor  silk  ; they 
were  very  soft,  and  of  different  colors.  Two  only,  of  the  eleven  who  were 
slain,  had  fire-arms,  with  powder  and  ball.  I tried  their  pieces,  and  found 
that  they  were  much  heavier  than  yours,  and  did  not  kill  at  so  great  a 
distance. 

“After  this  expedition,  I thought  of  nothing  but  proceeding  on  my  journey, 
and,  with  that  design,  I let  the  red  men  return  home,  and  joined  myself  to 
those  who  inhabited  more  westward  on  the  coast,  with  whom  I travelled 
along  the  shore  of  the  great  water,  which  bends  directly  betwixt  the  north 
and  the  sun-setting.  When  I arrived  at  the  villages  of  my  fellow-travellers, 
where  I found  the  days  very  long,  and  the  nights  very  short,  I was  advised  by 
the  old  men  to  give  over  all  thoughts  of  continuing  my  journey.  They  told 
me  that  the  land  extended  still  a long  way  in  a direction  between  the  north 
and  sun-setting,  after  which  it  ran  directly  west,  and  at  length  was  cut  by  the 
great  water  from  north  to  south.  One  of  them  added,  that,  when  he  was 
young,  he  knew  a very  old  man  who  had  seen  that  distant  land  before  it  was 
eat  away  by  the  great  water,  and  that  when  the  great  water  was  low,  many 
rocks  still  appeared  in  those  parts.  Finding  it,  therefore,  impracticable  to 
proceed  much  further,  on  account  of  the  severity  of  the  climate,  and  the  want 
of  game,  I returned  by  the  same  route  by  which  1 had  set  out ; and,  reducing 
my  whole  travels  westward  to  days’  journeys,  I compute  that  they  would 
have  employed  me  36  moons ; but,  on  account  of  my  frequent  delays,  it  was 
five  years  before  1 returned  to  my  relations  among  the  Yazoos.” 

Thus  ends  the  narrative  of*  the  famous  traveller  Moncachtape , which  seems 
to  have  satisfied  Du  Prate,  that  the  Indians  came  from  the  continent  of  Asia, 
by  way  of  Behring's  Straits.  And  he  soon  after  left  him,  and  returned  to  his 
own  country.  It  would  have  been  gratifying,  could  we  have  known  more  of 
the  history  of  this  very  intelligent  man.  Tlie  same  author  brings  also  to  our 
knowledge  a chief  called 

GRAND-SUN,  chief  of  the  Natchez.  Although  Sun  was  a common  name 
for  all  chiefs  of  that  nation,  this  chief  was  particularly  distinguished  in  the  first 
war  with  the  French,  which  exhibits  the  compass  of  our  information  concern- 
ing him,  and  which  we  purpose  here  to  sketch.  He  was  brother  to  the  great 
warrior,  known  to  the  French  by  the  name  of  Stung-serpent,  and  like  him 
was  a friend  to  the  whites,  until  the  haughty,  overbearing  disposition  of  one 
man  brought  destruction  and  ruin  on  their  whole  colony.  This  affair  took 
place  in  the  year  1729.  The  residence  of  the  Grand-sun  was  near  the  French 
post  of  Natchez,  where  he  had  a beautiful  village  called  the  JVhite  Apple.  M. 
de  Chopart  had  been  reinstated  in  the  command  of  the  post,  whence  he  was 
for  a time  removed  by  reason  of  misconduct,  and  his  abominable  injustice  to 
the  Indians  became  more  conspicuous  afterwards  than  before.  To  gratify  his 


Chap.  V.]  GRAND-SUN.— MASSACRE  OP  THE  FRENCH  IN  NATCHEZ.  43 

pride  and  avarice,  he  had  projected  the  building  of  an  elegant  village,  and 
none  appeared  to  suit  his  purpose  so  well  as  the  White  Apple  of  the  Grand- 
sun.  He  sent  for  the  chief  to  his  fort,  and  unhesitatingly  told  him  that  his 
village  must  be  immediately  given  up  to  him,  for  he  had  resolved  to  erect  one 
a league  square  upon  the  same  ground,  and  that  he  must  remove  elsewhere. 
The  great  chief  stifled  his  surprise,  and  modestly  replied,  “ That  his  ancestors 
had  lived  in  that  village  for  as  many  years  as  there  were  hairs  in  his  double 
cue,  and,  therefore,  it  was  good  that  they  should  continue  there  still.”  When 
this  was  interpreted  to  the  commandant,  he  showed  himself  in  a rage,  and 
threatened  the  chief,  that,  unless  he  moved  from  his  village  speedily,  he 
would  have  cause  of  repentance.  Grand-sun  left  the  fort,  and  said  he  would 
assemble  his  counsellors,  and  hold  a talk  upon  it. 

In  this  council,  which  actually  assembled,  it  was  proposed  to  lay  before  the 
commandant  their  hard  situation,  if  they  should  be  obliged  to  abandon  their 
corn,  which  then  was  just  beginning  to  shoot  from  the  ground,  and  many 
other  articles  on  which  they  were  to  depend  for  subsistence.  But,  on  urging 
these  strong  reasons,  they  met  only  with  abuse,  and  a more  peremptory  order 
to  remove  immediately.  This  the  Grand-sun  reported  to  the  council,  and 
they  saw  all  was  lost,  unless,  by  some  stratagem,  they  should  rid  themselves 
of  the  tyrant  Chopart , which  was  their  final  decision.  The  secret  was  con- 
fided to  none  but  the  old  men.  To  gain  time,  an  offer  was  to  be  made  to  the 
avaricious  commandant,  of  tribute,  in  case  he  would  permit  them  to  remain 
on  their  land  until  their  harvest.  The  ofte»*  was  accepted,  and  the  Indians 
set  about  maturing  their  plan  with  the  greatest  avidity.  Bundles  of  sticks 
were  sent  to  the  suns  of  the  neighboring  tribes,  and  their  import  explained  to 
them  by  the  faithful  messengers.  Each  bundle  contained  as  many  sticks  as 
days  which  were  to  pass  before  the  massacre  of  all  the  French  in  the  Natchez. 
And  that  no  mistake  should  arise  in  regard  to  the  fixed  day,  every  morning  a 
stick  was  drawn  from  the  bundle  and  broken  in  pieces,  and  the  day  of  the  last 
stick  was  that  of  the  execution. 

The  security  of  the  wicked,  in  the  midst  of  their  wickedness,  and  their 
deafness  to  repeated  warnings,  though  a standing  example  before  them  upon 
the  pages  of  all  history,  yet  we  know  of  but  few  instances  where  they  have 
profited  by  it.  I need  cite  no  examples ; our  pages  are  full  of  them. 

The  breast  of  women,  whether  civilized  or  uncivilized,  cannot  bear  the 
thoughts  of  revenge  and  death  to  prey  upon  them  for  so  great  a length  of 
time  as  men.  And,  as  in  the  last  case,  I need  not  produce  examples ; on  our 
pages  will  be  found  many. 

A female  sun  having,  by  accident,  understood  the  secret  design  of  her  peo- 
pie,  pardy  out  of  resentment  for  their  keeping  it  from  her,  and  partly  from 
her  attachment  to  the  French,  resolved  to  make  it  known  to  them.  But  so 
fatally  secure  was  the  commandant,  that  he  would  not  hearken  to  her  messen- 
gers, and  threatened  others  of  his  own  people  with  chastisement,  if  they  con- 
tinued such  intimations.  But  the  great  council  of  so  many  suns,  and  other 
motions  of  their  wise  men,  justly  alarmed  many,  and  their  complaints  to  the 
commandant  were  urged,  until  seven  of  his  own  people  were  put  in  irons,  to 
dispel  their  fears.  And  that  he  might  the  more  vaunt  himself  upon  their  fears, 
he  sent  his  interpreter  to  demand  of  the  Grand-sun , whether  he  was  about  to 
fall  upon  the  French  with  his  warriors.  To  dissemble,  in  such  a case,  was 
only  to  be  expected  from  the  chief,  and  the  interpreter  reported  to  the  com- 
mandant as  he  desired,  which  caused  him  to  value  himself  uppn  his  former 
contempt  of  his  people’s  fears. 

The  30th  of  November,  1729,  at  length  came,  and  with  it  the  massacre  of 
near  700  people,  being  all  the  French  of  Natchez.  Not  a man  escaped.  It 
being  upon  the  eve  of  St.  Andrew's  day,  facilitated  the  execution  of  the  horrid 
design.  In  such  contempt  was  M.  Chopart  held,  that  the  suns  would  allow  no 
warrior  to  kill  him,  but  one  whom  they  considered  a mean  person.  He  was 
armed  only  with  a wooden  tomahawk,  and  with  such  a contemptible  weapon, 
wielded  by  as  contemptible  a person,  was  M.  Chopart  pursued  from  his  house 
into  his  garden,  and  there  met  his  death. 

The  design  of  the  Grand-sun  and  his  allies  was,  to  have  followed  up  their 
success  until  all  the  French  were  driven  out  of  Louisiana.  But  some  tribes 


44  GREAT-MORTAR.— IS  ATTACKED  BY  THE  CHICKASAUS.  [Book  IV. 


would  not  aid  in  it,  and  the  governor  of  Louisiana,  promptly  seconded  by  the 
people  of  New  Orleans,  shortly  after  nearly  annihilated  the  whole  tribe  of  the 
Natchez,  The  Choctaws  offered  themselves,  to  the  number  of  15  or  1GOO 
men,  and,  in  the  following  February,  advanced  into  the  country  of  the  Natch- 
ez, and  were  shortly  after  joined  by  the  French,  and  encamped  near  the  old 
fort,  then  in  possession  of  the  Grand-sun.  Here  flags  passed  between  them, 
and  terms  of  peace  were  agreed  upon,  which  were  very  honorable  to  the 
Indians ; but,  in  the  following  night,  they  decamped,  taking  all  their  prisoners 
and  baggage,  leaving  nothing  but  the  cannons  of  the  fort  and  balls  behind  them. 
Some  time  now  passed  before  the  French  could  ascertain  the  retreat  of  the 
Natchez.  At  length,  they  learned  that,  they  had  crossed  the  Mississippi,  and 
settled  upon  the  west  side,  near  180  miles  above  the  mouth  of  Red  River. 
Here  they  built  a fort,  and  remained  quietly  until  the  next  year. 

The  weakness  of  the  colony  caused  the  inhabitants  to  resign  themselves  into 
the  hands  of  the  king,  who  soon  sent  over  a sufficient  force,  added  to  those 
still  in  the  country,  to  humble  the  Natchez.  They  were  accordingly  invested 
in  their  fort,  and,  struck  with  consternation  .at  the  sudden  approach  of  the 
French,  seem  to  have  lost  their  former  prudence.  They  made  a desperate 
sally  upon  the  camp  of  the  enemy,  but  were  repulsed  with  great  loss.  They 
then  attempted  to  gain  time  by  negotiation,  as  they  had  the  year  before,  but 
could  not  escape  from  the  vigilance  of  the  French  officer;  yet  the  attempt 
was  made,  and  many  were  killed,  very  few  escaped,  and  the  greater  number 
driven  within  their  fort.  Mortars  were  used  by  their  enemies  in  this  siege, 
and  the  third  bomb,  falling  in  the  centre  of  the  fort,  made  great  havoc, 
but  still  greater  consternation.  Drowned  by  the  cries  of  the  women  and 
children,  Grand-sun  caused  the  sign  of  capitulation  to  be  given.  Himselfj 
with  the  rest  of  his  company,  were  carried  prisoners  to  New  Orleans,  and 
thrown  into  prison.  An  increasing  infection  caused  the  women  and  children 
to  be  taken  out  and  employed  as  slaves  on  the  king’s  plantations ; among 
whom  was  the  woman  who  had  used  every  endeavor  to  notify  the  command- 
ant, Chopart , of  the  intended  massacre,  and  from  whom  the  particulars  of  the 
affair  were  learned.  Her  name  was  Stung-arm.  These  slaves  were  shortly 
after  embarked  for  St.  Domingo,  entirely  to  rid  the  country  of  the  Natchez.* 
The  men,  it  is  probable,  were  all  put  to  death. 

GREAT-MORTAR,  or  Yah-yah-tustanage , was  a very  celebrated  Muskogee 
chief,  who,  before  the  revolutionary  war,  was  in  the  French  interest,  arid 
received  his  supplies  from  their  garrison  at  Alabama,  which  was  not  far  dis- 
tant from  his  place  of  abode,  called  Okchai.  There  was  a time  when  he 
inclined  to  the  English,  and  but  for  the  very  haughty  and  imprudent  conduct 
of  the  superintendent  of  Indian  affairs,  among  them,  might  have  been  re- 
claimed, and  the  dismal  period  of  massacres  which  ensued  averted.  At  a 
great  council,  appointed  by  the  superintendent,  for  the  object  of  regaining 
their  favor,  the  pipe  of  peace,  when  passing  around,  was  refused  to  Great- 
mortar,  because  he  had  favored  the  French.  This,  with  much  other  ungener- 
ous treatment,  caused  him  ever  after  to  hate  the  English  name.  As  the  super- 
intendent was  making  a speech,  which  doubtless  contained  severe  and  hard 
sayings  against  his  red  hearers,  another  chief,  called  the  Tobacco-eater , sprung 
upon  his  feet,  and  darting  his  tomahawk  at  him,  it  fortunately  missed  him,  but 
stuck  in  a plank  just  above  his  head.  Yet  he  would  have  been  immediately 
killed,  but  for  the  interposition  of  a friendly  warrior.  Had  this  first  blow  been 
effectual,  every  Englishman  present  would  have  been  immediately  put  to  death. 
Soon  after,  Great-mortar  caused  his  people  to  fall  upon  the  English  traders,  and 
they  murdered  ten.  Fourteen  of  the  inhabitants  of  Longcane,  a settlement  near 
Ninety-six,  f next  were  his  victims.  He  now  received  a commission  from  the 
French,  and  the  better  to  enlist  theCherokees  and  others  in  his  cause,  removed 
with  his  family  far  into  the  heart  of  the  country,  upon  a river,  by  which  he 
could  receive  supplies  from  the  fort  at  Alabama.  Neither  the  French  nor 
Great-mortar  were  deceived  in  the  advantage  of  their  newly-chosen  position  ; 
for  young  warriors  joined  him  therein  great  numbers,  and  it  was  fast  becoming 


* Mons.  Du  Pralz,  Hist,  do  Louisiana,  tome  i.  cb.  xii. 
f So  called  because  it  was  1)6  miles  from  the  Cherokee.  Adair. 


Chap.  V.] 


M’GILLIVRAY. 


45 


a general  rendezvous  for  all  the  Mississippi  Indians.  Fortunately,  however, 
for  the  English,  the  Chickasaws  in  their  interest  plucked  up  this  Buhon  upas 
before  its  branches  were  yet  extended.  They  fell  upon  them  by  surprise, 
killed  the  brother  of  Great-mortar , and  completely  destroyed  the  design.  He 
fled,  not  to  his  native  place,  but  to  one  from  whence  he  could  best  annoy  the 
English  settlements,  and  commenced  anew  the  work  of  death.  Augusta,  in 
Georgia,  and  many  scattering  settlements  were  destroyed.*  Those  ravages 
were  continued  until  their  united  forces  were  defeated  by  the  Americans  under 
General  Grant , in  1761,  as  we  have  narrated. 

We  have  next  to  notice  a chief,  king,  or  emperor,  as  he  was  at  different 
times  entitled,  whose  omission,  in  a biographical  work  upon  the  Indians,  would 
incur  as  much  criminality,  on  the  part  of  the  biographer,  as  an  omission  of 
Buokongehrtas , White-eyes , Pipe , or  Ockonostota;  yea,  even  more.  We  mean 

ALEXANDER  M’GILLIVRAY,  who  was,  perhaps,  one  of  the  most  con- 
spicuous, if  not  one  of  the  greatest,  chiefs  that  has  ever  borne  that  title  among 
the  Creeks;  at  least,  since  they  have  been  known  to  the  Europeans.  He 
flourished  during  half  of  the  last  century,  and  such  was  the  exalted  opinion 
entertained  of  him  by  his  countrymen,  that  they  styled  him  “king  of  kings.” 
His  mother  was  his  predecessor,  and  the  governess  of  the  nation,  and  he  had 
several  s'sters,  who  married  leading  men.  On  the  death  of  his  mother,  he 
came  in  chief  sachem  by  the  usages  of  his  ancestors,  but  such  was  his  disinter- 
ested patriotism,  that  he  left  it  to  the  nation  to  say  whether  he  should  succeed 
to  the  sachemship.  The  people  elected  him  “ emperor.”  He  was  at  the  head 
of  the  Creeks  during  the  revolutionary  war,  and  was  in  the  British  interest. 
After  the  peace,  he  became  reconciled  to  the  Americans,  and  expressed  a 
desire  to  renounce  his  public  life,  and  reside  in  the  U.  States,  but  was  hindered 
by  the  earnest  solicitations  of  his  countrymen,  to  remain  among  them,  and 
direct  their  affairs. 

His  residence,  according  to  General  Milfort, f who  married  his  sister,  was 
near  Tallahassee,  about  half  a league  from  what  was  formerly  Fort  Toulouse, 
lie  lived  in  a handsome  house,  and  owned  60  negroes,  each  of  whom  he  pro- 
vided with  a separate  habitation,  which  gave  his  estate  the  appearance  of  a 
little  town,  £ 

AT  Gillivray  was  a son  of  an  Englishman  of  that  name  who  married  a Creek 
woman,  and  hence  was  what  is  called  a half  breed.  He  was  born  about  1739, 
and,  at  the  age  of  ten,  was  sent  by  his  father  to  school  in  Charleston,  where  he 
was  in  the  care  of  Mr.  Farquhar  AT Gillivray,  who  was  a relation  of  his  father. 
His  tutor  was  a Mr.  Shced.  He  learned  the  Latin  language  under  the  tuition 
of  Mr.  William  Henderson , afterwards  somewhat  eminent  among  the  critics  in 
London.  When  young  AT  Gillivray  was  17,  he  was  put  into  a counting-house 
in  Savannah,  but  mercantile  affairs  had  not  so  many  charms  as  books,  and  he 
spent  all  the  time  he  could  get,  in  reading  histories  and  other  works  of  useful- 
ness. After  a short  time,  his  father  took  him  home,  where  his  superior  talents 
soon  began  to  develop  themselves,  and  his  promotion  followed.  He  was  often 
styled  general,  which  commission,  it  is  said,  he  actually  held  under  Charles 
III.,  king  of  Spain.  This  was,  probably,  before  he  was  elected  emperor. 

To  be  a little  more  particular  with  this  distinguished  man,  I will  hazard  a 
repetition  of  some  facts,  for  the  sake  of  giving  an  account  of  him  as  recorded 
by  one§  who  resided  long  with  him,  and  consequently  knew  him  well.  He 
was  the  son  of  a Creek  woman,  of  the  family  of  the  Wind,  whose  father  was  an 
officer  in  the  French  service,  stationed  at  Fort  Toulouse,  near  the  nation  of  the 
Alabamas.  This  officer,  in  trading  with  the  Indians,  became  acquainted  with 
the  mother  of  our  chief,  whom  he  married.  They  had  five  children,  two  boys 
and  three  girls.  Only  one  of  the  boys  lived  to  grow  up.  As  among  other 
tribes,  so  among  the  Creeks,  the  children  belong  to  the  mother;  and  when 
AT  Gillivray' s father  desired  to  send  him  to  Charleston  to  get  an  education,  he 
was  obliged  first  to  get  the  mother’s  consent.  This,  it  seems,  was  easily 
obtained,  and  young  AT Gillivray  was  put  there,  where  he  acquired  a good 


* Adairs  Hist.  N.  American  Indians,  254,  &c. 

t Memoire  ou  coup-d’oeil  rapide  sur  mes  differens  voyages  et  mon  sejour  dans  la  nation 
Creek,  p.  27.  t Ibid.  § General  Milfort. 


46 


M'GILLIVRAY. — HIS  VISIT  TO  NEW  YORK. 


[Book  IV. 


education.  He  did  not  return  for  some  time  to  his  nation,  which  was  at  the 
commencement  of  the  revolutionary  war ; and  he  then  went,  commissioned  by 
the  royalists,  to  iuvite  his  countrymen  to  a treaty  upon  the  frontiers,  and  to 
unite  them  against  the  rebels.*  He  generally  spoke  the  English  language, 
which  was  not  pleasing  to  his  mother,  who  would  not  speak  it.  f 

After  the  war  he  became  attached  to  the  Americans,  and  although  the  bor- 
derers caused  frequent  troubles,  yet  he  made  and  renewed  treaties  with  them. 
In  1790,  he  came  to  New  York  with  29  of  his  chiefs.  Owing  to  some  misun- 
derstanding, he  had  refused  to  treat  at  Rock  Landing  a short  time  before, 
where  commissioners  from  the  U.  States  had  attended  ; and  the  government, 
justly  fearing  a rupture,  unless  a speedy  reconciliation  should  take  place, 
despatched  Colonel  Marinus  Willet  into  the  Creek  country,  with  a pacific  letter 
to  General  JW Gillivray.  lie  succeeded  in  his  mission,  and  the  chiefs  arrived 
in  New  York  23  July,  17904  They  were  conducted  to  the  residence  of  the 
secretary  of  war,  General  Knox , who  conducted  them  to  the  house  of  the 
president  of  the  U.  States,  and  introduced  them  to  him.  President  Washing- 
ton received  them  “in  a very  handsome  manner,  congratulated  them  on  their 
safe  arrival,  and  expressed  a hope  that  the  interview  would  prove  beneficial 
both  to  the  U.  States  and  to  the  Creek  nation.”  They  next  visited  the  governor 
of  the  state,  from  whom  they  received  a most  cordial  welcome.  They  then 
proceeded  to  the  City  Tavern,  where  they  dined  in  company  with  General 
Knox , and  other  officers  of  government.  A correspondence  between  Governor 
Telfair , of  Georgia,  and  “ Alexander  M Gillvan/,  Esq.”  probably  opened  the 
way  for  a negotiation,  which  terminated  in  a settlement  of  difficulties.  From 
the  following  extract  from  JVF  Gillivray1  s letter,  a very  just  idea  may  be  formed 
of  the  state  of  the  affairs  of  his  nation  previous  to  his  visit  to  New  York.  “In 
answer  to  yours,  I have  to  observe,  that,  as  a peace  was  not  concluded  on 
between  us  at  the  Rock-landing  meeting,  your  demand  for  property  taken  by 
our  warriors  from  off  the  disputed  lands  cannot  be  admitted.  We,  also,  have 
had  our  losses,  by  captures  made  by  your  people.  We  are  willing  to  conclude 
a peace  with  you,  but  you  must  not  expect  extraordinary  concessions  from  us. 
In  order  to  spare  the  further  effusion  of  human  blood,  and  to  finally  determine 
the  war,  I am  willing  to  concede,  in  some  measure,  if  you  are  disposed  to  treat 
on  the  ground  of  mutual  concession.  It  will  save  trouble  and  expense,  if  the 
negotiations  are  managed  in  the  nation.  Any  person  from  you  can  be  assured 
of  personal  safety  and  friendly  treatment  in  this  country.”  It  was  dated  at 
Little  Tellassee,  30  March,  1790,  and  directed  to  “His  Excellency  Edward 
Telfair , Esq.”  and  signed  “ Alex.  M1  Gillivray.11 

This  chief  seems  afterwards  to  have  met  with  the  censure  of  his  people,  at 
least  some  of  them,  in  a manner  similar  to  that  of  M'lntosh  recently  ; and  was 
doubtless  overcome  by  the  persuasions  of  designing  whites,  to  treat  for  the 
disposal  of  his  lands,  against  the  general  voice  of  his  nation.  One  Bowles , a 
white  man,  led  the  councils  in  opposition  to  his  proceedings,  and,  for  a time, 
M1  Gillivray  absented  himself  from  his  own  tribe.  In  1792,  his  party  took 
Bowles  prisoner,  and  sent  him  out  of  the  country,  and  solicited  the  general  to 
return.  § To  this  he  consented,  and  they  became  more  attached  to  him  than 
ever.  lie  now  endeavored  to  better  their  condition  by  the  introduction  of 
teachers  among  them.  In  an  advertisement  for  a teacher,  in  the  summer  of 
1792,  he  styles  himself  emperor  of  the  Creek  nation.  His  quiet  was  soon 
disturbed,  and  the  famous  John  Watts , the  same  summer,  with  500  warriors, 
Creeks,  and  five  towns  of  the  Chickamawagas,  committed  many  depredations. 
The  Spaniards  were  supposed  to  be  the  movers  of  the  hostile  party.  M1  Gil- 
livray died  at  Pensacola,  February  17,  1793,  [|  and  is  thus  noticed  in  the 
Pennsylvania  Gazette: — “This  idolized  chief  of  the  Creeks  styled  himself 
king  of  kings.  Rut,  alas,  he  could  neither  restrain  the  meanest  fellow  of  hi3 


* Mi/forf.,  323,  324.  f See  Holvies,  Amer.  Annals,  ii.  384. 

£ Colonel  Willet' s Narrative,  112.  “They  were  received  with  great  splendor  by  the  Tam- 
many Society,  in  the  dress  of  their  order,”  on  their  landing.  Ib. 

$ In  1791,  this  Borides,  with  five  chiefs,  was  in  England,  and  we  find  this  notice  of  him  in 
the  European  Magazine  of  that  year,  vol.  19,  p.  268  : — “The  ambassadors  consisted  of  two 
(’reeks,  and  of  Mr.  Bowles,  (a  native  of  Maryland,  who  is  a Creek  by  adoption,  and  the  pres- 
ent general  of  that  nation,)  and  three  Cherokces.  [|  Mil/ort,  325. 


MAD-DOG.— THE  SOUTHERN  BOUNDARY. 


47 


Chap.  V.] 

nation  from  the  commission  of  a crime,  nor  punish  him  after  he  had  commit- 
ted it ! He  might  persuade  or  advise,  all  the  good  an  Indian  king  or  chief 
can  do.”  This  is,  generally  speaking,  a tolerably  correct  estimate  of  the  extent 
of  the  power  of  chiefs;  but  it  should  be  remembered  that  the  chiefs  of 
different  tribes  exercise  very  different  sway  over  their  people,  according  as 
such  chief  is  endowed  with  the  spirit  of  government,  by  nature  or  circum- 
stance. There  is.  great  absurdity  in  applying  the  name  or  title  of  king  to 
Indian  chiefs,  as  that  title  is  commonly  understood.  The  first  Europeans 
conferred  the  title  upon  those  who  appeared  most  prominent,  in  their  first 
discoveries,  for  want  of  another  more  appropriate ; or,  perhaps,  they  had 
another  reason,  namely,  that  of  magnifying  their  own  exploits  on  their  return 
to  their  own  countries,  by  reporting  their  interviews  with,  or  conquests  over, 
“ many  kings  of  an  unknown  country.” 

Contemporary  with  General  M’Gillitray  was  a chief  called  the 

TAME-KING,  whose  residence  was  among  the  Upper  Creeks,  in  1791 ; 
and  he  is  noticed  in  our  public  documents  of  that  year,  as  a conspicuous  chief 
in  matters  connected  with  establishing  the  southern  boundary.  At  this  time, 
one  Bowles,  an  English  trader,  had  great  influence  among  the  Lower  Creeks, 
and  used  great  endeavors,  by  putting  himself  forward  as  then*  chief,  to  enlist 
all  the  nations  in  opposition  to  the  Americans.  He  had  made  large  promises  to 
the  Upper  Creeks,  to  induce  them  not  to  hear  to  the  American  commissioners. 
They  so  far  listened  to  him,  as  to  consent  to  receive  his  talk,  and  accordingly 
the  chiefs  of  the  upper  and  lower  towns  met  at  a place  called  the  Half-way- 
house,  where  they  expected  Bowles  in  person,  or  some  letters  containing  definite 
statements.  When  the  chiefs  had  assembled,  Tame-king  and  Mad-dog , of  the 
upper  towns,  asked  the  chiefs  of  the  lower,  “ whether  they  had  taken  Bowles’s 
talks,  and  where  the  letters  were  which  this  great  man  had  sent  them,  and 
where  the  white  man  was,  to  read  them.”  An  Indian  in  Bowles’s  employ  said, 
“ he  was  to  give  them  the  talk.”  They  laughed  at  this,  and  said,  “ they  could 
hear  his  mouth  every  day;  that  they  had  come  there  to  see  those  letters  and 
hear  them  read.”  Most  of  the  chiefs  of  the  upper  towns  now  left  the  coun- 
cil, which  was  about  the  termination  of  Bowles’s  successes.  He  was  shortly 
afterwards  obliged  to  abdicate,  as  we  have  already  declared  in  the  life  of 
M’  Gillivray.  He  returned  again,  however,  after  visiting  Spain  and  England, 
and  spending  some  time  in  prison.* 

Mr.  Ellicott  observes,!  that,  at  the  close  of  a conference  with  sundry  tribes, 
held  15  August,  1799,  in  which  objects  were  discussed  concerning  his  passage 
through  their  country,  that  “the  business  appeared  to  terminate  as  favorably 
as  could  be  expected,  and  the  Indians  declared  themselves  perfectly  satisfied ; 
but  I nevertheless  had  my  doubts  of  their  sincerity,  from  the  depredations 
they  were  constantly  making  upon  our  horses,  which  began  upon  the 
Coeneuck,  and  had  continued  ever  since ; and  added  to  their  insolence,  from 
their  stealing  every  article  in  our  camp  they  could  lay  their  hands  on.”  Mr. 
Ellicott  excepts  the  Upper  Creeks,  generally,  from  participating  in  these  rob- 
beries, all  but  Tame-king  and  his  people. 

Though  we  have  named  Tame-king  first,  yet  Mad-dog  was  quite  as  con- 
spicuous at  this  time.  His  son  fought  for  the  Americans  in  the  last  war,  and 
was  mentioned  by  General  Jackson  as  an  active  and  valuable  chief  in  his 
expeditions.  His  real  name  we  have  not  learned,  and  the  general  mentions 
him  only  as  Mad-dog’ s son. 

In  the  case  of  the  boundary  already  mentioned,  the  surveyors  met  with  fre- 
quent difficulties  from  the  various  tribes  of  Indians,  some  of  whom  were 
influenced  by  the  Spanish  governor,  Folch , of  Louisiana.  Mad-dog  appeared 
their  friend,  and  undeceived  them  respecting  the  governor’s  pretensions. 
A conference  was  to  be  held  about  the  4 May,  between  the  Indians,  Governor 
Folch , and  the  American  commissioners.  The  place  of  meeting  was  to  be  upon 
Coenecuh  River,  near  the  southern  estuary  of  the  bay  of  Pensacola.  When 


* He  was  confined  in  the  'Moro  castle  in  the  Havana,  with  three  Cherokees  that  accom- 
panied him.  This  was  in  1792.  It  was  said  that  this  inveterate  enemy  of  the  United  States, 
Bowles,  was  with  the  Indians,  at  St.  Clair's  defeat. — Carey’s  Museum , xi.  40  f. 
f In  his  Journal,  214^ 


4S 


WEATHERFORD. 


[Book  IV. 


tho  Americans  arrived  there,  Mil-dog  met  them,  and  informed  Colonel 
Hawkins , the  Indian  agent,  that  two  Indians  had  just  gone  to  the  Tallessees 
with  bad  talks  from  the  governor.  The  colonel  told  him  it  could  not  be  pos- 
sible. Shortly  after,  Mal-dog  asked  Colonel  Hawkins  and  Mr.  Ellicott , the 
commissioner,  if  they  supposed  that  Governor  Folch  would  attend  at  the  treaty  ; 
they  said,  “ Most  assuredly.”  “.Vo,”  returned  Mad-dog , “he  will  not  attend , he 
knows  what  I shall  say  to  him  about  his  crooked  talks.  His  tongue  is  forked, 
and , as  you  are  here , he  ivill  be  ashamed  to  show  it.  If  he  stands  to  what  he  has 
told  us,  you  ivill  be  offended,  and  if  he  tells  us  that  the  line  ought  to  be  marked,  he 
will  contradict  himself:  but  he  will  do  neither  ; he  will  not  come .”  It  turned  out 
as  Mad-dog  declared.  When  it  was  found  that  the  governor  would  not  attend, 
the  chief  went  to  Colonel  Hawkins  and  Mr.  Ellicott,  and,  by  way  of  pleasantry, 
said,  “ Well,  the  governor  has  not  come.  I told  you  so.  A man  with  two  tongues 
can  only  speak  to  one  at  a time.”  This  observation  has  reference  to  the  gov- 
ernor’s duplicity,  in  holding  out  to  the  Indians  his  determination  not  to  suffer 
a survey  of  the  boundary,  while,  at  the  same  time,  he  pretended  to  the  Ameri- 
cans that  he  would  facilitate  it.* 

Mad-dog  was  an  upper  town  Creek,  of  the  Tuckaabatchees  tribe. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Weatherford — His  character  and  country — The  corner-stone  of  the  Creek  confed- 
eracy— Favors  the  des'gns  of  Terumsrh — Captures  Fort  Minims — Dreadful  mas- 
sacre— Subjection  of  the  Creeks — IVeatherford.  surrenders  himself — His  speeches — 
M’Intosh — Aids  the  Americans — Battle  of  AuLss  e — Great  slaughter  of  the  Indians 
— Butt  e of  the  Horse- shoe-bend — L :te  troubles  in  the  Creek  nation — M' Intosh  makes 
illegal  sale  of  lands — Executed  for  breaking  the  laws  of  his  country — Mfnawway 
— Tustf.nugge — Hawkins — Chilly  M’Intosh,  son  of  WLliam — Marriage  of  his 
sister — Lovett. 

WEATHERFORD,  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  war  chiefs  of  the  Creek 
nation,  demands  an  early  attention,  in  the  biographical  history  of  the  late  war. 
Mr.  Claiborne,  in  his  Notes  on  the  War  in  the  South,  informs  us  that, 
“among  the  first  who  entered  into  the  views  of  the  British  commissioners  was 
the  since  celebrated  Weatherford that  he  was  born  in  the  Creek  nation,  and 
whose  “father  was  an  itinerant  pedler,  sordid,  treacherous,  and  revengeful; 
his  mother  a full-blooded  savage,  of  the  tribe  of  the  Seminoles.  He  partook 
(says  the  same  author)  of  all  the  bad  qualities  of  both  his  parents,  f and 
engrafted,  on  the  stock  he  inherited  from  others,  many  that  were  peculiarly 
his  own.  With  avarice,  treachery,  and  a thirst  for  blood,  he  combines  lust, 
gluttony,  and  a devotion  to  every  species  of  criminal  carousal.  (Fortune,  in 
her  freaks,  sometimes  gives  to  the  most  profligate  an  elevation  of  mind, 
which  she  denies  to  men  whose  propensities  are  the  most  vicious.)  On 
Weatherford  she  bestowed  genius,  eloquence,  and  courage.  The  first  of  these 
qualities  enabled  him  to  conceive  great  designs,  the  last  to  execute  them ; 
while  eloquence,  bold,  impressive,  and  figurative,  furnished  him  with  a pass- 
port to  the  favor  of  his  countrymen  and  followers.  Silent  and  reserved,  unless 
when  excited  by  some  great  occasion,  and  superior  to  the  weakness  of 
rendering  himself  cheap  by  the  frequency  of  his  addresses,  he  delivered  his 
opinions  but  seldom  in  council ; but  when  he  did  so,  he  was  listened  to  with 
delight  and  approbation.  His  judgment  and  eloquence  had  secured  the 
respect  of  the  old  ; his  vices  made  him  the  idol  of  the  young  and  the  unprin- 
cipled.” “In  his  person,  tall,  straight,  and  well  proportioned  ; his  eye  black, 
lively,  and  penetrating,  and  indicative  of  courage  and  enterprise ; his  nose 
prominent,  thin,  and  elegant  in  its  formation ; while  all  the  features  of  his 


* EllhcotCs  Journal,  203,  &c. 

t The  reader  should  be  early  apprized  that  this  was  written  at  a time  when  some  prejudice 
mighl  have  infected  the  mind  of  the  writer. 


Chap.  VI.]  WEATHERFORD. — MASSACRE  AT  FORT  MIMMS.  49 

face,  harmoniously  arranged,  speak  an  active  and  disciplined  mind.  Pas- 
sionately devoted  to  wealth,  he  had  appropriated  to  himself  a fine  tract  of 
land,  improved  and  settled  it ; and  from  the  profits  of  his  father’s  pack,  had 
decorated  and  embellished  it.  To  it  he  retired  occasionally,  and,  relaxing 
from  the  cares  of  state,  he  indulged  in  pleasures  which  are  but  rarely  found  to 
afford  satisfaction  to  the  devotees  of  ambition  and  fame.  Such  were  the 
opposite  and  sometimes  disgusting  traits  of  character  in  the  celebrated 
Weatherford , the  key  and  corner-stone  of  the  Creek  confederacy ! ” 

It  is  said  that  this  chief  had  entered  fully  into  the  views  of  Tecumseh,  and 
that,  if  he  had  entered  upon  his  designs  without  delay,  he  would  have  been 
amply  able  to  have  overrun  the  whole  Mississippi  territory.  But  this  fortu- 
nate moment  was  lost,  and,  in  the  end,  his  plans  came  to  ruin.  Not  long 
before  the  wretched  butchery  at  Fort  Mimms,  General  Claiborne  visited  that 
post,  and  very  particularly  warned  its  possessors  against  a surprise.  After 
giving  orders  for  the  construction  of  two  additional  block-houses,  he  con- 
cluded the  order  with  these  words: — “To  respect  an  enemy,  and  prepare  in 
the  best  possible  way  to  meet  him,  is  the  certain  means  to  ensure  success.” 
It  was  expected  that  Weatherford  would  soon  attack  some  of  the  forts,  and 
General  Claiborne  marched  to  Fort  Early,  as  that  was  the  farthest  advanced 
into  the  enemy’s  country.  On  his  way,  he  wrote  to  Major  Beasley , the  com- 
mander of  Mimms,  informing  him  of  the  danger  of  an  attack ; and,  strange 
as  it  may  appear,  the  next  day  after  the  letter  was  received,  (30  August, 
1813,)  Weatherford , at  the  head  of  about  1500  warriors,  entered  the  fort  at 
noon-day,  when  a shocking  carnage  ensued.  The  gate  had  been  left  open 
and  unguarded ; but,  before  many  of  the  warriors  had  entered,  they  were 
met  by  Major  Beasley , at  the  head  of  his  men,  and  for  some  time  the  contest 
was  bloody  and  doubtful ; each  striving  for  the  mastery  of  the  entrance. 
Here,  man  to  man,  the  fight  continued  for  a quarter  of  an  hour,  with  toma- 
hawks, knives,  swords  and  bayonets:  a scene  there  presented  itself  almost 
without  a parallel  in  the  annals  of  Indian  warfare ! The  garrison  consisted 
of  275 : of  these  only  160  were  soldiers ; the  rest  were  old  men,  women  and 
children,  who  had  here  taken  refuge.  It  is  worthy  of  very  emphatical 
remark,  that  every  officer  expired  fighting  at  the  gate.  A lieutenant,  having 
been  badly  wounded,  was  carried  by  two  women  to  a block-house,  but  when 
he  was  a little  revived,  he  insisted  on  being  carried  back  to  the  fatal  scene, 
which  was  done  by  the  same  heroines,  who  placed  him  by  the  side  of  a dead 
companion,  where  he  was  soon  despatched. 

The  defenders  of  the  garrison  being  now  nearly  all  slain,  the  women  and 
children  shut  themselves  up  in  the  block-houses,  and,  seizing  upon  what 
weapons  they  could  find,  began,  in  that  perilous  and  hopeless  situation,  to 
defend  themselves.  But  the  Indians  soon  succeeded  in  setting  these  houses 
on  fire,  and  all  such  as  refused  to  meet  death  without,  perished  in  the  flames 
within ! ! Seventeen  only  escaped  of  all  the  garrison,  and  many  of  those 
were  desperately  wounded.  It  was  judged  that,  during  the  contest  at  the 
gate,  near  400  of  Weatherfords  warriors  were  wounded  and  slain. 

The  horrid  calamity  at  Fort  Mimms,  in  the  Tensau  settlement,  as  it  is 
called,  was  not  the  commencement  of  the  bloody  war  with  the  Creek  Indians. 
The  motions  of  the  Shawanee  Prophet  had  been  scrutinized  by  people  upon 
the  ftontiers  of  several  states,  and  memorials  from  Indiana  and  Illinois  had 
been  sent  to  the  president  of  the  United  States  by  some  of  their  principal 
inhabitants,  in  1811,  calling  on  him  to  send  out  an  armed  force  for  their 
security. 

In  the  summer  of  1812,  some  families  were  cut  off  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Ohio,  and  soon  after,  upon  the  border  of  Tennessee,  two  other  families, 
consisting  of  women  and  children,  were  butchered  in  a manner  too  shocking 
for  description ! Georgia  was  also  a sufferer  in  the  same  kind. 

In  respect  to  the  bloody  affair  at  Fort  Mimms,  a different  aspect  has  been 
thrown  around  it  from  that  generally  given  in  the  histories  of  the  war.  The 
severe,  though  probably  just  reflections  of  Judge  Martin  upon  the  conduct 
of  the  unfortunate  Beasley , has  passed  without  contradiction.  Not  only  had 
that  officer  been  warned  by  General  Claiborne  of  his  danger,  as  already 
stated,  but  a Creek  Indian  informed  him  in  a friendly  manner  that  he  must 


53 


WEATHERFORD  SURRENDERS.— HIS  SPEECH.  [Book  IV 


expect  an  attack  in  less  than  two  days.  When  he  had  made  his  communica- 
tion, he  left  the  place,  “and  was  hardly  out  of  sight,  when  20  or  30  of  his 
countrymen  came  in  view,  and  forcibly  entered  the  fort.  In  the  attempt  to 
shut  the  gate,  Beasley  was  killed:  the  garrison  revenged  his  death  by  that 
of  all  the  assailants.  This  first  party  was,  however,  soon  followed  by  a body 
of  about  800 : the  garrison  was  overpowered,  the  fort  taken,  and  every  man, 
woman  and  child  in  it,  slaughtered,  with  the  exception  of  four  privates,  who, 
though  severely  wounded,  effected  their  escape,  and  reached  Fort  Stod- 
dard.” * Beasley  himself  was  carried  into  the  kitchen  of  one  of  the  houses 
within  the  fort,  and  was  there,  with  many  others,  consumed  in  the  burning 
ruins ! f 

When  the  news  of  this  affair  was  circulated  through  the  country,  many 
cried  aloud  for  vengeance,  and  two  powerful  armies  were  soon  upon  their 
march  into  the  Indian  country,  and  the  complete  destruction  of  the  Indian 
power  soon  followed.  The  Indians  seeing  all  resistance  was  at  an  end, 
great  numbers  of  them  came  forward  and  made  their  submission.  Weather- 
ford\ however,  and  many  who  were  known  to  be  desperate,  still  stood  out? 
perhaps  from  fear.  General  Jackson  determined  to  test  the  fidelity  of  those 
chiefs  who  had  submitted,  and,  therefore,  ordered  them  to  deliver,  without 
delay,  Weatherford , bound,  into  his  hands,  that  he  might  be  dealt  with  as  he 
deserved.  When  they  had  made  known  to  the  sachem  what  was  required 
of  them,  his  noble  spirit  would  not  submit  to  such  degradation ; and,,  to  hold 
them  harmless,  he  resolved  to  give  himself  up  without  compulsion.  Accord- 
ingly, he  proceeded  to  the  American  camp,  unknown,  until  he  appeared 
before  the  commanding  general,  to  whose  presence,  under  some  pretence, 
he  gained  admission.  General  Jackson  was  greatly  surprised,  when  the  chief 
said,  “ I am  Weatherford , the  chief  who  commanded  at  the  capture  of  Fort  Mimms 
I desire  peace  for  my  people , and  have  come  to  ask  it Jackson  had,  doubtless, 
determined  upon  his  execution  when  he  should  be  brought  bound,  as  he 
had  directed ; but  his  sudden  and  unexpected  appearance,  in  this  manner, 
saved  him.  The  general  said  he  was  astonished  that  he  should  venture  to 
appear  in  his  presence,  as  he  was  not  ignorant  of  his  having  been  at  Fort 
Mimms,  nor  of  his  inhuman  conduct  there,  for  which  he  so  well  deserved  to 
die.  “I  ordered,”  continued  the  general,  “that  you  should  be  brought  to  me 
bound ; and,  had  you  been  brought  in  that  manner,  I should  have  known 
how  to  have  treated  you.”  In  answer  to  this,  Weatherford  made  the  follow- 
ing famous  speech : — 

“ lam  in  your  power — do  with  me  as  you  please — I am  a soldier.  I have  done 
the  whites  all  the  harm  I could.  I have  fought  them,  and  fought  them,  bravely . 
If  I had  an  army , I would  yet  fight — I would  contend  to  the  last : but  I have  none. 
My  people  are  all  gone.  I can  only  weep  over  the  misfortunes  of  my  nation." 

General  Jackson  was  pleased  with  his  boldness,  and  told  him  that  though 
he  was  in  his  power,  yet  he  would  take  no  advantage ; that  he  might  yet  join 
the  war  party,  and  contend  against  the  Americans,  if  he  chose,  but  to  depend 
upon  no  quarter  if  taken  afterward ; and  that  unconditional  submission  was 
his  and  his  peopled  only  safety.  Weatherford  rejoined,  in  a tone  as  dignified 
as  it  was  indignant, — “ You  can  safely  address  me  in  such  terms  now.  There 
was  a time  when  I could  have  answered  you — there  was  a time  when  I had  a choice 
— I have  none  now.  I have  not  even  a hope.  I could  once  animate  my  ivarriors 
to  battle — but  I cannot  animate  the  dead.  My  warriors  can  no  longer  hear  my 
voice.  Their  bones  are  at  Talladega,  TaUushafches,  Emuckfaw  and  Tohopeka. 
I have  not  surrendered  myself  without  thought.  While  there  was  a single  chance 
of  success , I never  left  my  post,  nor  supplicated  peace.  Bid  my  people  are  gone , 
and  I now  ask  it  for  my  nation,  not  for  myself.  I look  back  with  deep  sorrow, 
and  ivish  to  avert  still  greater  calamities.  If  I had  been  left  to  contend  with  the 
Georgia  army,  I would,  have  raised  my  com  on  one  bank  of  the  river,  and  fought 
them  on  the  other.  But  your  people  have  destroyed  my  nation.  You  are  a brave 
man.  I rely  upon  your  generosity.  You  will  exact  no  terms  of  a conquered 
people,  but  such  as  they  should  accede  to.  Whatever  they  may  be,  it  would  now  be 
madness  and  folly  to  oppose  them.  If  they  are  opposed,  you  shall  find  me 


Martin's  Hist.  Louisiana,  ii.  316. 


t Perkins's  Late  War,  198. 


51 


Chap.  VI.]  BATTLE  OF  AUTOSSEE  AND  OF  TOHOPEKA. 

amongst  the  sternest  enforcers  of  obedience.  Those  who  would  still  hold  out , can 
be  influenced  only  by  a mean  spirit  of  revenge.  To  this  they  must  not , and  shall 
not  sacrifice  the  last  remnant  of  their  country.  You  have  told  our  nation  where  we 
might  go  and  be  scfc.  This  is  good  talk,  and  they  ought  to  listen  to  it.  They 
shall  listen  to  it."  And  here  we  must  close  our  present  account  of  Weatherford, 
and  enter  upon  that  of  a character  opposed  to  him  in  the  field,  and,  if  we  can 
believe  the  writers  of  their  times,  opposite  in  almost  all  the  affairs  of  life.  This 
was  the  celebrated  and  truly  unfortunate 

General  WILLLIAM  MTNTOSH,  a Creek  chief  of  the  tribe  of  Cowetaw. 
He  was,  like  M'Gillivray,  a half-breed,  whom  he  considerably  resembled  in 
several  particulars,  as  by  his  history  will  appear.  He  was  a prominent  leader 
of  such  of  his  countrymen  as  joined  the  Americans  in  the  war  of  1812,  13,  and 
14,  and  is  first  mentioned  by  General  Floyd f in  his  account  of  the  battle,  as  he 
called  it,  of  Autossee,  where  he  assisted  in  the  brutal  destruction  of  200  of  his 
nation.  There  was  nothing  like  fighting  on  the  part  of  the  people  of  the 
place,  as  we  can  learn,  being  surprised  in  their  wigwams,  and  hewn  to  pieces. 
“ The  Coweta  ws,”  says  the  general,  “ under  M'Intosh,  and  Tookaubatchians,f 
under  Mad- dog's -son,  fell  in  on  our  flanks,  and  fought  with  an  intrepidity 
worthy  of  any  troops.”  And  after  relating  the  burning  of  the  place,  he  thus 
proceeds: — “It  is  difficult  to  determine  the  strength  of  the  enemy,  but  from 
the  information  of  some  of  the  chiefs,  which  it  is  said  can  be  relied  oh,  there 
were  assembled  at  Autossee,  warriors  from  eight  towns,  for  its  defence ; it 
being  their  beloved  ground,  on  which  they  proclaimed  no  white  man  could 
approach  without  inevitable  destruction.  It  is  difficult  to  giye  a precise 
account  of  the  loss  of  the  enemy ; but  from  the  number  which  Avere  lying- 
scattered  over  the  field,  together  with  those  destroyed  in  the  towns,  and  the 
many  slain  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  which  respectable  officers  affirm  that 
they  saw  lying  in  heaps  at  the  water’s  edge,  where  they  had  been  precipitated 
by  their  surviving  friends,  [! !]  their  loss  in  killed,  independent  of  their  wound- 
ed, must  have  been  at  least  200,  (among  whom  were  the  Autossee  and  Tallassee 
kings,)  and  from  the  circumstance  of  their  making  no  efforts  to  molest  our 
return,  probably  greater.  The  number  of  buildings  burnt,  some  of  a superior 
order  for  the  dwellings  of  savages,  and  filled  with  valuable  articles,  is  supposed 
to  be  400.”  This  was  on  the  29  November,  1813. 

M'Iniosh  was  also  very  conspicuous  in  the  memorable  battle  of  the  Horse-, 
shoe-bend,  in  the  Tallapoosie  River.  At  this  place  the  disconsolate  tribes  of  the 
south  had  made  a last  great  stand,  and  had  a tolerably  regular  fortified  camp. 
It  was  said  that  they  were  1000  strong.  They  had  constructed  their  works 
with  such  ingenuity,  that  little  could  be  effected  against  them  but  by  storm. 
“ Determined  to  exterminate  them,”  says  General  Jackson,  “I  detached  General 
Coffee  with  the  mounted,  and  nearly  the  whole  of  the  Indian  force,  early  on 
the  morning  of  yesterday,  [March  27,  1814,1  to  cross  the  river  about  two  miles 
below  their  encampment,  and  to  surround  the  bend,  in  such  a manner,  as 
that  none  of  them  should  escape  by  attempting  to  cross  the  river.”  “ Bean's 
company  of  spies,  who  had  accompanied  Gen.  Coffee,  crossed  over  in  canoes 
to  the  extremity  of  the  bend,  and  set  fire  to  a few  of  the  buildings  which  were 
there  situated ; they  then  advanced  with  great  gallantry  towards  the  breast- 
work, and  commenced  a spirited  fire  upon  the  enemy  behind  it.”  This  force 
not  being  able  to  effect  their  object,  many  others  of  the  army  showed  great 
ardor  to  participate  in  the  assault.  “ The  spirit  which  animated  them  was  a 
sure  augury  of  the  success  which  was  to  follow.”  “ The  regulars,  led  on  by 
their  intrepid  and  skilful  commander,  Col.  Williams,  and  by  the  gallant  Maj. 
Montgomery,  soon  gained  possession  of  the  works  in  the  midst  of  a most  tre- 
mendous fire  from  behind  them,  and  the  militia  of  the  venerable  Gen.  Doherty's 
brigade  accompanied  them  in  the  charge  with  a vivacity  and  firmness  which 
would  have  done  honor  to  regulars.  The  >enemy  was  completely  routed. 
Five  hundred  and  fifty  seven  { were  left  dead  on  the  peninsula,  and  a great 
number  were  killed  by  the  horsemen  in  attempting  to  cross  the  river.  It  is 
believed  that  not  more  than  twenty  have  escaped. 

“ The  fighting  continued  with  some  severity  about  five  hours  ; but  we  con- 

* Brannan’s  official  letters.  f Tuckabatehe.  Bartram,  447. 

| These  are  the  general’s  italics  j at  least,  Brannan  so  prints  his  official  letter. 


52 


M’lNTOSII’S  TREATIES. 


[Book  IV. 


tinued  to  destroy  many  of  them,  who  had  concealed  themselves  under  the 
hanks  of  the  river,  until  we  were  prevented  by  the  night.  This  morning  we 
killed  16  who  had  been  concealed.  We  took  about  250  prisoners,  all  women 
and  children,  except  two  or  three.  Our  loss  is  106  wounded,  and  25  killed. 
Major  M’Intosh , the  Cowetau,  who  joined  my  army  with  a part  of  his  tribe, 
jrreatly  distinguished  himself.”  * Truly,  this  was  a war  of  extermination  ! I 
The  friend  of  humanity  may  inquire  whether  all  those  poor  wretches  who  had 
secreted  themselves  here  and  there  in  the  “caves  and  reeds,”  had  deserved 
death  ? 

The  most  melancholy  part  of  the  life  of  the  unfortunate  McIntosh  remains  to 
be  recorded.  The  late  troubles  of  the  Creek  nation  have  drawn  forth  many 
a sympathetic  tear  from  the  eye  of  the  philanthropist.  These  troubles  were 
only  the  consequences  of  those  of  a higher  date.  Those  of  1825,  we  thought, 
completed  the  climax  of  their  affliction,  but  1832  must  sully  her  annals  with 
records  of  their  oppression  also.  It  is  the  former  period  with  which  our  article 
brings  us  in  collision  in  closing  this  account.  In  that  year,  the  government 
of  the  U.  States,  by  its  agents,  seemed  determined  on  possessing  a large  tract 
of  their  country,  to  satisfy  the  state  of  Georgia.  M’Intosh , and  a small  part  of 
the  nation,  were  for  conceding  to  their  wishes,  but  a large  majority  of  his 
countrymen  would  not  hear  to  the  proposal.  The  commissioners  employed 
were  satisfied  of  the  fact,  and  communicated  to  the  president  the  result  of  a 
meeting  they  had  had  for  the  purpose.  He  was  well  satisfied,  also,  that 
MIntosh  could  not  convey  the  lands,  as  he  represented  but  a small  part  of  his 
nation,  but  still  the  negotiation  was  ordered  to  be  renewed.  A council  was 
called  by  the  commissioners,  (who  were  Georgians,)  which  assembled  at  a 
place  called  Indian-spring.  Here  the  chief  of  the  Tuckaubatcheese  spoke  to 
them  as  follows : “We  met  you  at  Broken  Arrow,  and  then  told  you  we  had 
no  land  to  sell.  I then  heard  of  no  claims  against  the  nation,  nor  have  I since. 
We  have  met  you  here  at  a very  short  notice,  and  do  not  think  that  the  chiefs 
who  are  here  have  any  authority  to  treat.  General  M’Intosh  knows  that  we 
are  bound  by  our  laws,  and  that  what  is  not  done  in  the  public  square,  in  the 
general  council,  is  not  binding  on  the  nation.  I am,  therefore,  under  the 
necessity  of  repeating  the  same  answer  as  given  at  Broken  Arrow,  that  we 
have  no  land  to  sell.  I know  that  there  are  but  few  here  from  the  upper 
towns,  and  many  are  absent  from  the  lower  towns.  Gen.  MIntosh  knows  that 
no  part  of  the  land  can  be  sold  without  a full  council,  and  with  the  consent  of 
all  the  nation,  and  if  a part  of  the  nation  choose  to  leave  the  country,  they 
cannot  sell  the  land  they  have,  but  it  belongs  to  the  nation.”  “ This  is  the 
only  talk  I have  for  you,  and  I shall  return  home  immediately.”  He  did  so. 
The  ill-advised  commissioners  informed  McIntosh  and  his  party,  that  the  Creek 
nation  was  sufficiently  represented  by  them,  and  that  the  United  States  would 
bear  them  out  in  a treaty  of  sale.  The  idea  of  receiving  the  whole  of  the  pay 
for  the  lands  among  themselves,  was  doubtless  the  cause  of  the  concession  of 
. WIntosh  and  his  party.  “ Thirteen  only  of  the  signers  of  the  treaty  were 
chiefs.  The  rest  were  such  as  had  been  degraded  from  that  rank,  and  un- 
known persons  ; 36  chiefs  present  refused  to  sign.  The  whole  party  of 
M’Intosh  amounted  to  about  300,  not  the  tenth  part  of  the  nation.”  Still  they 
executed  the  articles,  in  direct  violation  to  the  laws  of  their  nation,  which 
themselves  had  helped  to  form.  It  must  be  remembered  that  the  Creeks  had 
made  no  inconsiderable  advances  ,in  what  is  termed  civilization.  They  had 
towns,  and  even  printed  laws  by  which  they  were  to  be  governed,  similar  to 
those  of  the  United  States. 

The  treaty  of  Indian- springs  dated  8 January,  1821,  gave  universal  uneasi- 
ness ; and,  from  thqt  day,  M’Intosh  lost  popularity.  It  was  generally  believed 
that  he  had  been  tampered  with  by  the  whites  to  convey  to  them  the  inher- 
itance of  his  nation  ! and  the  following  letter  pretty  clearly  proves  such 
suspicions  had  been  justly  grounded.  It  is  dated 

“Newtown,  21st  October , 1823. 

“ My  Friend  : I am  going  to  inform  you  a few  lines , as  a friend.  I want  you 
to  give  me  your  opinion  about  the  treaty ; \ whether  the  chiefs  will  be  willing  or  not . 


* Bran  nan,  ut  supra. 


f That  at  Indian-spring,  8 January,  1821. 


Chap.  VI.] 


MINTOSH.— HIS  VILLANY  DETECTED. 


53 


if  the  chiefs  fed  disposed  to  let  the  United  States  have  the  land , part  of  it,  I want  you 
to  let  me  know ; I will  make  the  U.  States  commissioners  give  you  2000  dollars , 
A.  M’Coy  the  same,  and  Charles  Hicks  3000  dollars,  for  present,  and  nobody 
shall  finow  it ; and  if  you  think  the  land  woulden  [slwuld'nt  ?]  sold,  I will  be  sat- 
isfied. If  the  land  should  be  sold,  I will  get  you  the  amount  before  the  treaty  sign 
[is  signed ;]  and  if  you  get  any  friend  you  want  him  to  received,  they  shall  receive. 
Nothing  more  to  inform  you  at  present. 

“ I remain  your  affectionate  friend , WM.  McINTOSH. 

“John  Ross.* 

“ An  answer  return. 

“ N.  B.  The  whole  amount  is  $12,000,  you  can  divide  among  your  friends , 
exclusive,  $7,000.” 

Hence  there  can  be  no  question  as  to  the  guilty  eonscience  of  JWIntosh , 
although  some  parts  of  the  above  letter  are  scarcely  intelligible.  He  had 
mistaken  his  friend  ; Ross  was  not  to  be  bought;  for  three  days  after  the  letter 
was  written,  viz.  24  October,  a council  was  held,  and  JWIntosh  was  present ; 
the  letter  was  read,  and  he  was  publicly  exposed. 

Notwithstanding  what  had  been  done  at  Indian- Spring,  it  appears,  from  the 
above  letter,  that  another  attempt  at  selling  land  was  made  in  1823,  but  could 
not  be  carried  into  effect,  the  villany  of  JWIntosh  was  so  apparent ; and  it 
appears  that  it  could  not  be  brought  about  until  12  February,  1825,  which  is 
the  date  of  the  last  treaty  made  by  JWIntosh. 

“ JWIntosh  was  aware,  that,  after  signing  the  treaty,  his  life  was  forfeited. 
He,  and  others  of  his  coadjutors,  repaired  to  Milledgeville,  stated  their  fears, 
and  claimed  the  protection  of  Georgia,  which  was  promised  by  Gov.  Troup.” 
It  must  be  observed  that  the  greater  part  of  the  purchased  territory  was  within 
the  claimed  limits  of  Georgia  ;f  and  that  the  Georgians  had  no  small  share  in 
the  whole  transaction.  It  is  not  stranger  that  the  people  of  Georgia  should 
conduct  as  they  have,  than  that  the  United  States’  government  should  place  it 
in  her  power  so  to  act.  To  take,  therefore,  into  account  the  whole  merits  of 
the  case,  it  must  be  remembered,  that,  by  a compact  between  the  two  parties 
in  1802,  the  former,  in  consideration  of  the  latter’s  relinquishing  her  claim  to 
the  Mississippi  territory,  agreed  to  extinguish,  at  the  national  expense,  the 
Indian  title  to  the  lands  occupied  by  them,  in  Georgia,  whenever  it  could  be 
done,  upon  reasonable  terms.  J Who  was  to  decide  when  the  practicable  time 
had  arrived,  we  believe  was  not  mentioned.  However,  previous  to  1825,  the 
United  States  had  succeeded  in  extinguishing  the  aboriginal  title  of  15,000,000 
acres,  and  there  were  yet  about  10,000,000  to  be  bought  off.  § The  change  of 
life  from  wandering  to  stationary,  which  the  arts  of  civilization  had  effected 
among  the  Indians,  made  them  prize  their  possessions  far  more  highly  than 
heretofore,  and  hence  their  reluctance  and  opposition  to  relinquish  them. 

Thus  much  it  seemed  necessary  to  premise,  that  the  true  cause  of  the  fate 
of  jWIntosh  should  be  understood.  It  appears  that  when  the  whole  of  the 
nation  saw  that  the  treaty  which  he  and  his  party  had  made  could  not  be 
abrogated,  forty-nine  fiftieths  of  them  were  violent  against  them  ; and  there- 
fore resolved  that  the  sentence  of  the  law  should  be  executed  upon  him. 
The  execution,  and  circumstances  attending  it,  are  thus  related : |j  “About 
two  hours  before  day,  on  Sunday  morning,  1 May,  *d  the  house  of  Gen. 
JWIntosh  was  surrounded  by  Menaw-way,  and  about  100  Oakfuskee  warriors. 
JWIntosh  was  within,  as  likewise  were  his  women  and  children,  and  some 
white  men.  Mehaw-ivay  directed  an  interpreter  to  request  the  whites,’  and 
the  women  and  children,  to  come  out,  as  the  warriors  did  not  wish  to  harm 
them ; that  Gen.  M’lntosh  had  broken  the  law  that  he  himself  had  long 
since  made,  and  they  had  come  to  execute  him  accordingly.  They  came 
out  of  the  house,  leaving  MTntosh  and  Etomi-tustenugge,  one  of  his  adherents, 


* Then  President  of  the  National  Council  of  the  Creeks. 

| Perkins,  Hist.  IT.  States,  a work,  by  the  way,  of  great  value,  and  which  we  are  surprised 
should  have  issued  from  the  press  with  little  or  no  notice. 

f Amer.  An.  Regr.  i.  § Ibid.  ||  In  the  Annual  Register,  ut  supra. 

IT  30  April  is  mentioned,  in  another  part  of  the  same  work,  as  the  date  of  the  execution, 
and  so  it  is  set  down  by  Mr.  Perkins,  in  his  Hist.  U.  S. 

5 * 


54  M’INTOSH  AND  OTHERS  PUT  TO  DEATH.  [Book  IV, 

therein.  The  warriors  then  set  fire  to  the  house ; and  as  JVTlntosh  and  his 
comrade  [Tustenugge]  attempted  to  come  out  at  the  door,  they  shot  them 
both  down.  The  same  day,  about  12  o’clock,  they  hung  Sam  Hawkins , a half 
breed,  in  the  Iluckhosseliga  Square.  On  Monday,  the  2 May,  a party  of 
Halibee  Indians  fired  on  and  wounded  Ben  Hawkins , another  half  breed,  very 
badly.  The  chiefs  stated,  at  the  time,  that  no  danger  whatever  was  to  be 
apprehended  by  persons  travelling  through  the  nation  ; that  they  were  friends 
to  the  whites,  and  wished  them  not  to  be  alarmed  by  this  execution,  which 
was  only  a compliance  with  the  laws  that  the  great  chiefs  of  the  nation  made 
at  Polecat  Spring.  Chilly  M’Intosh  escaped  from  the  house  with  the  whites, 
and  was  not  fired  at  or  wounded.”  He  is  now  chief  among  the  western 
Creeks,  and  some  time  since  increased  his  notoriety  by  beating  a member  of 
Congress,  in  Washington. 

The  great  agitation  which  the  execution  of  the  head  chiefs  of  the  JVTlntosh 
party  caused  was  allayed  only  by  the  interference  of  the  United  States’  gov- 
ernment. Governor  Troup  of  Georgia  declared  vengeance  against  the  Creek 
nation,  denouncing  the  execution  of  the  chiefs  as  an  act  of  murder ; however, 
he,  by  some  means,  learned  that  his  judgment  was  gratuitous,  and,  by  advice 
of  President  Adams,  desisted  from  acts  of  hostility,  the  survey  of  the  disputed 
lands,  &c. 

We  have  not  learned  much  of  the  family  of  JVTlntosh.  His  principal  resi- 
dence was  on  the  Chattahoochie,  where  he  had  two  wives,  Susannah  and 
Peggy,  one  a Creek,  the  other  a Cherokee  woman,  and  this  is  the  place  where 
he  was  killed.  About  50  miles  from  this  place,  on  the  western  branch  of  the 
Tallapoosa,  he  had  a plantation  ; here  lived  another  of  his  wives,  named  Eliza. 
She  was  the  daughter  of  Stephen  Haivkins , and  sister  to  Samuel  and  Benjamin 
Hawkins,*  whose  fate  we  have  just  related.  On  14  August,  1818,  Jenny , hi3 
eldest  daughter,  was  married  to  William  S.  Mitchel , Esq.,  assistant  Indian 
agent  of  the  Creek  nation.  They  were  married  at  a place  called  Theacatckkah 
near  Fort  Mitchel,  in  that  nation,  f 

General  McIntosh  participated  in  the  Seminole  campaigns,  as  did  another 
chief  of  the  name  of  Lovett,  with  about  2000  of  their  warriors.  They  joined 
the  American  army  at  Fort  Scott  in  the  spring  of  1818.  J 


CHAPTER  VH. 

Creek  war  continued — View  of  the  Creek  country — General  Jackson  ordered  out 
against  them — Relieves  Chinnaby — Shelokta — Path-killer — Capture  of  Litta- 
futclie — The  Tall.vshatches  destroyed  by  General  Coffee — Battle  of  Talladega — 
Anecdote — Massacre  of  the  Hallibees — Further  account  of  Autossee  battle — Battle  of 
Camp  Defiance — Timpoockie — Battle  of  Eckanakaka — Pushamata — Weatherford 
— Jim  Fife — Battle  of  Emukfau — d second  battle — Fife's  intrepidity — Battle  of 
Enotochopko — Tohopeka — End  of  the  Creek  war — Death  of  three  Prophets — 
Monoiioe — M’Queen — Colbert,  alias  Piomingo — His  exploits — Anecdote — Mur- 
der of  John  Morris — Musiialatubec — Pushamata — Speech  of  Mushalatubec  and 
of  Pushamata  to  Lafayette  at  Washington — Pushamata  dies  there — IIillisiiago 
visits  England — Excites  the  Seminoles  to  war — A modern  Pocahontas — Hornot- 
limed — Massacres  a boat's  crew  in  Apalachicola  River — Is  captured  with  Hillis- 
h ago,  and  hanged — Neamathla — Removal  of  the  Florida  Indians — Their  wretched 
condition — M’Queen — Rich  in  lands  and  slaves — Flies  to  Florida , and  loses  his 
effects. 

At  this  period  the  Creek  Indians  occupied  a country  containing  about  900 
square  miles;  bounded  on  the  north  by  Tennessee,  east  by  Georgia,  south  by 
the  Floridas,  and  west  by  the  Mississippi ; the  soil  and  climate  o'f  which 
could  not  be  considered  inferior  to  any  in  the  United  States.  These  Indians, 
consisting  of  Creeks,  properly  so  called,  Chikasaws,  Choktaws,  and  Chero- 

* Rrport  of  the  Select  Committee  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  578,  &c. 
t Niles's  Register,  14,  407.  } N.  Y.  Monthly  Mag.  iii.  74. 


Chap.  VII.]  SHELOKTA.— PATH-KILLER.  o5 

kees,  had  for  a long  time  been  on  amicable  terms  with  their  white  neighbors* 
exchanging  their  furs  and  other  articles  with  them  for  such  others  as  their 
wants  required.  This  state  of  things,  but  for  the  breaking  out  of  the  war  in 
Canada,  might,  and  would,  in  reason,  have  continued,  and  the  great  Creek 
nation  would  have  increased,  and  at  this  day  have  gained  vastly  in  population 
and  importance,  instead  of  being  dismembered,  its  inhabitants  sent  into 
banishment,  and  finally  ruined.  Intermarriages  between  Indians  and  whites 
had  become  frequent,  from  which  a race  of  half-breeds  were,  springing  up, 
and  instead  of  slavery,  the  Indian  women  were  taking  tl\eir  proper  places  in 
society,  and  the  men  were  cultivating  the  fields.  And  notwithstanding  the 
Prophet  and  Tecumseh  had  used  all  their  eloquence  to  engage  them  in  an 
early  quarrel,  it  was  not  until  they  heard  of  the  success  of  the  British  at  Mal- 
den, that  they  decided  on  taking  up  the  hatchet,  generally.  Such  was  the 
alacrity  among  the  northern  Indians  on  the  capture  of  General  Hull , on  the 
16  August,  1812,  that  runners  arrived  from  among  them  to  the  Creeks  some 
time  before  it  was  known  to  their  white  neighbors. 

For  the  horrid  butchery  at  Tensau,  the  followers  of  Weatherford , Monohoe , 
and  MQuin , or  A?’ Queen,  were  shortly  to  atone,  in  the  most  summary  man- 
ner. There  was  a great  encampment  of  Creeks  under  Weatherford , at  the 
Tallahasse,  or  Tallushatches  towns,  on  the  Coosa  River,  a northern  branch  of 
the  Alabama.  The  eyes  of  the  south  seemed  to  centre  upon  General  Jackson 
to  execute  vengeance  on  the  Indians,  and  notwithstanding  he  was  confined  to 
his  room,  from  a wound  in  the  arm,  which  he  had  lately  received  in  a private 
quarrel,  when  the  news  of  the  massacre  arrived  in  Tennessee,  the  governor  of 
that  state  issued  an  order  to  him  to  raise  2000  men  with  all  possible  despatch, 
and  rendezvous  at  Fayetteville.  Colonel  Coffee  was  already  in  the  field. 
Jackson's  march  into  the  enemy’s  country  was  hastened  by  a false  alarm,  and 
when  he  had  got  into  the  Indian  country,  he  found  himself  almost  destitute 
of  provisions  tor  his  army,  which  caused  considerable  delay.  At  a place  on 
the  Tennessee  River,  called  Ditto’s  Landing,  General  Jackson  met  with  Colonel 
Coffee's  regiment.  Here  he  remained  several  days,  but  despatched  Coffee 
with  700  men  to  scour  the  Black  Warrior  River.  At  Ten  Islands,  on  the 
Coosa,  was  a band  of  friendly  Creeks,  at  whose  head  was  a chief  named 
Chinnaby.  This  chief  had  a kind  of  fort  there,  and  was  now  blockaded  in  it 
by  the  war  party.  Chinnaby , hearing  of  Jackson's  position,  sent  his  son,  She- 
lokta,  also  a principal  chief,  to  the  general’s  camp,  for  relief,  who,  without 
loss  of  time,  marched  up  the  river,  but  was  obliged  to  encamp  at  the  distance 
of  24  miles  from  Ditto's , from  the  failure  of  his  supplies.  While  here,  Path- 
killer,*  a Cherokee  chief,  sent  two  runners  to  him,  confirming  the  former 
news,  and  that  without  immediate  relief,  they  said,  they  should  be  immediate- 
ly cut  off,  for  the  hostile  Indians  were  assembling  in  great  force  from  nine 
towns.  Jackson  now  resolved  to  move  on,  and  told  the  messengers  of  Path - 
killer  to  speak  thus  to  their  chief  from  him : — 

“ The  hostile  Creeks  will  not  attack  you  until  they  have  had  a brush  with  me, 
and  that , I think , will  put  them  out  of  the  notion  of  fighting  for  some  time." 

When  the  army  had  arrived  within  a few  miles  of  the  Ten  Islands,  it  was 
met  by  Chinnaby . This  old  chief  had  succeeded  in  capturing  two  hostile 
Creeks,  which  he  gave  up  to  General  Jackson . The  army  was  yet  about  16 
miles  from  the  Indian  encampment,  and  in  a lamentable  condition  for  want  of 
provisions ; insomuch,  that  almost  any  one  but  Jackson  would  have  despaired, 
and  given  up  the  campaign  ; but  his  resolution  was  not  to  be  shaken,  and  he 
happily  diffused  his  spirit  into  his  men.  He  said,  in  a letter  to  Governor 
Blount , that  whilst  they  could  procure  an  ear  of  com  apiece , they  would  not  give 
up  the  expedition. 


* We  would  here  observe  that  Path-killer  was,  in  1822,  a Christian  chief,  and  governed 
in  the  same  tribe  with  the  famous  Mr.  Charles  Hicks ; and  his  residence  was  in  that  year  25 
miles  from  Turkeytown.  The  missionary,  Mr.  Butrick,  notes  in  his  Journal,  that  Path-killer 
was  “ the  king  or  first  beloved  man,  of  the  Cherokee  nation,"  and  that  Mr.  Hicks  was  “ the 
second  beloved  man.9’  Path-killer  had  had  a son  murdered  by  some  white  man,  before  this 
visit,  and  complained  of  the  outrage,  and  said  he  had  written  twice  to  the  president  of  the 
United  States  about  it,  Both  these  chiefs  died  in  the  winter  of  1826. 


56 


PATH-KILLER— BATTLE  OF  TALLUSHATCHES.  [Book  IV. 


On  the  28  October,  Colonel  Dyer  returned  from  the  capture  of  a town 
called  Littafutche,  on  the  head  of  Canoe  Creek,  which  empties  into  the  Coosa 
from  the  west.  Ilis  force  consisted  of  200  cavalry,  and  they  brought  in  29 
prisoners,  chiefly  women  and  children. 

The  Indians  were  now  drawn  off  from  Ten  Islands,  and  had  taken  post  at 
Tallushatches,  on  the  south  side  of  the  Coosa.  Coffee  was  immediately 
despatched  with  900  men  to  attack  them.  This  he  did  on  the  3 November, 
sun  about  an  hour  high  in  the  morning.  A number  of  men  in  advance  of  the 
main  body,  sent  forward  for  the  purpose,  drew  out  the  warriors  from  their 
cabins,  who  made  a fierce  attack  upon  them.  The  Americans  gave  way  by  fall- 
ing back  upon  the  main  body,  agreeably  to  their  preconcerted  plan,  which  had 
the  good  effect  of  bringing  the  Indians  at  once  into  their  power.  Having  fired 
upon  them,  they  made  a successful  charge,  and  soon  obliged  them  to  shelter 
themselves  in  their  wigwams.  Colonel  Coffee  says,  “The  enemy  retreated 
firing,  until  they  got  around,  and  in  their  buildings,  where  they  made  all  the 
resistance  that  an  overpowered  soldier  could  do — they  fought  as  long  as  one 
existed,  but  their  destruction  was  very  soon  completed.  Our  men  rushed  up 
to  the  doors  of  the  houses,  and  in  a few  minutes  killed  the  last  warrior  of 
them.  The  enemy  fought  with  savage  fury,  and  met  death  with  all  its  horrors, 
without  shrinking  or  complaining — not  one  asked  to  be  spared,  but  fought  as 
long  as  they  could  stand  or  sit.  In  consequence  of  their  flying  to  their  houses, 
and  mixing  with  the  families,  our  men,  in  killing  the  males,  without  intention 
killed  and  wounded  a few  of  the  squaws  and  children.”  In  this  sanguinary 
affair,  186  Indians  were  killed;  and  the  commander  thought,  that  there  were 
enough  others  killed  in  the  woods,  which  they  could  not  find,  to  make  up  in 
all  200.  This  calculation , he  observed,  he  thought  a reasonable  one.  They 
took  captive  84  women  and  children,  and  “not  one  of  the  warriors  escaped 
to  carry  the  news ; a circumstance  unknown  heretofore  ! ” The  whites  had 
5 killed  and  41  wounded  ; “ none  mortally,  the  greater  part  slightly,  a number 
with  arrows : this  appears  to  form  a very  principal  part  of  the  enemy’s  arms 
for  warfare ; every  man  having  a bow  with  a bundle  of  arrows,  which  is  used 
after  the  first  fire  with  the  gun,  until  a leisure  time  for  loading  offers.” 

The  destruction  at  Tallushatches  was  rendered  the  more  complete  by  their 
being  entirely  surrounded  on  every  side  by  the  troops.  Some  have  said  that 
even  the  women  united  with  the  warriors,  and  contended  in  the  battle  with 
fearless  bravery.  This  may  account  for  many  that  were  killed  ; but  General 
Coffee  does  not  mention  it. 

Meanwhile  General  White  had  been  detached  to  Turkeytown,  for  the  relief 
of  Path-killer,  and  he  was  now  ordered  to  join  the  main  army,  with  as  much 
expedition  as  he  was  able.  This  request  was  transmitted  on  the  4,  and 
renewed  on  the  7 November,  1813 ; and  on  the  evening  of  the  same  day,  an 
Indian  brought  news  to  the  general,  that  Talladega  was  besieged  by  a great 
body  of  the  enemy,  and  would  certainly  be  destroyed,  unless  immediately 
relieved.  Talladega  was  a fort  occupied  by  friendly  Creeks,  about  30  miles 
below  Ten  Islands. 

Without  loss  of  time,  General  Jackson  marched  to  relieve  Talladega.  Ilis 
operations  were  conducted  with  such  promptitude,  that  by  midnight  following 
the  same  day,  he  was  within  six  miles  of  his  enemy.  Here  he  encamped 
until  about  daylight.  Then  moving  on,  at  sunrise  he  came  within  half  a mile 
of  the  Indian  encampment,  which  was  only  about  80  rods  from  Fort  Talla- 
dega. The  general,  having  formed  his  line  of  battle  like  the  Spanish  Armada, 
moved  on  to  the  attack.  The  Indians  were  not  taken  by  surprise,  but  rushed 
upon  their  adversaries  with  such  impetuosity  that  they  made  considerable 
impression  in  one  part  of  the  line ; insomuch,  that  a considerable  body  of 
militia  gave  way.  Their  places  being  immediately  supplied  by  the  mounted 
men,  the  Indians  fought  but  a short  time,  before  they  were  obliged  to  fly  for 
the  mountains,  about  three  miles  distant.  In  their  flight  they  were  hard  pressed 
by  the  right  wing  of  the  Americans,  and  great  numbers  were  cut  down.  In 
the  whole  affair,  299  were  killed,  that  were  found,  of  the  Indians ; and  the 
whites  lost  15  in  killed,  and  85  were  wounded,  several  of  whom  afterwards 
died.  Over  1080  Indians  were  said  to  have  been  engaged,  and  some  of  them 
afterwards  said  their  loss  at  the  battle  of  Talladega  was  600. 


Chap.  VII.] 


BATTLE  OF  AUTOSSEE 


57 


It  was  expected  that  a supply  of  provisions  would  arrive  at  Camp  Strother, 
at  Ten  Islands,  before  the  army  should  return  there  ; but  on  its  arrival,  a total 
failure  was  experienced  by  the  hungry  soldiers ; even  what  had  been  left 
behind  of  the  general’s  private  stores  had  been  distributed — it  was  a melan- 
choly time,  indeed,  and  reminds  us  of  the  sufferings  of  captives  in  the  old 
Indian  wars,  who  were  obliged  to  subsist  upon  berries  and  roots.  It  was 
during  this  campaign  that  a circumstance  occurred  which  has  been  variously 
related  ; and,  as  it  is  an  excellent  anecdote,  we  will  lay  it  before  our  readers. 

One  morning,  a soldier,  with  a doleful  countenance,  approached  General 
Jackson , and  told  him  he  was  almost  famished,  and  knew  not  what  to  do.  The 
general  was  seated  at  the  foot  of  a tree,  and  was  observed  by  the  poor  half- 
starved  soldier  to  be  eating  something.  This  no  doubt  caused  him  to  make 
his  complaint,  thinking  it  a favorable  time  to  have  his  wants  relieved.  The 
general  observed,  that  it  was  never  his  custom  to  turn  away  a hungry  person, 
when  he  had  it  in  his  power  to  relieve  him  ; then,  putting  his  hand  into  his 
pocket,  took  out  a handful  of  acorns,  and,  offering  them  to  his  astonished 
guest,  observed,  that  such  was  his  fare,  and  all  he  had,  but  to  that  he  was 
welcome.  The  soldier  went  away  contented^  and  told  his  companions  they 
ought  no  more  to  complain,  so  long  as  their  general  was  obliged  to  subsist 
upon  nothing  but  acorns.  Out  of  this  grew  the  story,  that  the  general  having 
invited  his  officers  to  dine  with  him,  set  nothing  before  them  but  a tray  of 
acorns  and  some  water. 

Meanwhile  mutiny  after  mutiny  took  place  in  General  Jackson's  army,  and 
the  campaign  came  near  being  abandoned.  A circumstance,  too,  occurred 
about  this  time,  ever  to  be  lamented.  General  Cocke , of  East  Tennessee, 
considering  himself  possessed  of  a command  independent  of  Jackson , gave 
his  orders  to  some  brigadiers,  at  the  same  time  that  General  Jackson  did. 
General  White  chose  to  act  under  General  Cocke's  orders,  and  this  occasioned 
some  confusion,  and,  in  the  end,  the  lamentable  affair  to  which  we  have  just 
alluded,  and  of  which  we  now  proceed  to  give  an  account. 

The  Hallibee  Indians,  who  had  been  the  principal  sufferers  at  Talladega, 
had  despatched  ambassadors  for  General  Jackson’s  camp,  to  sue  for  peace, 
wffich  they  would  accept  on  any  terms  he  might  please  to  grant  them.  At 
the  same  time  these  proposals  were  out,  General  White  marched  against  their 
towns,  and  on  the  18  November  completely  surprised  them ; killed  60  war- 
riors,' took  256  prisoners,  and  made  good  his  retreat  without  the  loss  of  a 
man. 

The  Indians  thought  they  had  been  attacked  by  General  Jackson’s  army, 
and  that  therefore  they  were  now  to  expect  nothing  but  extermination  ; and 
this  was  thought  to  be  the  reason  why  they  fought  with  such  desperation 
afterwards.  And  truly  they  had  reason  for  their  fears : they  knew  none  but 
Jackson,  and  supposed  now  that  nothing  short  of  their  total  destruction  would 
satisfy  him,  as  their  conduct  exemplified  on  every  occasion.  They  knew 
they  had  asked  peace  on  any  terms,  and  their  immediate  answer  was  the 
sword  and  bayonet.  A company  of  Cherokees  aided  not  a little  in  this  affair. 

We  have  given  the  chief  features  of  the  battle  of  Autossee,  when  drawing 
a sketch  of  the  life  of  M’Intosh.  Here  may  be  added  some  other  matters  of 
history,  for  the  better  understanding  the  events  of  the  memorable  Creek  war. 

Autossee  is  situated  on  the  south  bank  of  the  Tallapoosie,  18  miles  from  the 
Hickory  Ground,  and  20  above  the  junction  of  that  river  with  the  Coosa. 
With  General  Floyd’s  white  troops  were  four  companies  of  friendly  Indians. 
M’Intosh  led  the  Cowetaus,  and  Mad-dogs-son  the  Tookaubatchians,  or  Tuka- 
batchies.  The  names  of  the  other  leaders  are  not  set  down,  but  there  were 
doubtless  several  of  them,  as  there  were  about  350  warriors  who  accompanied 
the  expedition.  That  sure  work  was  intended,  will  not  be  doubted,  when  it 
is  known  that  the  force,  exclusive  of  Indians,  was  950  men.  When  the  army 
arrived  near  the  place  where  it  was  expected  Indians  would  be  found,  and 
having  discovered  one  small  town  before  it  was  light  in  the  morning,  the 
general  was  surprised  immediately  after  by  the  discovery  of  another.  This 
was  filled  with  men  who  had  been  apprized  of  his  approach,  and  were  pre- 
pared for  battle.  The  order  of  battle  was  immediately  changed,  and  the  army 
proceeded  in  two  divisions  to  attack  both  towns  at  once.  The  besiegers, 


58 


BATTLE  OF  THE  HOLY  GROUND. 


[Book  IV. 


being  provided  with  artillery,  soon  accomplished  their  work,  and  all  the 
resistance  the  Indians  seem  to  have  made,  was  in  endeavoring  to  effect  a 
retreat  into  caves  and  other  hiding-places.  Nevertheless,  the  Georgians  had 
11  killed  outright,  and  54  wounded.  Among  the  latter  was  General  Floyd 
himself  severely,  and  Adjutant-General  Neivman  slightly. 

M'Intosh  and  Mad-dogs-son's  loss  was  considerable,  but  was  not  thought  of 
importance  enough  to  be  communicated  by  their  allies,  who  were  greatly 
indebted  to  them,  if,  indeed,  destroying  their  own  countrymen  made  them  so. 
They  did  not,  however,  do  so  much  butchering  as  they  intended,  or,  rather,  as 
they  agreed  to  do  ; for  the  day  before  the  massacre,  they  agreed  to  post  them- 
selves on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  and  to  kill  all  who  should  attempt  an 
escape.  Had  they  done  this,  very  few  would  have  escaped. 

After  resting  a few  days,  General  Floyd  marched  to  Camp  Defiance,  50 
miles  directly  into  the  Indian  country,  and  westward  of  Autossee.  Here,  early 
in  the  morning  of  2 January,  the  hostile  Indians  killed  his  sentinels  before  they 
were  discovered,  and  then  with  great  fury  attacked  his  camp,  and  for  a quarter 
of  an  hour  continued  to  fight  with  bravery.  By  this  time  the  army  had  got 
formed  in  order  of  battle,  and  soon  obliged  the  Indians  to  fly.  One  company 
of  whites,  under  Captain  Broadnax , had  its  retreat  cut  off  by  the  assailants,  and 
escaped  only  by  cutting  its  way  through  them. 

In  this  fight,  Timpoochie-barnuel,  or  Barnard , a half-breed,  chief  of  the 
Uchies,  commanded  a company  of  them,  and,  in  the  language  of  the  general, 
“ greatly  distinguished  himself.”  It  was  owing  to  his  promptness,  that  Cap- 
tain Broadnax  was  enabled  to  effect  a retreat.  The  enemy,  in  that  manoeuvre, 
had  advanced  within  50  yards  of  the  artillery.  All  the  other  part  of  the  Indian 
army  took  shelter  within  the  lines,  and  looked  on  during  the  contest. 

After  this  battle,  37  Indians  were  found  dead  on  the  field,  as  the  whites 
reported ; and  of  their  own  number  17  were  killed,  and  130  wounded.  At  the 
first  onset,  General  Neivman  had  three  balls  shot  into  him,  which  prevented 
his  further  service  ; and  several  of  the  principal  officers  had  their  horses  shot 
under  them.  How  the  Indians  under  Timpoochie  fared  in  these  particulars, 
we  have  not  yet  learned. 

Weatherford,  Francis,  Sinquisturs-son,  with  some  Sbawanese,  had  established 
themselves  on  the  Alabama,  above  the  mouth  of  the  Cahaba,  and  there  built  a 
town,  which  they  called  Eckanakaka.  Its  name  signified  that  it  was  built 
upon  holy  ground ; and  hence  the  prophets  told  their  followers  that  they  had 
nothing  to  fear,  as  no  polluted  and  murderous  whites  could  ever  enter  there. 
However,  General  Claiborne,  at  the  head  of  a small  army,  accompanied  by  a 
band  of  Choktaws  under  Pushamata , their  chief,  resolved  to  make  a trial  of  the 
virtue  of  the  Indian  prophets’  pretensions. 

Weatherford  and  his  followers,  being  apprized  of  the  approach  of  the  army, 
had  put  themselves  into  an  attitude  of  defence.  On  23  December,  1813,  as 
the  army  approached,  they  were  met  by  the  Indians,  and  a short  engagement 
followed.  As  usual,  the  Indians  gave  way,  and  were  pursued ; but  as  their 
town  was  surrounded  by  fastnesses,  few  were  killed  in  the  pursuit.  Thirty 
were  found  dead  of  the  enemy  Indians,  and  of  the  army,  two  Or  three  were 
killed,  and  as  many  wounded.  This  was  quite  an  Indian  depot,  the  captors 
having  found  here  “a  large  quantity  of  provisions,  and  immense  property  of 
various  kinds.”  It  was  all  destroyed  with  the  town,  which  consisted  of  200 
houses:  the  women  and  children  had  only  time  to  escape  across  the  Alabama. 
The  next  day,  another  town  was  destroyed,  eight  miles  above,  consisting  of  GO 
houses.  We  will  now  proceed  with  General  Jackson,  until  he  puts  an  end  to 
the  Creek  war. 

On  the  17  January,  1814,  General  Jackson  marched,  at  the  head  of  930  men, 
from  near  Fort  Strother,  for  the  heart  of  the  enemy’s  country.  In  his  route 
lay  Talladega,  the  residence  of  Fife,  a noted  warrior,  and  friend  of  the  whites ; 
and  here  he  joined  the  army  with  200  of  his  men.  The  Indians  were  sup- 
posed to  be  assembled  in  great  numbers,  at  the  Great  Bend  of  the  Tallapoosie, 
from  14  or  15  of  their  towns  upon  that  river ; and  it  was  daily  expected  that 
they  would  attack  Fort  Armstrong,  in  their  vicinity,  which  was  in  no  state  to 
meet  them.  It  was  the  news  of  its  situation,  that  caused  Jackson  to  march  to 
its  immediate  relief.  When  he  had  arrived  at  Hallibee  Creek,  the  general, 


BATTLE  OF  EMUKFAU. 


59 


Chap.  VII.] 

from  the  accounts  of  his  spies,  supposed  he  must  be  in  the  immediate  vicinity 
of  the  enemy,  and  he  soon  after  encamped  at  a small  Hallibee  village,  called 
Enotochopko.  Here  he  discovered  that  he  was  12  miles  from  the  enemy, 
who  were  upon  an  island  in  the  Tallapoosie,  near  the  mouth  of  a creek  called 
Emukfau.  The  next  day  the  army  encamped  very  near  Emukfau,  and  had 
every  sign  of  being  hard  by  the  adverse  Indians.  The  order  of  encampment 
was  that  of  battle,  and  every  precaution  was  taken  to  guard  against  surprise. 
About  6 in  the  morning  of  the  22d,  the  warriors  from  Emukfau  fell  with  great 
force  upon  Jackson’s  left  flank,  and  the  left  of  his  rear ; and  although  the 
attack  was  made  in  full  confidence  that  they  should  rout  their  adversaries,  yet 
they  were  disappointed,  and  no  ground  was  gained  by  the  onset.  The  assail- 
ants fought  with  a determined  bravery,  and  it  was  near  half  an  hour  before 
they  could  be  made  to  retire.  The  Americans,  having  encamped  in  a hollow 
square,  met  the  attack  at  advantage,  but  it  was  only  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet, 
that  the  Indians  were  put  to  flight.  Fife , at  the  head  of  his  warriors,  joined  in 
the  pursuit,  which  continued  about  two  miles,  with  considerable  havoc. 

Matters  did  not  end  here  ; for,  in  a short  time,  the  Indians  returned  again  to 
the  attack,  and  with  greater  success  than  before.  They  attacked  a picket  at 
advantage,  at  a small  distance  from  the  main  body,  and  General  Coffee , in  his 
turn,  attacked  the  left  flank  of  the  attacking  party.  As  his  number  of  men  was 
small,  he  soon  found  himself  in  imminent  danger  of  being  entirely  cut  off. 
General  Jackson , seeing  this,  ordered  Fife  to  advance  to  his  rescue,  which  he 
did  with  the  utmost  promptitude.  This  attack  of  the  enemy  was  upon  the 
right  flank,  and  was,  as  it  turned  out,  only  a feint  to  weaken  the  left  by  draw- 
ing the  force  from  that  quarter  to  its  support ; but  th§  general  was  not  to  be 
outwitted  by  such  a manoeuvre.  He  kept  the  left  flank  firm,  and  the  alarm 
gun  soon  gave  notice,  that  that  part  was  assailed.  The  general  here  met  the 
enemy  in  person,  seconded  by  Colonel  Cairoll , who  ordered  the  charge,  and 
led  on  the  pursuers.  The  friendly  Indians  were  successful  at  this  time  also, 
slaying  many  of  their  countrymen  as  they  fled. 

Meanwhile  General  Coffee  had  got  deeper  into  difficulty,  and  was  contend- 
ing at  fearful  odds  with  a brave  band  of  warriors,  and  was  again  relieved  by 
the  Indians  under  Captain  Fife.  This,  Fife  was  enabled  to  do,  only  by  charg- 
ing them  with  the  bayonet.  The  enemy  seemed  determined  to  wrest  their 
country  from  the  invaders,  and  retired  slowly,  at  first,  as  men  driven  from 
their  country  will  always  do.  Fife  and  his  comrades  pursued  them  about 
three  miles,  killing  45  of  them,  which  they  found  afterwards.  The  reason  of 
Coffee’s  great  peril,  was  this,  Fife  having  been  ordered  to  his  rescue  before  the 
attack  on  the  left  was  made  the  second  time  ; and  now,  hearing  the  firing  in 
that  direction,  supposed  his  aid  was  more  needed  in  that  quarter ; and  thus 
Coffee  was  left  without  support.  He  was  severely  wounded,  and  his  aid-de- 
camp,  Colonel  A.  Donaldson , and  three  others,  were  slain. 

General  Jackson,  not  having  provisions  for  a longer  stay,  and  being  con- 
siderably crippled,  began  a retreat  to  Fort  Strother.  The  most  memorable 
part  of  this  expedition  is  yet  to  be  related.  The  Indians  now  supposed  the 
Americans  were  beaten,  or  they  would  not  retreat.  They  therefore  resolved 
to  pursue  and  harass  them.  Jackson  expected  this,  and  marched,  in  order  of 
battle,  through  one  dangerous  defile  after  another.  At  length,  on  the  morning 
of  the  24,  after  having  nearly  passed  one  of  the  most  dangerous  places,  at 
Enotochopko  Creek,  his  rear  was  attacked  in  a spirited  manner ; and  although 
it  was  not  at  all  unexpected,  yet  the  columns  gave  way,  and  a good  deal  of 
confusion  and  slaughter  ensued.  At  length,  a six-pounder  was,  with  great 
difficulty,  dragged  up  a small  eminence  which  commanded  the  battle-ground, 
and  being  charged  with  grape-shot,  did  great  execution,  and  was  a principal 
means  of  putting  the  enemy  to  flight. 

The  getting  the  cannon  up  the  hill  was  done  at  the  greatest  peril ; the  men 
who  undertook  it  being  sure  marks  for  the  enemy,  having  nothing  to  screen 
them  in  the  least.  By  the  time  they  had  discharged  it  once,  Lieutenant  Arm- 
strong, Captain  Hamilton , of  East  Tennessee,  Captains  Bradford  and  M’Gavock, 
had  all  fallen.  Bradford  exclaimed,  as  he  lay,  “ My  brave  fellows,  some  of  you 
may  fall,  but  you  must  save  the  cannon .” 

The  army  having,  meantime,  recovered  from  then*  panic,  attacked  in  their 


60 


DEATH  OF  MONOHOE  THE  PROPHET. 


[Book  IV. 


turn,  and  the  Indians  were  every  where  put  to  flight,  and  pursued  about  two 
miles.  The  Indians’  loss  in  this  battle  was  189,  that  were  found.  The  Amer- 
icans had,  in  both  days’  fights,  24  killed,  and  71  wounded.  It  was  evident 
now,  that  the  Indians  were  satisfied  that  they  were  not  victors,  for  in  their 
flight  they  threw  away  their  packs  and  arms  in  abundance,  and  the  army  met 
with  no  further  molestation  during  their  return  march. 

We  have  now  arrived  to  the  termination  of  the  Creek  war.  It  ended  in  the 
battle  of  the  Great  Bend  of  the  Tallapoosie,  as  we  have  related  in  the  life  of 
M’Intosh , This  bend,  usually  called  the  Horse-Shoe,  by  the  whites,  was 

called  by  the  Indians  Tohopeka,  which,  in  their  language,  it  is  said,  signified  a 
horse-slioe  : therefore  the  battle  of  Tohopeka,  the  Great  Bend,  and  the  Horse- 
Shoe,  are  one  and  the  same. 

Nothing  could  be  more  disastrous  to  the  deluded  Creeks  than  this  battle. 
The  loss  of  their  great  prophets  was,  however,  the  least.  Three  of  them,  and 
the  last  upon  the  Tallapoosie,  fell  among  those  whom  they  had  made  believe 
that  no  wounds  could  be  inflicted  upon  them  by  the  whites ; and  incredible 
as  it  may  seem,  that  although  they  had  witnessed  a total  failure  of  all  their 
prophecies  hitherto,  such  was  the  influence  those  miserable  impostors  held 
over  the  minds  of  the  warriors,  that  they  still  believed  in  their  soothsayings, 
and  that  their  incantations  would  at  last  save  them,  and  that  they  should  finally 
root  out  the  whites  and  possess  their  country.  Such  are  the  errors  of  delu- 
sions in  all  ages — it  is  visible  in  all  history,  and  will  continue  to  be  so  until  a 
knowledge  of  the  nature  of  things  shall  diffuse  itself)  and  the  relation  of  cause 
and  effect  be  more  extensively  known. 

Monohoe  was  one,  and  we  believe  the  son  of  Sinquistur  was  another,  who 
fell  in  the  great  battle  of  Tohopeka.  In  one  of  his  accounts  of  the  battle, 
General  Jackson  observes : “Among  the  dead  was  found  their  famous  prophet, 
Monohooe , shot  in  the  mouth  by  a grape  shot,  as  if  Heaven  designed  to  chastise 
his  impostures  by  an  appropriate  punishment.”  The  manner  in  which  he  was 
killed,  required  but  little  aid  from  the  whites  to  satisfy  the  Indians  that  he  was 
a false  prophet,  and  it  was  soon  generally  believed  among  them. 

These  prophets  were  decorated,  says  Colonel  Eaton , “ in  the  most  fantastic 
manner — the  plumage  of  various  birds  about  their  heads  and  shoulders;  with 
savage  grimaces,  and  horrid  contortions  of  the  body,  they  danced  and  howled 
their  cautations.”  Monohoe , in  the  very  act  of  divination,  muttering  to  the 
sun,  with  eyes  almost  strained  from  their  sockets,  and  his  limbs  distorted  in 
every  possible  unnatural  direction,  received  his  death  wound.  The  faith  of 
the  warriors  in  such  abominable  fooleries  must  now  have  been  shaken ; but 
the  Ilallibee  massacre  was  alone  sufficient  to  account  for  their  desperation — as 
we  have  seen,  their  most  submissive  offers  of  peace  had  been  met  by  the 
sword — all  confidence  therefore  in  the  humanity  and  integrity  of  the  whites, 
had,  in  their  minds,  been  forfeited.  From  every  appearance  it  was  evident 
that  they  had  determined  to  conquer  at  Tohopeka,  or  never  to  survive  a defeat ; 
for  they  did  not,  as  on  former  occasions,  send  away  their  women  and  children  : 
about  300  of  these  were  taken. 

Whether  the  famous  prophet  Hillishago , or  Francis,  were  in  this  battle,  is 
not  known.  On  18  April,  1814,  General  Jackson  wrote  from  his  camp,  at  the 
junction  of  the  Coosa  and  Tallapoosie,  saying,  “Peter  MQuin  has  been  taken, 
but  escaped  ; he  must  be  taken  again.  HUlishagee,  their  great  prophet,  has 
also  absconded  ; but  he  will  be  found.”  In  this,  however,  as  will  be  seen, 
the  general  was  no  prophet ; for  Francis  and  M Queen  were  both  alive  in  1817. 

The  friendly  Indians  rendered  the  Americans  most  efficient  aid  in  this 
battle,  and  their  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  was  greater  in  proportion  to  their 
numbers  than  that  of  the  whites.  In  all  23  were  killed,  and  many  more  were 
wounded. 

It  was  supposed  by  General  Floyd,  that  in  the  battle  of  Autossee  he  had 
killed  the  famous  prophet  and  king  of  Tallassee,  but  it  turned  out  not  to  be  so, 
for  he  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans  afterwards.  He  was  supposed  to 
be  a hundred  years  old,  his  head  being  entirely  white,  and  bowed  almost  to 
the  ground.  His  name,  we  believe,  was  Eneah-thlulckohopoiee.  He  was  taken 
about  the  time  of  Weatherford's  surrender ; and  but  for  the  protection  afforded 
him  by  the  whites,  their  friends,  the  Creeks,  would  have  put  him  to  death 


Chap.  VII.] 


COLBERT— PIAMINGO. 


61 


without  mercy.  But  Weatherford  had  nothing  to  fear  from  them:  they  care- 
fully avoided  meeting,  and  when  any  by  accident  or  necessity  came  into  his 
presence,  they  were  observed  to  tremble  with  fear.  Such  is  the  difference  in 
the  carriage  and  aspect  of  men. 

We  will  close  the  present  chapter  by  detailing  some  particulars  in  the  lives 
of  several  distinguished  chiefs. 

It  was  very  seldom  that  the  names  of  any  chiefs  appeared  in  the  accounts 
of  the  late  war,  but  they  were  many,  especially  in  the  south,  and  deserved  as 
much  notice,  and  often  more  than  many  that  did  receive  it.  When  the  war 
was  over,  some  of  them  occasionally  visited  Washington,  and  the  novelty  of 
their  appearance  sometimes  caused  them  to  receive  such  notices  as  follows : 
“ On  the  8th  ultimo,  [Feb.  1816,]  arrived  Col.  Return  J.  Meigs , the  agent  of 
the  U.  States  in  the  Cherokee  nation,  with  a deputation  from  the  nation,  con- 
sisting of  Col.  Lowry , Maj.  Walker , Maj.  Ridge , Capt.  Taylor,  Adjt.  Ross , and 
Kunnesee.  These  Indians  are  men  of  cultivated  understandings,  were  nearly 
all  officers  of  the  Cherokee  forces  which  served  under  General  Jackson  during 
the  late  war,  and  have  distinguished  themselves  as  well  by  their  bravery  as  by 
their  attachment  to  the  U.  States.” 

In  June  following,  another  deputation  visited  the  capital  of  the  United 
States,  of  whom  it  was  said,  their  appearance  was  such  as  entitled  them  to 
the  highest  respect.  The  delegates  were  from  the  Chickasaws,  and  consisted 
of  General  William  Colbert,  the  great  war  chief  of  that  nation,  Major  James 
Colburt,  interpreter ; Ettissue ; Mingo,  the  great  warrior ; Appasantubbee , a 
chief;  Chastauny  and  Colleetchee,  warriors.  Most  of  these  fought  for  the 
whites  in  the  south.  General  Colbert  was  now  aged,  having  fought  with  the 
Americans  in  St.  Clair's  army,  with  seven  others  of  his  countrymen ; one  of 
whose  names  was  Piomingo,  or  the  Mountain-lader,  of  whom  we  shall  pres- 
ently speak. 

In  the  late  war,  while  his  men  were  preparing  to  join  the  Americans,  Col- 
bert, impatient  to  be  unemployed,  joined  the  third  regiment  of  the  United 
States  infantry.  When  he  had  served  with  them  nine  months,  he  returned 
to  his  nation,  collected  his  warriors,  and  marched  to  Fort  Montgomery  on  the 
Alabama,  from  thence  against  Pensacola,  crossed  the  Esanibia,  and  pursued 
the  hostile  Creeks  almost  to  Apalachicola,  killing  many  of  them,  and  return- 
ing to  Fort  Montgomery  with  85  prisoners.  He  and  his  comrades  were  now 
at  Washington,  to  obtain  a settlement  of  the  boundaries  of  their  country. 
Accordingly  commissioners  were  sent  into  their  country,  and  on  the  20  Sep- 
tember following,  [1816,]  a treaty  was  entered  into.  In  this  treaty  Colbert  is 
styled  Major-General,  and  by  the  sixth  article  of  it  he  was  allowed  an  annuity 
of  100  dollars  during  life.  His  name  is  not  to  the  treaty  of  Hopewell,  made 
10  January,  1786,  but  that  of  Piomingo  is.  To  that  of  Chikasaw  Bluffs, 
24  October,  1801,  instead  of  his  mark,  we  find  W.  C.,  which  shows  that  he 
had  been  paying  some  attention  to  learning ; but  in  subsequent  treaties  his 
mark  again  appears. 

From  the  circumstance  that  the  name  of  Piomingo  is  not  seen  to  any  of  the 
treaties  after  that  of  Colbert  appears,  induces  the  belief  that  he  is  the  same 
person,  and  that,  from  his  attachment  to  the  whites,  he  took  one  of  their 
names. 

Piomingo  is  thus  mentioned  by  General  St.  Clair,  on  his  arrival  at  his 
quarters.  “ Oct.  27.  Payamingo  arrived  in  camp  with  his  warriors.  I was 
so  unwell,  could  only  see  him  and  bid  him  welcome.”  “ Oct.  29.  Payamingo 
and  his  people,  accompanied  by  Captain  Sparks,  and  four  good  riflemen, 
going  on  a scout ; they  do  not  propose  to  return  under  10  days.”  We  have 
no  account  of  the  success  of  the  excursion,  but  they  did  not  join  the  army 
again  until  after  the  defeat,  which  took  place  six  days  after.  As  they  were 
proceeding  to  Fort  Jefferson,  one  of  the  enemy  mistook  them  for  his  com- 
panions, and  was  captured  before  he  discovered  his  mistake.  Piomingo 
accosted  him  with  harsh  language,  saying,  “ Rascal,  you  have  been  killing  white 
men!' ' He  then  ordered  two  of  his  men  to  extend  his  arms,  and  a third  to 
shoot  him.  When  this  was  done,  and  his  scalp  taken,  they  proceeded  to  join 
the  army. 

We  learn  the  name  of  one  other  who  was  with  St.  Clair . He  was  called 
6 


62 


MUSHALATUBEE. — PUSHAMATA. 


[Book  IV 


James  Anderson,  and  was  brother  to  the  chief  John  Morris,  who,  23  June, 
1793,  was  murdered  not  above  600  paces  from  Governor  Blount's  house,  in 
Knoxville.  He  was  shot  by  some  unknown  persons.  The  governor  ordered 
him  to  be  buried  in  the  burying-ground  of  the  white  people,  with  military 
honors.  A procession  was  formed,  headed  by  himself,  and  he  was  interred 
with  great  respect. 

In  1793,  the  Spaniards  of  Louisiana  made  large  offers  to  the  Chikasaws,  to 
induce  them  to  forsake  the  Americans;  but  their  offers  were  treated  with 
contempt,  especially  by  Piomingo. 

MushALATUBEE  was  a Chikasaw  chief,  with  whom  General  Lafayette 
became  acquainted  in  his  last  visit  to  this  country.  His  first  knowledge  of 
him,  as  will  appear  from  the  following  extracts  out  of  M.  Levasseur's  work, 
“Lafayette  en  Amerique,”  &c.,  was  at  the  residence  of  the  “sage  of 
Monticello.” 

Mushalatubee,  and  Pushamata , a Chocktaw  chiefj  already  mentioned,  were  at 
Washington  when  the  general  arrived  there,  in  December,  1824,  being  there 
at  the  meeting  of  congress,  according  to  custom,  with  many  other  chiefs, 
to  brighten  the  chain  of  friendship,  receive  presents,  and  make  known  the 
wants  of  their  countrymen.  At  this  time  Mushalatubee  made  the  following 
agreeable  speech  to  General  Lafayette . 

“You  are  one  of  our  fathers.  You  have  fought  by  the  side  of  the  great 
Washington.  We  will  receive  here  your  hand  as  that  of  a friend  and  father. 
We  have  always  walked  in  the  pure  feelings  of  peace,  and  it  is  this  feeling 
which  has  caused  us  to  visit  you  here.  We  present  you  pure  hands — hands 
that  have  never  been  stained  with  the  blood  of  Americans.  We  live  in  a 
country  far  from  this,  where  the  sun  darts  his  perpendicular  rays  upon  us. 
We  have  had  the  French,  the  Spaniards  and  the  English  for  neighbors ; but 
now  we  have  only  the  Americans ; in  the  midst  and  with  whom  we  live  as 
friends  and  brothers.” 

Then  Pushamata,  the  first  of  their  chiefs,  began  a speech  in  his  turn,  and 
expressed  himself  in  these  words : “ There  has  passed  nearly  50  snows  since 
you  drew  the  sword  as  a companion  of  Washington.  With  him  you  have 
combated  the  enemies  of  America.  Thou  hast  generously  mingled  thy  blood 
with  that  of  the  enemy,  and  hast  proved  thy  devotedness  to  the  cause  which 
thou  defendedst.  After  thou  hadst  finished  that  war,  thou  hadst  returned 
into  thy  country,  and  now  thou  comest  to  revisit  that  land  where  thou  art 
honored  and  beloved  in  the  remembrance  of  a numerous  and  powerful  peo- 
ple. Thou  seest  every  where  the  children  of  those  for  whom  thou  hast 
defended  liberty,  crowd  around  thee,  and  press  thy  hands  with  filial  affection. 
We  have  heard  related  all  these  things  in  the  depths  of  the  distant  forests, 
and  our  hearts  have  been  ravished  with  a desire  to  behold  thee.  We  are 
come,  we  have  pressed  thy  hand,  and  we  are  satisfied.  This  is  the  first  time 
that  we  have  seen  thee,*  and  it  will  probably  be  the  last.  We  have  no  more 
to  add.  The  earth  will  part  us  forever.” 

“ In  pronouncing  these  last  words,  the  old  Indian  had  in  his  manner  and 
voice  something  very  solemn.  He  seemed  agitated  by  some  sad  presenti- 
ments. We  heard  of  his  death  a few  days  after;  he  was  taken  sick,  and 
died  before  he  could  set  out  to  return  to  his  own  people.  When  satisfied 
that  his  end  was  approaching,  he  caused  all  his  companions  to  be  assembled, 
and  he  desired  them  to  raise  him  up,  and  to  put  upon  him  all  his  ornaments, 
and  bring  to  him  his  arms,  that  his  death  should  be  that  of  a man’s.  He 
manifested  a desire  that  at  his  interment  the  Americans  would  do  him  mili- 
tary honors,  and  that  they  would  discharge  cannon  over  his  grave.  They 
promised  him  that  it  should  be  done ; he  then  talked  freely  with  his  friends, 
and  expired  without  a groan  in  the  midst  of  conversation.”  His  monument 
occupies  a place  among  the  great  men  in  the  cemetery  at  Washington.  Upon 
one  side  is  this  inscription : — 

* They  might  not  have  been  introduced  to  the  general  when  he  saw  them  at  Mr.  Jefferson's. 
M.  Levasseur  says,  in  speaking  of  the  Indian  deputation,  “ A leur  tete  Itaient  deux  chefs  que 
nous  avions  vous  4’asseoir  un  jour  u la  table  de  M.  Jefferson,  pendant  notre  sljour  a Monticello. 
Je  les  reconnus  d leurs  oreiUes  decouples  en  longues  lanilres,  gamies  de  longues  lames  de 
plomb.” 


Chap.  VII.] 


DEATH  OF  PUSHAMATA.— EPITAPH. 


63 


“PUSH-MA-TAHA,  A CHOCTAW  CHIEF,  LIES  HERE.  THIS  MONUMENT  TO  HIS 
MEMORY  IS  ERECTED  BY  HIS  BROTHER  CHIEFS,  WHO  WERE  ASSOCIATED  WITH 
HIM  IN  A DELEGATION  FROM  THEIR  NATION  IN  THE  YEAR  1824,  TO  THE  GENERAL 
GOVERNMENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.” 

And  on  the  other : 

“PuSH-MA-TAHA  WAS  A WARRIOR  OF  GREAT  DISTINCTION.  He  WAS  WISE 
IN  COUNCIL,  ELOQUENT  IN  AN  EXTRAORDINARY  DEGREE  ; AND  ON  ALL  OCCA- 
SIONS, AND  UNDER  ALL  CIRCUMSTANCES,  THE  WHITE  MAN’S  FRIEND.  He  DIED 

in  Washington,  on  the  24th  of  December,  1824,  of  the  cramp,  in  the 
60th  year  of  his  age.” 

That  Pushamata,  or  Pushmataha , was  a warrior,  has  been  said.  In  the  late 
war  with  England,  he  assisted  in  subduing  his  countrymen  at  the  south.  In 
General  Claiborne’s  army  he  distinguished  himself,  particularly  in  the  battle 
of  the  Holy  Ground,  (called  by  the  Indians  Eccanachaca,)  upon  the  Alabama 
River,  80  miles  from  Fort  Claiborne.  Here  the  celebrated  Weatherford  re- 
sided, also  Hillisliago  the  prophet. 

In  the  treaty  which  the  chiefs  and  warriors  of  the  Choktaus  held  with  the 
U.  S.  commissioners,  18  October,  1820,  “ at  the  treaty  ground,  in  said  nation, 
near  Doak’s  Stand,  on  the  Natches  Road,”  the  following  passage  occurs: 
“ Whereas  the  father  of  the  beloved  chief  Mushidatubee,  of  the  lower  towns, 
for  and  during  his  life,  did  receive  from  the  United  States  the  sum  of  150 
dollars,  annually ; it  is  hereby  stipulated,  that  his  son  and  successor,  Mushula- 
tubee , shall  annually  be  paid  the  same  amount  during  his  natural  life.”  Hence 
it  would  lead  us  to  suppose,  without  further  investigation,  that  both  the  father 
and  son  had  rendered  the  country  very  important  services. 

As  has  been  the  case  in  all  former  Indian  wars,  so  in  the  present,  every 
neighboring  Indian  is  viewed  with  distrust.  No  sooner  had  the  present 
existing  Seminole  war  begun,  than,  by  report  at  least,  hundreds  of  the  Creeks 
were  leaving  their  country  for  Florida,  to  join  their  hostile  neighbors.  Early 
this  spring,  1836,  it  was  reported  far  and  wide  that  the  Chocktaws  had  taken 
up  the  hatchet.  This  occasioned  a national  council  to  be  called,  which 
assembled  on  the  12  May.  The  venerable  chief  Mushulatubee  was  present, 
and,  among  other  things,  said,  “ It  makes  my  heart  bleed  to  be  accused  of  this 
treachery , when  it  is  well  known  I and  my  tribe  have  fought  side  by  side  with 
Gen.  Wayne,  Jackson,  and  others , against  the  Seminoles,  Creeks  and  British .” 

Hillishago,  or  HILLIS  HAD  JO,  it  appears,  survived  General  Jackson’s 
campaigns,  and,  not  long  after,  went  to  England,  still  hoping  to  gain  assist- 
ance, from  that  nation  to  enable  him  to  operate  with  effect  against  the  Ameri- 
cans. He  was,  upon  his  return,  the  immediate  instigator  and  cause  of  the 
Seminole  war,  having  taken  up  his  residence  among  that  nation,  unable  to 
stay  longer  in  his  own  country.  The  belief  was  imposed  upon  him  by  some 
abandoned  English  traders,  that  there  was  a provision  in  the  treaty  of  Ghent 
for  the  restoration  of  their  country.  He  received  much  attention  while  in 
England,  and  some  encouragement,  but  nothing  absolute.  An  English 
journal  thus  mentions  his  arrival: — “The  sound  of  trumpets  announced  the 
approach  of  the  patriot  Francis , who  fought  so  gloriously  in  our  cause  in 
America  during  the  late  war.  Being  drest  in  a most  splendid  suit  of  red  and 
gold,  and  wearing  a tomahawk  set  with  gold,  gave  him  a highly  imposing 
appearance.” 

He  received  large  presents  from  the  king’s  stores,  but,  it  is  said,  that  of 
these  he  was  chiefly  defrauded  afterwards  by  the  notorious  Woodbine,  who, 
it  seems,  accompanied  him  in  his  travels.* 

About  the  end  of  November,  or  beginning  of  December,  1817,  a war  party 
of  Seminoles  captured  an  American,  and  conveyed  him  immediately  to  their 
principal  village,  called  Mikasauky.  Here  it  appears  dwelt  Francis  and  his 
family.  The  American,  whose  name  was  M’Krimmon,  was  ordered  to  be 
immediately  burnt  to  death.  The  stake  was  set,  M’Krimmon , with  his  head 


Seminole  War  Documents,  p.  23,  published  by  order  of  confess. 


G4 


HORNOTLIMED.— NEAMATHLA. 


[Book  IV, 


shaved,  was  bound  to  it,  and  wood  was  piled  up  about  him.  When  the 
Indians  had  finished  their  dance,  and  the  fire  was  about  to  be  kindled,  a 
daughter  of  the  chief,  named  Milly,  who  had  been  witnessing  the  preparations 
with  a sad  countenance,  flew  to  her  father,  and,  upon  her  knees,  begged  that 
he  would  spare  the  prisoner’s  life ; and  it  was  not  until,  like  the  celebrated 
Pocahontas , she  showed  a determination  to  perish  with  him,  that  her  father 
consented  to  prolong  his  life  for  the  present.  It  was  still  his  intention,  if 
he  could  not  sell  the  victim  for  a certain  sum,  to  have  carried  his  former  pur- 
pose into  effect ; but  on  offering  him  to  the  Spaniards,  at  St.  Marks,  the 
demanded  sum,  7h  gallons  of  rum,  was  paid  for  him,  and  thus  his  liberation 
was  effected. 

After  Francis  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans  and  was  hanged,  his 
family,  consisting  of  a wife  and  several  daughters,  surrendered  themselves  to 
the  Americans  at  St.  Mark’s.  The  youngest  daughter,  Milly,  about  fourteen 
years  of  age,  was  treated  with  great  attention  by  all  the  officers  for  having 
saved  the  file  of  MKrimmon.  She  was  said  to  have  been  very  handsome. 
When  M'Krimmon  heard  of  her  being  among  the  captives,  he  went  and  offered 
himself  to  her  as  a partner.  She  would  not,  however,  receive  him,  until 
satisfied  that  he  was  prompted  to  offer  himself  from  other  motives  than  a 
sense  of  the  supposed  obligation  of  his  life  having  been  saved  by  her. 

Mikasauky  was  the  chief  rendezvous  of  the  war  party,  and  had  been  known 
at  least  a century  by  the  name  of  Baton  Rouge.  This  name  was  given  it 
by  the  French,  and  the  Anglo-Americans  called  it  the  Red  Sticks,  to  avoid 
the  use  of  the  same  name  in  French.  Hence  the  Indians  who  made  this 
their  quartet's,  were  called  Red  Sticks.  At  this  period  they  had  revived  the 
practice  of  setting  up  poles  or  sticks,  and  striping  them  with  red  paint,  which 
was  only  when  they  intended  war.  The  Americans,  not  knowing  their  prac- 
tice, supposed  these  poles  were  painted  with  red  stripes  in  derision  of  their 
liberty  poles.  Mikasauky,  now  Red  Sticks,  was  upon  a border  of  Mikasauky 
Lake. 

HORNOTLIMED,  or  as  General  Jackson  called  him,  “Homattlemico, 
an  old  Red  Stick,”  was  another  principal  Seminole  chief,  whose  residence 
was  at  Foul  Town  in  the  beginning  of  the  war ; but,  being  driven  from 
thence,  he  repaired  to  Mikasauky.  Three  vessels  having  arrived  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Apalachicola  on  the  30  November,  1817,  with  military  stores  for 
the  supply  of  the  garrison,  were,  from  contrary  winds,  unable  to  ascend. 
Lieutenant  Scott  was  despatched  for  their  assistance,  in  a boat  with  forty  men. 
The  old  chief  Homotlimed,  who  had  just  before  been  driven  from  Foul  Town, 
by  a detachment  of  General  Gaines's  army,  with  a band  of  his  warriors,  had 
concealed  themselves  in  the  bank  of  the  river ; and  when  Lieutenant  Scott 
and  his  men  returned,  they  fired  upon  them,  and  all  except  six  soldiers,  who 
jumped  overboard  and  swam  to  the  opposite  shore,  were  killed.  Twenty  of 
the  soldiers  had  been  left  for  the  aid  of  the  ascending  vessels,  and  about  the 
same  number  of  women  and  sick  were  in  their  places.  These  fell  into  the 
bands  of  Homotlimed  and  his  warriors,  who  dashed  out  their  brains  upon  the 
sides  of  the  boat,  took  off  their  scalps,  and  carried  them  to  Mikasauky,  where 
they  exhibited  them  upon  their  red  pole,  in  memory  of  their  victory.  This 
chief  and  his  companion,  Hillishago,  were  doomed  shortly  to  expiate  with 
their  lives  for  this  massacre. 

The  Mikasauky  town  was  soon  after  visited  by  the  army,  but  the  Indians 
had  all  fled,  their  red  pole  was  left  standing,  and  the  scalps  upon  it;  many  of 
which  were  recognized  as  having  been  taken  from  Lieutenant  Scott's  men. 
At  length  a vessel  cruising  near  the  mouth  of  Apalachicola  River,  to  prevent 
the  escape  of  the  Indians  in  that  direction,  with  English  colors  displayed, 
decoyed  on  board  the  famous  chiefs,  Homotlimed,  and  the  prophet  Francis. 
These  the  Americans  hanged  without  trial  or  delay. 

NEAMATHLA  was  a warrior  of  note  and  renown,  before  the  war  of  1812 
with  Great  Britain.  He  W'as  a Seminole  chief ; but  where  his  residence  was 
previous  to  that  war  we  have  not  heard  ; but  after  the  Seminole  war,  he  lived 
upon  a good  estate,  at  Tallahassee,  of  which  estate  a mile  square  was  under 
improvement.  This,  in  1823,  jYeamathla,  at  the  head  of  the  chiefs  of  his 
nation,  gave  up,  with  other  lands,  for  the  benefit  of  the  United  States,  by  a 


Mika  Matt thut- a 


Seminole  War  Chief 


Chap.  VII.]  NE  AM  AT  II  LA. — THE  SEMLNOLES.  , 65 

treaty  which  they  made  with  its  agents  at  Moultrie  Creek,  in  Florida,  on  the 
18  September  of  that  year. 

In  an  additional  article  of  said  treaty,  we  read — “ Whereas  JVea  Maihla , 
John  Blount , Tuski  Hajo , Mullato  King , Emathlochee , and  Econchatimico , six 
of  the  principal  chiefs  of  the  Florida  Indians,  and  parties  to  the  treaty  to 
which  this  article  has  been  annexed,  have  warmly  appealed  to  the  commis- 
sioners for  permission  to  remain  in  the  district  of  country  now  inhabited  by 
them,  and  in  consideration  of  their  friendly  disposition,  and  past  services  to 
the  U.  States,”  it  was  agreed  that  JVeamathla  and  his  followers  should  have 
four  square  miles,  embracing  Tuphulga  village,  on  Rocky  Comfort  Creek ; 
Blount  and  Hajo  a tract  on  Apalachicola  River ; Mullato  King  and  Emathlochee 
upon  the  same  river ; and  Econchatimico  on  the  Chatahoochie.  With  JVea- 
mathla there  settled  30  men ; with  Blount , 43  5 Mullato  King , 30 ; with  Emath- 
lochee, 28 ; with  Econchatimico,  38 : the  other  Florida  Indians,  by  the  same 
treaty,  were  to  remove  to  the  Amazura,  or  Ouithlacooche  river,  upon  the 
peninsula  of  Florida. 

But  whether  “the  other  Florida  Indians”  had  any  hand  in  making  this 
treaty,  does  not  appear,  though  from  after  circumstances,  there  is  no  proba- 
bility that  they  had.  Hence  two  facts  are  duly  to  be  considered  concerning 
this  transaction,  as  they  have  led  to  fatal  mistakes : one  is,  as  it  concerns  the 
number  of  the  Seminoles;  and  it  will  be  asked,  Were  their  numbers  greatly 
underrated,  that  it  might  seem  that  those  who  made  the  treaty  were  the  most 
important  part  of  the  nation  ? If  this  problem  come  out  affirmative,  then, 
I say,  this  mistake,  or  imposition  upon  the  inhabitants  of  the  United  States, 
has  been  a fatal  one.  The  other  fact  or  circumstance  resolves  itself  into 
another  problem,  but  not  more  difficult  of  solution  than  the  other.  It  may  be 
thus  stated : Had  these  few  chiefs  any  authority  to  stipulate  for,  or  bind  any 
others  but  themselves?  If  not,  where  is  the  obligation  for  them  to  leave 
their  country  and  habitations  ? But  1 forbear  to  pursue  this  subject  further 
in  this  place,  and  will  return  to  JVeamathla. 

The  United  States  agreed  by  the  same  treaty  to  award  500  dollars  to  JVea- 
mathla, as  a compensation  for  the  improvements  abandoned  by  him,  as  well 
as  to  meet  the  expenses  of  his  removal. 

A word  more  of  the  countrymen  of  JVeamathla , who  emigrated  to  the 
western  coast  of  the  peninsula,  before  we  proceed  to  other  subjects.  “ The 
land,”  says  Mr.  Williams,*  to  which  they  are  “ legally  banished,  consists  of  dry 
■sand  ridges  and  interminable  swamps,  almost  wholly  unfit  for  cultivation  : 
where  it  has  cost  the  U.  States  more  than  their  land  was  worth  to  support  them. 
They  are  now  in  a starving  condition;  they  have  killed  the  stock  of  the 
American  settlers,  in  every  part  of  the  territory,  to  support  themselves, 
already ; and  there  is  no  present  prospect  of  their  situation  becoming  im- 
proved,” What  is  calculated  to  add  to  their  miserable  condition,  is  the  limits 
within  which  they  are  restricted ; they  are  not  allowed  to  go  nearer  than  within 
15  miles  of  the  sea.  A garrison  was  established  at  Tampa  to  supply  them  with 
necessaries,  and  keep  them  in  order.  Recent  events,  however,  had  consid- 
erably changed  their  condition  before  the  commencement  of  the  present  dis- 
tressing war,  and  they  are  found  much  more  numerous,  and  far  better  off,  as 
to  resources,  than  was  supposed  they  could  be. 

A chief,  whom  the  whites  called  Peter  M1  Queen,  has  been  incidentally 
mentioned,  in  our  account  of  the  Creek  war.  His  Indian  name  was  Talmu- 
ches  Hatcho,  and  he  belonged  to  the  tribe  of  Tukabatchie.  In  1814  he  fled 
before  the  Americans  under  General  Jackson , and  took  up  his  residence  in 
Florida,  and  was  among  others  declared  an  outlaw.  In  1817  he  was  chief  of 
the  Tallapeosies,  and  resided  upon  the  Oklokne  or  Okololmee  River,  and  was 
styled  “ an  old  Red  Stick.”  He  was  one  of  the  12  Creek  chiefs  who  gave  Mr. 
Alexander  Arbuthnott  power  of  attorney  to  manage  their  affairs.  This  was  done 
on  the  17  June,  1817.  He  was  a chief  of  consequence,  possessed  a valuable 
property,  in  lands  and  negroes.  His  effects  were  seized  upon  as  lawful  booty, 
about  the  time  of  his  escape  from  Tukabatchie.  A half-breed,  by  the  name 
of  Barney,  shared  10  negroes  that  had  belonged  to  him,  and  a chief  called 


6* 


* Account  of  Florida,  72,  73. 


KING-PAINE  IS  KILLED  IN  BATTLE. 


[Book  IV, 


66 

vQuchi-hatche,  alias  Colonel,  had  20  more.  To  the  persons  who  had  made 
plunder  of  his  slaves,  he  protested,  they  could  have  no  claim  upon  him,  and 
that  he  had  never  injured  them.  He  therefore  applied  to  Mr . R.  Arbuthnott, 
to  intercede  with  the  officer  at  the  United  States  military  post,  Fort  Gaines,  for 
some  relief;  this  he  did  in  a very  respectful  letter,  but  with  what  success,  we 
are  as  yet  unprepared  to  speak. 

KING-PAINE  was  a chief  who  might  have  demanded  early  attention,  but 
who,  not  having  been  very  conspicuous  but  in  a single  affair,  has  been  defer- 
red to  this  place.  Early  in  1812,  at  the  head  of  sundry  bands  of  Seminoles 
and  negroes,  who  had  run  away  from  their  American  masters,  King-paine 
issued  forth  in  quest  of  blood  and  plunder.  There  were  several  other  chiefs 
at  the  same  time,  (among  whom  Bow-legs  # was  conspicuous,)  who  assisted  in 
making  war  on  the  frontiers  of  Georgia.  Whether  either  or  both  of  the 
above-named  chiefs  commanded  the  daring  party,  who,  on  11  September, 
1812,  attacked  and  defeated  a small  force  under  Captain  Williams , we  are  not 
certain  ; but  it  is  certain  that  they  commanded  a large  force  soon  after,  when 
General  JVewman  marched  against  them,  and  fought  him  with  desperation. 
Captain  Williams,  with  about  20  men,  was  convoying  some  loaded  wagons 
towards  Davis  Creek,  and  when  within  about  10  miles  of  their  destination, 
they  were  attacked  by  a party  of  Indians  and  negroes,  supposed  to  be  50  in 
number.  Although  the  whites  were  few,  they  protracted  the  fight  until  all 
their  ammunition  was  expended,  their  captain  mortally  wounded,  and  six 
others  slightly.  They  then  effected  a retreat,  leaving  their  wagons  in  the 
hands  of  their  enemies.  Two  of  the  Americans  were  killed,  and,  it  was  sup- 
posed, a much  greater  number  of  the  enemy. 

Expecting  a force  would  be  soon  sent  against  them,  King-paine , with  Bow- 
legs as  his  lieutenant,  marched  out  from  the  Lotchway  towns,  at  the  head  of 
150  warriors,  as  was  supposed.  They  were  not  disappointed  with  regard  to  a 
force  being  sent  against  them,  for  in  the  mean  time  General  JVewman,  f of  the 
Georgia  volunteers,  marched  with  117  men  to  destroy  the  Lotchway  towns. 
When  he  had  arrived  within  about  six  miles,  he  fell  in  with  the  Indians,  all 
of  whom  were  mounted.  It  appears  the  parties  met  unexpectedly,  and  no 
time  was  lost  on  either  side  in  preparing  for  battle.  Having  dismounted,  the 
Indians  advanced  a few  paces,  hoping  thereby  to  intimidate  their  adversaries; 
but  JVewman , at  the  same  time,  ordered  his  men  to  charge,  which  being 
promptly  obeyed,  the  Indians  were  put  to  flight.  The  battle-ground,  being 
skirted  with  swamps  upon  three  sides,  was  advantageous  for  the  operations  of 
the  Indians ; nevertheless,  before  gaining  these  coverts,  a well-directed  fire 
stopped  the  flight  of  many,  among  whom  was  King-paine  himself,  and  Bow- 
legs was  severely  Wounded;  but  this  was  only  the  commencement  of  the 
light;  for  no  sooner  was  the  fall  of  the  great  chief  known  among  his  men, 
than  they  returned  and  charged  in  their  turn,  but  were  again  forced  to  fly, 
leaving  the  body  of  their  leader  in  the  hands  of  the  whites.  This,  more  than 
any,  or  all  considerations  together,  wrought  up  their  minds  to  desperation, 
and  they  determined  on  its  recovery,  or  to  sacrifice  themselves  in  the  attempt ; 
and  they  accordingly  returned  again  to  the  charge,  which,  it  is  said,  was  met 
with  firmness  by  the  whites,  who,  after  encountering  several  shocks,  again 
succeeded  in  routing  them  ; but  they  immediately  returned  again,  with  greater 
fury  than  before,  and  with  greater  success  ; for  they  obliged  the  Americans  to 
give  ground  in  their  turn,  and  after  some  time  spent  in  this  most  desperate 
work,  they  succeeded  in  recovering  the  body  of  King-paine,  and  carried  it  offi 
Their  loss  in  the  several  charges  was  unknown,  but  supposed  by  the  whites  to 
have  been  about  30 ; while,  on  their  own  side,  they  report  but  one  killed  and 
nine  wounded.  This  fight  was  on  the  26  September,  and  lasted  about  four 
hours. 


* Toa  document  exhibited  in  the  trial  of  Arbuthnott  and  Ambrister,  his  name  is  signed 
Boleck.  This  was  probably  his  real  name,  which  required  but  a slight  corruption  to  change 
it  into  Bow-legs. 

t Thomson  (Hist.  War,  51)  writes  this  officer's  name  Neionan ; bat  Brannon , Perkins,  and 
Brackenridge,  all  write  it  as  in  the  text.  There  is  a town  in  Florida  called  Newnansville , 
where  a newspaper  is  printed. 


OrtAfr.  Vlt.]  GURISTERSIGO.-HIS  BATTLE  WITH  GEN.  WAYNE.  67 

‘The  whites  were  greatly  distressed  after  this  fight,  for  the  Indians  were 
reinforced,  and  harassed  them  until  the  4 October,  when  they  gave  up  the 
business  and  retired.  General  Newman , having  thrown  up  a slight  work,  was 
able  to  prevent  being  entirely  cut  off,  and  at  length  retreated  out  of  the  coun- 
try. The  Indians  did  not  give  up  the  siege  until  they  had  been  pretty  severely 
cut  up.  The  whites,  by  concealing  themselves  on  the  night  of  the  3d,  made 
them  believe  they  had  abandoned  their  fort ; and  they  came  up  to  it  in  a body 
without  apprehending  danger ; when  on  a sudden  they  received  a most  deadly 
fire,  and  immediately  fled. 

We  shall  close  this  chapter  with  some  revolutionary  and  other  matters. 
The  Cherokees  had  engaged  not  to  operate  with  the  British,  towards  the  close 
of  the  war  ; and  what  is  very  singular,  all  the  time  that  the  greatest  successes 
attended  the  British  arms,  they  strictly  adhered  to  their  engagement ; and  it 
was  not  until  the  fortune  of  war  had  changed,  and  the  Americans  had  become 
masters  of  nearly  all  the  country,  that  many  of  the  ill-fated  Indians,  instigated, 
no  doubt,  by  abandoned  white  desperadoes,  fell  upon  the  settlement  called 
Ninety  Six,  killing  many  persons,  and  burning  several  houses.  Upon  this, 
General  Pickens  took  the  field,  at  the  head  of  a band  of  mounted  men,  and  in 
about  five  weeks  following  the  10  September,  1781,*  finished  this  Cherokee 
war,  in  which  40  Indians  were  killed,  13  towns  destroyed,  and  a great  number 
of  men,  women  and  children  taken  prisoners.!  A white  man  by  the  name  of 
Waters  was  supposed  to  have  been  the  prime  mover  of  the  Indians,  who  with 
a few  of  them  fled  through  the  Creek  country  into  Florida,  and  made  good 
their  escape. 

On  17  October,  12  chiefs  and  200  warriors  met  General  Pickens  at  Long 
Swamp  Creek,  and  a treaty  was  concluded,  by  which  Georgia  acquired  a 
large  accession  of  territory.  \ 

We  have  next  to  relate  the  bold  exploits  of  a Creek  warrior,  of  the  name 
Guristersigo.§  The  British  held  possession  of  Savannah,  in  June,  1782,  and 
General  Wayne  was  sent  there  to  watch  their  motions.  On  the  21  May,  Col- 
onel Brown  marched  out  of  Savannah  to  meet,  according  to  appointment, 
a band  of  Indians  under  Emistessigo , or  Guristersigo.  But  some  difficulty 
among  the  Indians  had  delayed  their  march,  and  the  movement  of  Brown  was 
disastrous  in  the  extreme.  General  Wayne , by  a bold  manoeuvre,  cut  off  his 
retreat,  fell  upon  him  at  midnight,  killed  40  of  his  men,  took  20  prisoners,  and 
the  rest  escaped  only  under  cover  of  darkness.  In  this  fight  Wayne  would 
not  permit  a gun  to  be  fired,  and  the  execution  Was  effected  wholly  with  the 
sword  and  bayonet ; the  flints  having  been  previously  taken  from  the  soldiers’ 
guns. 

Meanwhile,  Emistessigo  was  traversing  the  whole  transverse  extent  of  Geor- 
gia, (strange  as  it  may  seem,)  without  being  discovered,  except  by  two  boys, 
who  were  taken  and  killed.  It  was  the  24  June,  however,  before  he  arrived 
in  the  neighborhood  of  General  Wayne , who  was  encamped  about  five  miles 
from  Savannah.  Wayne  did  not  expect  an  attack,  especially  by  Indians,  and 
consequently  was  completely  surprised.  But  being  well  seconded  by  his 
officers,  and  happily  resorting  to  his  favorite  plan  of  fighting,  extricated  him- 
self from  imminent  danger,  and  put  the  Indians  to  flight,  after  a hard-fought 
battle. 

The  plan  adopted  by  the  Indian  chief,  though  simple,  was  wise  ; but  in  its 
execution  he  lost  some  time,  which  was  fatal  to  him.  He  captured  two  of 
Wayne's  cannon,  and  while  endeavoring  to  turn  them  upon  the  Americans, 
they  had  time  to  rally.  And,  as  the  sword  and  bayonet  were  only  used  by 
them,  no  chance  was  left  the  Indians  to  take  advantage  of  position  from  the 
flashes  of  the  guns  of  their  adversaries.  If  Wayne  merited  censure  for  being 
taken  thus  unprepared,  he  deserved  it  quite  as  much  for  exposing  himself  in 
the  fight  beyond  what  prudence  required ; but  more  than  all,  for  putting  to 
death  12  prisoners  who  had  been  decoyed  into  his  power,  after  the  fight. 

The  severest  part  of  the  action  was  fought  at  the  cannons.  Emistessigo  was 
loath  to  relinquish  such  valuable  trophies,  and  he  did  it  only  with  his  life. 


* Johnson’s  Life  of  Green , ii.  347.  f Lee’s  Memoirs,  382,  383. 

X Johnson’s  Life  of  Green,  ii.  348. 

\ Lee,  Dr,  Holmes  writes  Emistessigo.  Annals,  ii.  340. 


68 


GRANGULAKOPAK—  BIG  WARRIOR. 


[Book  IV. 


Seventeen  of  his  warriors  fell  by  his  side,  besides  his  white  guides.  He 
received  a spear  and  two  bayonets  in  his  body  before  he  fell,  and  encouraged 
his  warriors  to  the  last.  When  he  began  to  faint,  he  retired  a few  steps,  and 
calmly  laying  himself  down,  breathed  his  last  without  a groan  or  struggle. 

This  chief  was  six  feet  three  inches  high,  weighing  about  220  pounds,  bear- 
ing a manly  and  expressive  countenance,  and  30  years  of  age ; and  General 
Lee  adds,  “ Guristersigo  died,  as  he  had  lived,  the  renowned  warrior  of  the 
Overhill  Creeks.”  In  this  singular  affair  but  12  Americans  were  killed  and 
wounded.  Among  the  plunder  taken  from  the  Indians  were  117  packhorses, 
laden  with  peltry.  Exertions  were  made  to  capture  those  warriors  that  es- 
caped from  the  attack  on  Wayne’s  camp,  but  so  well  did  they  understand  the 
country,  that  not  one  of  them  was  taken. 

Although  not  in  the  order  of  time,  we  will  introduce  here  one  of  the  earliest 
advocates  for  temperance  that  we  have  met  with  among  the  Indians.  This 
person,  though  a Creek,  was  a descendant,  by  his  own  account,  of  the  renown- 
ed Grangula.  His  name  was  Onughkallydawwy-grangulakopak.  All  we  know 
of  his  history,  can  be  told  in  a few  words,  and  but  for  one  speech  of  his  which 
happened  to  be  preserved,  even  his  name  we  had  never  perhaps  heard.  That 
he  lived  in  1748,  and  was  eminent  for  his  good  morals,  except  the  speech, 
before  mentioned,  is  all  wre  know  of  him.  As  to  the  speech,  which  is  so  highly 
extolled,  it  has,  like  numerous  others,  we  are  of  opinion,  passed  through  too 
many  hands  to  be  considered  by  all  who  may  meet  with  it  as  genuine ; never- 
theless, throwing  aside  all  the  unmeaning  verbiage  with  which  it  is  encumbered, 
an  Indian  speech  might  remain  that  would  be  read  with  pleasure.  As  it  stands 
in  the  work  before  us,#  its  length  excludes  it  from  our  pages,  and  we  shall  select 
but  few  sentences.  It  was  delivered  in  a great  council  of  the  Creek  nation, 
and  taken  down  in  short  hand  by  some  white  present,  and  about  four  years 
after  came  into  the  hands  of  an  agent  of  Sir  William,  Johnson,  thence  into  the 
hands  of  sundry  others. 

“Fathers,  Brethren,  and  Countrymen. — We  are  met  to  deliberate. 
Upon  what? — Upon  no  less  a subject,  than  whether  we  shall,  or  shall  not’ be  a 
people  ! ” “I  do  not  stand  up,  O countrymen  ! to  propose  the  plans  of  war, 
or  to  direct  the  sage  experience  of  this  assembly  in  the  regulation  of  our  alli- 
ances : your  wisdom  renders  this  unnecessary  for  me.” — “ The  traitor,  or 
rather  the  tyrant,  I arraign  before  you,  O Creeks  ! is  no  native  of  our  soil ; but 
rather  a lurking  miscreant,  an  emissary  of  the  evil  principle  of  darkness.  ’Tis 
that  pernicious  liquid,  which  our  pretended  white  friends  artfully  introduced, 
and  so  plentifully  pour  in  among  us ! “ O,  ye  Creeks  ! when  I thunder  in 

your  ears  this  denunciation ; that  if  this  cup  of  perdition  continues  to  rule 
among  us,  with  sway  so  intemperate,  ye  will  cease  to  be  a nation  ! Ye  will 
have  neither  heads  to  direct,  nor  hands  to  protect  you. — While  this  diabolical 
juice  undermines  all  the  powers  of  your  bodies  and  minds,  with  inoffensive 
zeal,  the  warrior’s  enfeebled  arm  will  draw  the  bow,  or  launch  the  spear  in  the 
day  of  battle.  In  the  day  of  council,  when  national  safety  stands  suspended 
on  the  lips  of  the  hoary  sachem,  he  will  shake  his  head  with  uncollected  spirits, 
and  drivel  the  babblings  of  a second  childhood.” 

The  above,  though  not  a third  of  the  speech,  contains  chief  of  all  that  was 
intended  to  be  conveyed  in  several  pages.  A true  Indian  speech  need  not 
here  be  presented  to  show  the  difference  of  style  between  them ; but  as  we 
have  a very  good  one,  by  the  famous  Creek  chief,  Big- warrior,  not  elsewhere 
noticed,  it  shall  be  laid  before  the  reader.  It  was  delivered  at  the  time  Gen- 
eral Jackson  was  treating  with  the  Creeks,  about  the  close  of  the  last  war  with 
England,  and  was  in  reference,  as  will  be  seen,  to  the  conditions  demanded  of 
the  vanquished.  And,  although  Big-warrior  was  the  friend  of  the  Americans, 
yet  he  now  felt  for  his  countrymen,  and  after  saying  many  other  things,  con- 
cluded as  follows : — 

“ The  president,  our  father,  advises  us  to  honesty  and  fairness,  and  promises 


Sermons,  &c.,  by  Reverend  William  Smith. 


Chap.  VII.] 


BIG  WARRIOR’S  SPEECH  TO  JACKSON. 


shat  justice  shall  be  done : I hope  and  trust  it  will  be ! I made  this  war, 
which  has  proved  so  fatal  to  my  country,  that  the  treaty  entered  into  a long 
time  ago,  with  father  Washington,  might  not  be  broken.  To  his  friendly 
arm  I "hold  fast.  I will  never  break  that  bright  chain  of  friendship  we  made 
together,  and  which  bound  us  to  stand  to  the  U.  States.  He  was  a father  to 
the  Muscogee  people  ; and  not  only  to  them,  but  to  all  the  people  beneath  the 
sun.  His  talk  I now  hold  in  my  hand.  There  sits  the  agent  he  sent  among 
us.  Never  has  he  broken  the  treaty.  He  has  lived  with  us  a long  time.  He 
has  seen  our  children  born,  who  now  have  children.  By  his  direction,  cloth 
was  wove,  and  clothes  were  made,  and  spread  through  our  country  ; but  the 
Red  Sticks  came,  and  destroyed  all ; — we  have  none  now.  Hard  is  our 
situation  ; and  you  ought  to  consider  it.  I state  what  all  the  nation  knows : 
nothing  will  I keep  secret. — There  stands  the  little  warrior.  While  we  were 
seeking  to  give  satisfaction  for  the  murders  that  had  been  committed,  he 
proved  a mischief-maker ; he  went  to  the  British  on  the  lakes ; he  came  back, 
and  brought  a package  to  the  frontiers,  which  increased  the  murders  here. 
This  conduct  has  already  made  the  war  party  to  suffer  greatly  ; but,  although 
almost  destroyed,  they  will  not  yet  open  their  eyes,  but  are  still  led  away  by 
the  British  at  Pensacola.  Not  so  with  us.  We  were  rational,  and  had  our 
senses.  We  yet  are  so.  In  the  war  of  the  revolution,  our  father  beyond  the 
waters  encouraged  us  to  join  him,  and  we  did  so.  We  had  no  sense  then. 
The  promises  he  made  were  never  kept.  We  were  young  and  foolish,  and 
fought  with  him.  The  British  can  no  more  persuade  us  to  do  wrong.  They 
have  deceived  us  once,  and  can  do  it  no  more.  You  are  two  great  people. 
If  you  go  to  war,  we  will  have  no  concern  in  it ; for  we  are  not  able  to  fight. 
We  wish  to  be  at  peace  with  every  nation.  If  they  offer  me  arms,  I will  say 
to  them,  You  put  me  in  danger,  to  war  against  a people  bom  in  our  own  land. 
They  shall  never  force  us  into  danger.  You  shall  never  see  that  our  chiefs 
are  boys  in  council,  who  will  be  forced  to  do  any  thing.  I talk  thus,  knowing 
that  father  Washington  advised  us  never  to  interfere  in  wars.  He  told  us 
that  those  in  peace  were  the  happiest  people.  He  told  us,  that  if  an  enemy 
attacked  him,  he  had  warriors  enough,  and  did  not  wish  his  red  children  to 
help  him.  If  the  British  advise  us  to  any  thing,  I will  tell  you — not  hide  it 
from  you.  If  they  say  we  must  fight,  I will  tell  them,  No.” 

lie  had  previously  spoken  of  the  causes  of  the  war,  and  of  the  sufferings  it 
had  brought  upon  them,  but  asked  indulgence  from  compassion.  The  fine 
tract  of  country,  now  the  state  of  Alabama,  was  argued  for  by  Shelokta,  another 
famous  chief,  who  had  large  claims  on  the  whites,  but  Jackson  would  not 
concede.  This  chief  had  rendered  them  the  greatest  services  in  the  war,  and 
appealed  to  Jackson's  feelings,  by  portraying  the  dangers  they  had  passed 
together,  and  his  faithfulness  to  him  in  the  most  trying  scenes  ; but  all  availed 
nothing. 

Big  Warrior  was  a conspicuous  chief  for  many  years.  In  1821,  one  of  his 
nation  undertook  to  accompany  a Mr.  Lucas  as  a guide,  and  killed  him  by  the 
way.  Complaint  was  immediately  made  to  Big-warrior , who  ordered  him 
to  be  executed  without  delay.  In  1824  he  was  the  most  noted  among  the 
opposers  of  the  missionaries.  In  this  it  was  thought  he  was  influenced  by  the 
Indian  agents,  which  opinion  was  perhaps  strengthened  from  the  fact  that  a 
sub-agent,  Captain  Walker , had  married  his  daughter.  He  was  head  chief  of 
the  nation  when  General  M'Intosh  forfeited  his  life  by  breaking  the  law  of 
the  nation  in  selling  a part  of  the  Creek  country.  The  troubles  of  his  nation 
having  brought  him  to  Washington,  at  the  head  of  a delegation,  he  fell  sick 
and  died  there,  8 March,  1825.*  He  was  a man  of  colossal  stature,  and  pro- 
portionate physical  powers ; and  it  is  said  “ his  mind  was  as  colossal  as  his 
body,”  and  that  he  had  done  much  towards  improving  the  condition  of  his 
countrymen.  He  had  a son  named  Tuskehenaha. 


* Niles’s  Register,  xxviii.  48. — By  a passage  in  the  report  of  a committee  of  congress  on 
the  Creek  affairs  in  1827,  it  would  seem  that  Big-warrior  died  as  early  as  February. 


70 


GROUNDS  OF  THE  SEMINOLE  WAR. 


[Book  IV. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Grounds  of  tne  Seminole  War — Circumstances  of  those  Indians  misunderstood — Just- 
ness of  the  War — Neamathla  deposed — Treaties — Of  Moultrie  Creek — Payne's 
Landing — Council  at  Camp  King — Is  broken  up  by  Osceola — It  is  renewed , and  a 
party  agree  to  emigrate — Osceola’s  opposition — Is  seized  and  put  in  irons — 
Feigns  a submission  and  is  released — Executes  an  agreement  to  comply  with  the 
demands  of  the  whites — The  physical  condition  of  the  Indians. 

Having,  in  a former  chapter  of  this  our  fourth  book,  given  many  of  the 
necessary  particulars  for  a right  understanding  of  the  former  Florida  war,  it 
will  not  be  necessary  here  to  repeat  the  same,  and  we  shall,  therefore,  proceed 
at  once  to  a notice  of  the  grounds  of  the  present  war  with  the  Indians  in  that 
region. 

It  has  been  formerly  said,  that  nearly  all  the  Indian  wars  have  the  same 
origin  ; and,  on  attentively  examining  the  subject,  it  will  he  found  that  the 
remark  has  much  of  truth  in  it.  The  Seminoles  of  Florida  have  been  found 
quite  different  from  what  they  had  been  supposed.  Every  body  had  consid- 
ered them  a mere  outcast  remnant,  too  much  enfeebled  by  their  proximity  to 
the  whites,  to  be  in  the  least  dreaded  in  a war.  Indeed,  such  conclusion  was 
in  perfect  accordance  with  the  accounts  which  were  circulated  among  intelli- 
gent people  ; but  the  truth  seems  to  be,  people  have  always  been  misinformed 
on  the  subject,  owing  chiefly  to  the  ignorance  of  their  informers.  Nor  is  it 
strange  that  misinformation  should  be  circulated,  when  it  is  considered  that 
the  very  agents  who  lived  among  them,  and  those  who  made  treaties  with 
them,  could  not  give  any  satisfactory  account  as  to  their  numbers  or  other 
circumstances.  General  Jackson,  in  1817  and  18,  made  an  easy  matter  of 
ravaging  a part  of  Florida.  His  being  opposed  but  by  very  few  Indians,  led 
to  the  belief  that  there  were  but  few  in  the  country.  The  war  of  1814  was 
then  too  fresh  in  their  recollections  to  suffer  them  to  adventure  too  much,  and 
the  probability  is,  that  but  few  could  be  prevailed  upon  to  join  in  a war  again 
so  soon.  Hence,  one  of  two  conclusions  must  now  evidently  be  fixed  upon, — 
either  that  the  Seminole  Indians  were  much  more  numerous,  20  years  ago, 
than  what  was  supposed,  or  that  they  have  increased  very  considerably  within 
that  time.  For  my  part,  1 am  convinced  that  both  conclusions  are  correct. 

When  we  are  told,  that  at  such  a time,  and  such  a place,  commissioners 
of  the  United  States  government  met  a delegation  of  the  principal  chiefs  of  the 
Southern  Indians,  and  made  a treaty,  the  articles  of  which  were  satisfactory 
to  the  Indians,  two  or  three  queries  present  themselves  for  solution  ; as,  by 
what  means  have  the  chiefs  been  got  together ; what  other  chiefs  and  princi- 
pal men  are  there  belonging  to  such  a nation,  who  did  not  participate  in  the 
business  of  the  treaty.  Anxious  to  effect  their  object,  commissioners  have 
sometimes  practised  unwarrantable  means  to  obtain  it ; especially  in  encour- 
aging sales  of  territory  by  a minority  of  chiefs,  or  gaining  their  consent  to  a 
removal  by  presents. 

In  the  early  part  of  the  present  war,  the  number  of  Seminole  warriors  was 
reckoned,  by  persons  upon  the  spot,  at  2000;  but  they  have  generally,  since 
that  period,  been  rated  higher.  But  it  is  my  opinion,  that  2000  able  men,  led 
by  such  a chief  as  Osceola  has  proved  himself  to  be,  are  amply  sufficient  to  do 
all  that  has  been  done  on  the  part  of  the  Indians  in  Florida,  in  1835  and  6. 

There  can  be  but  one  opinion,  among  discerning  people,  of  the  justness  of 
the  present  war,  as  it  appears  to  me  ; nevertheless,  however  unjustly  created, 
on  the  part  of  the  whites,  the  most  efficient  measures  should  have  been  taken, 
in  its  earliest  stages,  for  its  suppression  ; because,  the  sooner  it  is  ended,  the 
fewer  will  be  the  sacrifices  of  lives ; to  say  nothing  of  the  concomitant  suffer- 
ings of  individuals,  and  destructions  of  property.  It  has  been  frequently 
asked,  what  the  executive  and  the  congress  of  the  nation  have  been  about  all 
this  time ! A few  soldiers  have  been  sent  to  Florida  at  a time  ; some  have 
been  cut  off,  and  the  services  of  others  rendered  abortive,  by  some  childish 
bickerings  among  their  officers  about  “precedency  of  rank.”  But  whose  fault 


Chap.  VIII.] 


NEAMATHLA  DEPOSED. — TREATIES. 


71 


it  is  that  those  officers  should  have  been  there  under  commissions  or  in- 
structions  of  such  a nature  as  to  set  them  in  such  an  awkward  position  in 
respect  to  each  other,  I will  not  take  upon  me  to  state,  the  facts  being  of 
sufficient  notoriety. 

A writer  has  given  the  following  facts  relative  to  the  Seminoles  recently, 
and,  as  they  are  suited  to  my  course  of  remarks,  I give  them  in  his  own 
words : — “ Shortly  after  the  cession,  [of  Florida  to  the  U.  S.]  a treaty  was 
made  by  which  the  Seminoles  consented  to  relinquish  by  far  the  better  part 
of  their  lands,  and  retire  to  the  centre  of  the  peninsula, — a quarter  consisting 
for  the  most  part  of  pine  barrens  of  the  worst  description,  and  terminating 
towards  the  south  in  unexplored  and  impassable  marshes.  When  the  time 
came  for  the  execution  of  the  treaty,  old  JVeha  Mathla,  the  head  of  the  tribe, 
thought  it  savored  too  much  of  the  cunning  and  whiskey  of  the  white  man, 
and  summoned  his  warriors  to  resist  it.  Gov.  Duval , who  succeeded  Gen. 
Jackson  in  the  chief  magistracy  of  this  territory,  broke  in  upon  his  war  council, 
deposed  the  war  leaders,  and  elevated  the  peace  party  to  the  chieftaincies. 
The  Seminoles  retired  peaceably  to  the  territory  assigned  them,  and  old  JVeha 
Mathla  retired  to  the  Creeks,  by  whom  he  was  raised  to  the  dignity  of  a 
chief.” 

The  next  event  of  considerable  moment  in  the  history  of  the  Seminoles,  is 
the  treaty  of  Payne's  Landing.  Of  this  affair  I am  able  to  speak  in  the  lan- 
guage of  the  principal  agent  in  it,  on  the  part  of  the  whites.  The  individual 
to  whom  I refer,  General  Wiley  Thompson , will  be  particularly  noticed  here- 
after, from  the  melancholy  fate  which  he  met  in  the  progress  of  this  war. 

I have,  in  a previous  chapter,  spoken  of  the  treaty  at  Moultrie  Creek  ; but, 
before  going  into  the  particulars  of  that  at  Payne’s  Landing,  it  will  be  neces- 
sary to  make  a few  additional  observations.  The  Indians  who  consented  to 
that  treaty,  by  such  consent  agreed  “ to  come  under  the  protection  of  the  U. 
States,  to  give  up  their  possessions,  and  remove  to  certain  restricted  boundaries 
in  the  territory,  the  extreme  point  of  which  was  not  to  be  nearer  than  15  miles 
to  the  sea  coast  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  For  any  losses  to  which  they  might 
be  subjected  by  their  removal,  the  government  agreed  to  make  liberal  donations, 
also  to  provide  implements  of  husbandry,  schools,  &c.,  and  pay  an  annuity  of 
5000  dollars  for  20  years ; besides  which  there  were  presents  of  corn,  meat, 
&c.  &c.  It  was  required  of  the  Indians  that  they  should  prevent  absconding 
slaves  from  taking  refuge  among  them,  and  they  were  to  use  all  proper  exer- 
tions to  apprehend  and  deliver  the  same  to  their  proper  owners.” 

Our  account  next  goes  on  to  state,  that  the  harmony  which  existed  at  the 
conclusion  of  this  treaty  was  very  great,  and  that  the  Indians  were  so  well 
satisfied  with  its  provisions,  “that  they  had  a clause  expressly  inserted,  by 
which  the  United  States  agent,  Major  Gad.  Humphreys , and  the  interpreter, 
Richards,  were  to  have  each  one  mile  square,  in  fee  simple,  as  a mark  of  the 
confidence  they  reposed  in  these  officers  of  the  government.” 

Before  this  treaty  was  carried  into  effect,  the  Indians  were  intruded  upon, 
and  they  gradually  began  to  be  rather  slow  in  the  delivery  of  the  runaway 
negroes.  Clamors  were  therefore  loud  against  them,  and  difficulties  followed, 
in  quick  succession,  for  several  years.  At  length  it  was  determined  that  the 
Seminoles  should  be,  somehow  or  other,  got  out  of  Florida,  and  the  treaty  of 
Payne’s  Landing  was  got  up  for  this  object. 

Accordingly,  in  1832,  on  the  9th  of  May,  a treaty  was  entered  into  “ on 
Ocklawaha  River,  known  by  the  name  of  the  treaty  of  Payne’s  Landing, 
by  which  they  stipulated  to  relinquish  all  their  possessions  in  Florida,  and 
emigrate  to  the  country  allotted  to  the  Creeks,  west  of  the  Mississippi ; in  con- 
sideration of  which  the  government  was  to  pay  15,400  dollars,  on  their  arrival 
at  their  new  home,  and  give  to  each  of  the  warriors,  women  and  children  one 
blanket  and  one  homespun  frock.  The  whole  removal  was  stipulated  to  take 
p|ace  within  three  years  after  the  ratification.” 

What  object  the  government  could  have  had  in  view  by  stipulating  that  the 
Indians  should  deliver  into  its  hands  all  their  cattle  and  horses,  previous  to 
their  emigration,  I know  not,  unless  it  was  the  intention  of  its  agents  to 
speculate  in  stocks ; or  perhaps  the  mode  by  which  the  Indians  were  to  be 
transported,  would  not  admit  of  their  being  transported  with  them.  Be  this 


EXECUTIONS. — COUNCIL  AT  CAMP  KING. 


72 


[Book  IV. 


as  it  might,  we  shall  see  that  this  stock  affair  was  among  the  beginning  of  the 
sparks  of  war. 

It  appears  that  between  1832  and  1834,  it  had  become  very  apparent  that 
no  removal  was  intended  by  the  Indians ; and  it  was  equally  apparent  that 
those  who  had  engaged  a removal  for  the  nation,  were  not  the  first  people  in 
it,— and,  consequently,  a difficulty  would  ensue,  let  the  matter  be  urged  when 
it  would.  General  Thompson  was  the  government  agent  in  Florida,  and  he 
(whether  with  advice  or  without,  I am  not  informed)  thought  it  best  to  have  a 
talk  with  some  of  the  real  head  men  of  the  nation,  upon  the  subject  of  removal, 
which  he  effected  about  a year  before  the  time  of  removal  expired,  namely,  in 
the  fall  of  1834. 

Meanwhile,  the  chief  who  had  been  put  in  the  place  of  JYeamathla , by  Gov- 
ernor Duval , had  been  executed,  by  some  of  the  nation,  for  adhering  to  the 
whites,  and  advocating  a removal  beyond  the  Mississippi.  The  name  of  the 
chief  executed  upon  this  account  was  Hicks.  To  him  succeeded  one  named 
Charles , or,  as  he  is  sometimes  called,  Charles  Omathla,  and  he  shared  the  same 
fate  not  long  after.  Nine  warriors  came  into  his  council,  and  learning  that  he 
insisted  upon  a removal,  shot  nine  bullets  through  his  heart!  No  more  doubt- 
ful characters  were  now  raised  to  the  chieftaincy,  but  a warrior,  named  Louis , 
well  known  for  his  hostility  to  the  whites,  was  made  chief. 

In  the  council  which  General  Thompson  got  together  for  the  purpose  of 
holding  a talk,  as  has  been  remarked,  appeared  Osceola,  and  several  other 
distinguished  chiefs.  This  council  was  held  at  Fort  King,  and  was  opened 
by  General  Thompson  in  a considerable  speech,  wherein  he  endeavored  to 
convict  the  Indians  of  the  necessity  of  a speedy  removal ; urging,  at  the  same 
time,  that  their  own  safety,  as  well  as  that  of  their  property,  required  it : and 
requested  their  answer  to  the  subject  of  his  discourse,  which  he  presented  in 
form  of  propositions.  “ The  Indians  retired  to  private  council,  to  discuss  the 
subject,  when  the  present  young  and  daring  chief  Aceola  ( Powell ) [Osceola] 
addressed  the  council,  in  an  animated  strain,  against  emigration,  and  said  that 
any  one  who  should  dare  to  recommend  it  should  be  looked  upon  as  an  enemy, 
and  held  responsible  to  the  nation.  There  was  something  in  his  manner  so 
impressive  and  bold,  that  it  alarmed  the  timid  of  the  council ; and  it  was 
agreed,  in  private  talk,  that  the  treaty  should  be  resisted.  When  this  was  made 
known  to  the  agent,  he  made  them  a long  and  eloquent  harangue,  setting  forth 
the  dangers  that  surrounded  them  if  they  were  subjected  to  the  laws  of  the 
pale  faces,  where  a red  man’s  word  would  not  be  taken  ; that  the  whites  might 
make  false  charges  against  them,  and  deprive  them  of  their  negroes,  horses, 
lands,  &c.  All  this  time  Aceola  was  sitting  by,  begging  the  chiefs  to  remain 
firm.”  When  this  was  finished,  a chief,  named 

“ Holatee  Mico,  said  the  great  Spirit  made  them  all — they  had  come  from 
one  woman — and  he  hoped  they  would  not  quarrel,  but  talk  until  they  got 
through.”  The  next  chief  who  spoke  was  named 

Micanopee.  He  was  the  king  of  the  nation.  All  he  is  reported  to  have 
said  was,  that  he  had  no  intention  to  remove.  “ Powell  then  told  the  agent 
he  had  the  decision  of  the  chiefs,  and  that  the  council  was  broken  up.  In  a 
private  talk,  an  old  chief  said  he  had  heard  much  of  his  great  father’s  regard 
for  his  red  children.  It  had  come  upon  his  ears,  but  had  gone  through 
them  ; he  wanted  to  see  it  with  his  eyes ; — that  he  took  land  from  other  red 
skins  to  pay  them  for  theirs,  and  by  and  by  he  would  take  that  also.  The 
white  skins  had  forked  tongues,  and  hawks’  fingers ; that  David  Blount  told 
him  the  people  in  the  great  city  made  an  Indian  out  of  paint,  and  then  sent 
after  him  and  took  his  lands,  (alluding  to  the  likenesses  of  the  chiefs,  in  the 
war  department,  at  Washington.)  He  wanted,  he  said,  to  sleep  in  the  same 
land  with  his  fathers,  and  wished  his  children  to  sleep  by  his  side.” 

The  plea  set  up,  that  Spain  ceded  Florida  to  the  United  States  in  1819, 
without  any  provision  for  those  Indians,  need  only  to  be  noticed  to  show  its 
absurdity.  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  when  the  rights  of  the  Seminoles  to 
the  lands  of  Florida  was  talked  about,  the  idea  was  derided  by  many  influential 
men  ; but  when  such  persons  desired  to  take  possession  of  some  of  the 
territory,  they  seemed  more  inclined  to  acknowledge  the  Indians’  rights  by 
agreeing  to  pay  them  for  them,  than  of  exercising  either  their  own  right , or  that 


Chap.  VIII.] 


OSCEOLA  IS  PUT  IN  IRONS. 


73 


of  the  United  States,  by  taking  unceremonious  possession.  This  can  be 
accounted  for  in  the  same  way  that  we  account  for  one’s  buying  an  article  that 
he  desires,  because  he  dares  not  take  it  without. 

When  a removal  was  first  urged  upon  the  Seminole  Indians,  their  chiefs 
said,  “ Let  us  see  what  kind  of  a country  this  is  of  which  you  talk,  then  if  we 
like  it,  it  is  time  enough  to  exchange  ours  for  it.”  But  it  is  said,  the  govern- 
ment agent  had  no  authority  to  authorize  a deputation  of  Indians  to  visit  the 
promised  land,  and  here  the  matter  rested  awhile. 

How  long  after  this  it  was,  I shall  not  undertake  to  state,  that  the  Indians 
made  known  then*  desire  of  exchanging  their  country ; but  this  was  said  to 
have  been  the  fact,  and  the  result  was  the  treaty  of  Payne’s  Landing,  already 
described. 

It  appears  that  General  Thompson , nothing  discouraged  at  the  result  of  the 
council  which  had  been  terminated  by  the  wisdom  of  Osceola,  without  the 
slightest  concurrence  in  any  of  his  measures,  by  unceasing  efforts  had  pre- 
vailed upon  a considerable  number  of  “chiefs  and  sub-chiefs  to  meet  him 
afterwards  and  execute  a writing,  agreeing  to  comply  with  the  treaty  of  1832.” 
This  was  evidently  done  without  Osceola's  consent,  but  its  being  done  by  some 
whom  he  had  considered  his  partisans,  irritated  him  exceedingly.  He  now 
saw  that  in  spite  of  all  he  could  do  or  say,  the  whites  would  get  terms  of 
agreement  of  some  of  the  Indians ; enough,  at  least,  for  a pretence  for  then* 
designs  of  a removal. 

In  this  state  of  things,  Osceola  remonstrated  strongly  with  the  agent  for  thus 
taking  the  advantage  of  a few  of  his  people,  who  doubtless  were  under  much 
greater  obligation  to  him  than  to  the  people  of  the  United  States.  Remon- 
strance soon  grew  into  altercation,  which  ended  in  a ruse  de  guerre , by  which 
Osceola  was  made  prisoner  by  the  agent,  and  put  in  irons,  in  which  situation 
he  was  kept  one  night  and  part  of  two  days. 

Here  then  we  see  the  origin  of  Osceola's  strong  hatred  to  General  Thompson. 
While  lying  in  chains  he  no  doubt  came  to  the  fixed  resolution  to  resist  the 
whites  to  his  utmost  ability,  and  therefore,  with  perfect  command  over  himself, 
dissembled  his  indignation,  and  deceived  the  agent  by  a pretended  compliance 
with  his  demands.  The  better  to  blind  the  whites,  he  not  orjly  promised  to 
sign  the  submission  which  he  had  so  strongly  objected  to,  but  promised  that 
his  friends  should  do  so,  at  a stated  time ; and  his  word  was  kept  with  the 
strictest  accuracy.  He  came  to  Fort  King  with  79  of  his  people,  men,  women, 
and  children,  and  then  the  signing  took  place.  This  punctuality,  accompanied 
with  the  most  perfect  dissimulation,  had  the  effect  that  the  chief  intended  it 
should — the  dissipation  of  all  the  fears  of  the  whites.  These  transactions  were 
in  the  end  of  May  and  beginning  of  June,  1835. 

Thus  we  have  arrived  very  near  the  period  of  open  hostilities  and  blood- 
shed ; but  before  proceeding  in  the  details  of  these  sanguinary  events,  it  may 
not  be  improper  to  pause  a moment  in  reviewing  some  of  the  matters  already 
touched  upon.  The  first  to  which  the  attention  is  naturally  called,  is  so 
prominent  as  scarcely  to  need  being  presented,  but  I cannot  refrain  asking 
attention  to  a comparison  between  the  number  of  “ chiefs  and  sub-chiefs,” 
(which  was  Sixteen)  who  on  the  23  April,  1835,  agreed  to  “acknowledge  the 
validity  of  the  treaty  of  9 May,  1832,”  and  the  number  of  warriors  and  chiefs 
now  in  open  hostility.  These  have  not  been  rated  below  2000  able  men. 
Does  any  body  suppose  that  those  16  “ chiefs  and  sub-chiefs,”  (among  whom 
was  not  the  “king  of  the  nation”  nor  Osceola,)  had  full  power  to  act  for  2000 
warriors  on  so  extraordinary  an  occasion  ? The  question,  in  my  mind,  need 
only  be  stated  ; especially  when  it  is  considered  how  ignorant  every  body  was 
of  the  actual  force  of  these  Indians. 

It  will  doubtless  be  asked,  how  it  happens  that  the  Indians  of  Florida,  who, 
a few  years  since,  were  kept  from  starving  by  an  appropriation  of  congress, 
should  now  be  able  to  maintain  themselves  so*  comfortably  in  their  fastnesses. 
The  truth  undoubtedly  is,  that  the  “starving  Indians”  were  those  then  lately 
forced  down  into  the  peninsula,  who  had  not  yet  learned  the  resources  of  the 
country;  for  not  much  has  been  said  about  the  “starving  Indians  of  Florida’' 
for  several  years  past. 

In  addition  to  the  great  amount  of  cattle,  hogs,  corn,  grain,  &c.  taken 


74 


DEVASTATIONS  BEGIN. 


[Book  IV'. 


from  the  whites,  from  the  commencement  of  the  war  to  the  present  time,  the 
Seminotes  make  flour  of  a certain  root,  called  coonty,  upon  which  they  can 
subsist  without  inconvenience  for  a considerable  length  of  time,  which  is  of 
incalculable  advantage  to  them  in  their  war  operations. 

The  strength  of  the  Indians  has  been  not  a little  augmented  by  the  blacks.. 
Some  accounts  say  there  are  800  among  them,  some  of  whom  have  joined 
them,  on  absconding  from  their  white  owners ; but  it  is  well  known  that  the 
Florida  Indians  own  many  slaves.  Old  Micanopy  is  said  to  have  80. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

The  Indians  prepare  for  tear — Affair  of  Hogtown — A mail-carrier  killed — Sales  of  the 
Indians'  cattle  and  horses  advertised  by  the  Indian  agent , but  none  takes  place — 
Burnings  and  murders  are  committed — Settlement  at  New  River  destroyed — Re- 
markable preservation  of  a Mr.  Godfrey 's  family — Colonel  Warren’s  defeat — Stcamp 
fight — Destruction  of  New  Smyrna — Defeat  and  death  of  Major  Dade,  with  the 
destruction  of  nearly  his  whole  party — Visit  to  his  battle-ground. 

From  April  until  harvest  time,  preparations  had  gone  on  among  the  Indians, 
and  they  only  waited  for  the  whites  to  begin  to  compel  a removal,  when  the 
blow  should  be  struck.  The  time  allowed  them  over  and  above  the  three 
years,  to  prepare  for  their  journey  to  the  prairies  of  the  Arkansaw,  was  spent 
in  making  ready  to  resist  at  the  termination  of  it. 

As  early,  however,  as  the  19  June,  1835,  a serious  affray  took  place  between 
some  whites  and  Indians,  at  a place  called  Hogtown,  not  far  from  Mickasauky, 
in  which  the  former  were  altogether  the  aggressors.  The  Indians,  about  seven 
in  number,  were  discovered  by  a gang  of  whites,  hunting  “ beyond  their 
bounds,”  upon  whom  they  undertook  to  inflict  corporal  punishment.  Two 
of  the  Indians  were  absent  when  the  whites  came  up  to  them,  and  they  seized 
and  disarmed  them,  and  then  began  to  whip  them  with  cowhide  whips. 
They  had  whipped  four,  and  were  in  the  act  of  whipping  the  fifth,  when  the 
other  two  Indians  came  up.  On  seeing  what  was  going  on,  they  raised  the 
war-whoop  and  fired  upon  the  whites,  but  whether  they  received  any  injury, 
we  are  not  told ; but  they  immediately  returned  the  fire,  and  killed  both  the 
Indians.  When  General  Thompson  was  made  acquainted  with  the  affair,  he 
summoned  the  chiefs  together,  and  stated  the  facts  to  them,  and  they 
disclaimed  all  knowledge  of  it,  and,  it  is  said,  agreed  to  deliver  the  offenders 
into  the  hands  of  the  whites,  to  be  dealt  with  according  to  their  laws. 
This  must  be  taken  as  the  story  of  the  whites;  for  in  this  case  they,  and  not 
the  Indians,  were  the  “offenders.”  It  was  altogether  a singular  report,  that 
after  the  Indians  had  all  been  whipped  and  killed,  they  should  be  required  to 
give  up  the  offenders  ; but  such  was  stated  to  be  the  fact,  and  I know  not  that 
it  has  been  contradicted. 

Frequent  signs  of  uneasiness  had  been  manifested  during  the  summer 
among  the  Indians,  some  of  whom  could  not  be  restrained  from  acts  of  vio- 
lence by  the  chiefs,  although,  it  is  pretty  evident,  such  acts  were  against  their 
advice.  A mail-carrier  was  killed  and  robbed  between  St.  Augustine  and 
Camp  King,  and  two  or  three  houses  had  from  time  to  time  been  broken 
open  in  different  places ; but  it  is  not  impossible  but  that  these  acts  might 
have  been  committed  by  other  people  than  Indians.  However,  the  Indians 
were  mistrusted,  and  not  only  mistrusted,  but  reported  as  the  perpetrators ; 
and  whether  they  were  or  not  is  but  of  small  moment,  as  affairs  turned  out. 

Things  remained  in  this  state  until  December  following,  when  the  Indian 
agent  notified  such  of  the  Indians  as  he  was  able,  that  their  time  had  expired, 
and  that  they  must  forthwith  prepare  for  their  journey  over  the  Mississippi, 
and  to  that  end  must  bring  in  their  cattle  and  horses  according  to  the  terms 
of  the  treaty.  And  so  confident  was  he  that  they  would  be  brought  in,  that 
he  had  advertised  them  for  sale,  and  the  1st  and  15th  of  the  month  were  the 


Chap.  IX.] 


ESCAPE  OF  MRS.  GODFREY. 


75 


days  in  which  the  sales  were  to  be  made.  The  appointed  days  passed,  and  no 
Indians  appeared  ; and  it  was  immediately  discovered  that  they  had  sent  their 
women  and  children  into  the  interior,  and  the  warriors  were  marching  from 
place  to  place  with  arms  in  their  hands,  ready  to  strike. 

Consternation  and  dismay  was  depicted  on  the  countenances  of  the  bor- 
dering whites,  and  they  began  to  fly  from  their  dwellings,  which  were  imme- 
diately destroyed  by  the  Indians.  One  of  the  first  places  attacked  was  the 
plantation  of  Captain  Priest , the  buildings  on  which  were  burned.  Small 
companies  of  whites  were  immediately  organized  for  scouring  the  country. 
One  of  these  was  fired  upon  by  some  Indians  in  ambush,  who  wounded  two, 
one  supposed  mortally,  and  a son  of  Captain  Priest  had  his  horse  killed  under 
him.  Soon  after,  as  30  or  40  men  were  at  work  getting  out  ship-timber  on 
Drayton’s  Island,  in  Lake  George,  they  were  fired  upon  and  driven  from  the 
place.  None  were  wounded,  although  the  bullets  passed  through  the  clothes 
of  some  of  them. 

On  the  5 of  December,  a small  party,  supposed  to  be  about  30,  of  Indians 
struck  a fatal  blow  on  a poor  family  at  New  River,  which  is  about  22  miles 
to  the  north  of  Cape  Florida.  It  was  the  family  of  the  light-house  keeper  of 
this  place,  named  Cooley.  And  what  renders  the  case  peculiarly  aggravating 
is,  that  this  family,  like  that  of  Clark , at  Eel  River  near  Plimouth,  in  Philipps 
war,  were,  and  had  always  been,  on  terms  of  great  intimacy  with  the  very 
Indians  who  destroyed  them.  Mr.  Cooley , being  absent  when  the  attack  was 
made,  escaped  the  butchery.  The  number  murdered  was  six,  one  of  whom 
was  a man  named  Flinton,  from  Cecil  county,  Maryland,  who  had  been  hired 
as  a family  teacher,  his  mother,  wife,  and  three  children.  Flinton  he  found 
shockingly  mutilated,  apparently  with  an  axe ; his  two  older  children  were 
lying  near  him  shot  through  the  heart,  with  the  books  they  were  using  at  the 
time  they  were  murdered  by  their  sides;  from  which  circumstance  it  is 
evident  they  met  death  at  the  same  moment  they  knew  of  the  vicinity  of  the 
foe.  His  wife,  with  the  other  child  at  her  breast,  he  found  about  100  yards 
from  the  others,  both  apparently  killed  by  the  same  bullet.  Mrs.  Cooley  had 
formerly  been  a captive  among  the  Indians,  understood  their  language,  as  did 
one  of  the  children,  a boy,  and  both  were  much  liked  by  them, 

Here  the  Indians  found  a rich  booty.  They  carried  off  about  12  barrels  of 
provisions,  30  hogs,  3 horses,  480  dollars  in  silver,  one  keg  of  powder,  above 
200  pounds  of  lead,  and  700  dollars  worth  of  dry  goods. 

A family  of  several  persons  in  the  neighborhood  of  Cooley's,  witnessed  the 
murder,  and  barely  made  their  escape.  Also  another,  that  of  the  widow  Rig- 
ley  ; herself,  two  daughters  and  a son ; these  escaped  by  flight  to  Cape  Florida. 
Here  were  soon  gathered  about  60  persons,  who  had  escaped  from  along  the 
coast,  and  not  being  able  to  subsist  long  for  want  of  provisions,  made  a signal 
of  distress,  and  were  soon  discovered  by  a vessel,  which  took  them  to  St. 
Augustine. 

There  was,  among  the  families  who  fled  to  save  their  lives  about  this  time, 
one,  very  remarkably  preserved.  The  family  of  Thomas  Godfrey , viz.  his 
wife  and  four  female  children,  having  escaped  to  a swamp  unobserved,  were 
relieved  by  a negro,  about  the  end  of  the  fourth  day.  This  man  was  drawn  to 
the  spot  by  the  moans  of  one  of  the  children,  whose  poor  famished  mother 
oould  no  longer  give  it  its  usual  support  at  the  breast.  This  negro  belonged 
to  the  hostile  Indians,  and  came  upon  these  sufferers  with  an  uplifted  axe ; 
but  when  he  saw  the  children  in  their  distress,  his  arm  was  unnerved  by  the 
recollection  that  his  own  children  were  then  in  the  power  of  the  whites.  He 
therefore  came  to  the  humane  resolution  of  setting  them  at  liberty,  which 
could  not  be  done,  without  great  hazard,  for  the  Indians  were  yet  in  posses- 
sion of  all  the  adjacent  country ; but  he  directed  them  to  remain  as  quiet  as 
possible  until  night,  when  he  would  bring  them  something  to  eat.  This  he 
did,  and  also  brought  them  blankets  to  sleep  upon.  The  next  day  a company 
of  mounted  whites  dispersed  the  Indians,  and  the  negro  conveyed  Mrs. 
Godfrey  and  her  children  in  sight  of  them,  and  then  made  his  escape.  The 
husband  of  Mrs.  Godfrey  had  some  time  before  been  ordered  out  in  defence 
of  the  country. 

Nothing  but  devastations  of  the  most  alarming  and  destructive  character 


DESTRUCTION  OF  NEW  SMYRNA. 


76 


[Book  IV- 


seem  to  have  occurred  in  the  region  of  East  Florida,  so  long  as  there  was 
a place  left,  which  was  not  strong  enough  to  withstand  an  attack. 

About  the  18  of  December,  Colonel  Warren , at  the  head  of  a small  detach- 
ment of  his  regiment,  was  ordered  to  convoy  a train  of  wagons  loaded  with 
provisions  and  munitions  from  St.  Augustine  to  the  main  body,  which  was 
encamped  at  Fort  Groom,  near  Micanopy's  town.  While  on  their  march  they 
were  attacked  by  a superior  force  of  Indians,  who  killed  8 or  10  of  them,  and 
put  the  rest  to  flight,  almost  in  sight  of  the  force  they  were  sent  to  relieve. 
All  the  wagons  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians,  which,  after  taking  from 
them  what  they  desired,  broke  them  up  and  burnt  them. 

On  the  20  of  December,  as  General  Call,  with  the  Middle  Florida  troops, 
was  marching  for  Fort  Draine,  his  advanced  guard  discovered  a house  on  fire 
near  Micanopy,  and  a trail  of  Indians  was  discovered  leading  to  a pond,  which 
was  full  of  bushes  and  logs.  This  pond  the  whites  nearly  encircled,  and 
although  at  first  no  Indians  were  seen,  yet  the  flashes  of  their  guns  soon 
pointed  out  their  hiding-places,  and  considerable  firing  ensued  on  both  sides  ; 
but  the  fire  of  the  Indians  was  soon  silenced,  and  on  searching  the  bog  four 
Indians  were  found  dead,  but  all  the  others,  if  there  were  any  more,  had 
effected  their  escape.  In  this  swamp  fight,  three  whites  were  badly  wounded, 
and  one  killed. 

On  the  26  of  December,  a band  of  about  100  Indians,  under  a chief  named 
Philip,  and  a number  of  Indian  negroes,  made  an  attack  on  New  Smyrna,  to 
the  south  of  Mosquito  Inlet,  on  the  east  side  of  the  Peninsula,  where  they 
found  nothing  to  obstruct  their  ravages.  They  began  with  the  house  of  Mr. 
Dunham,  which  when  they  had  plundered,  “parties  of  them  scattered  about 
the  neighboring  plantations  of  Cruger,  Depeyster,  and  Hunter.  The  Indian 
negro,  John  Ccesar,  endeavored  to  decoy  Mr.  Hunter  from  his  house,  on  pre- 
tence of  selling  him  cattle  and  horses  ; he,  however,  having  heard  by  his 
negroes  that  large  numbers  of  Indians  were  about,  and  in  the  afternoon  he 
crossed  the  river  to  Colonel  Dummet's.  The  Indians  held  possession  of  Dun- 
ham's house  all  day,  and  about  one  the  next  morning  set  it  on  fire,  together 
with  all  the  out-buildings.  In  the  course  of  the  27,  they  burned  and  destroyed 
all  the  buildings  on  Cruger' s and  Depeyster' s plantations  except  a corn- house, 
and,  on  Hunter's , all  except  a corn-house.  They  now  crossed  over  the  river 
to  Colonel  Dummet's  house,  and  after  destroying  every  thing  in  it,  set  that  on 
fire,  but  from  some  cause  the  fire  did  not  burn  it.  They  next  burnt  the  house 
of  Mr.  Ratcliff,  a little  to  the  north  of  Colonel  Dummet's,  and  broke  and 
destroyed  the  lantern  and  every  thing  belonging  to  the  light-house.” 

The  war  having  now  become  serious,  and  the  Indians  no  longer  looked 
upon  as  a despicable  foe,  the  most  melancholy  forebodings  were  entertained 
for  the  very  existence  of  the  strongest  places  in  Florida,  and  the  call  for 
protection  from  that  quarter  had  become  loud  and  frequent ; but  notwith- 
standing war  had  been  expected  all  the  preceding  autumn,  no  effectual  meas- 
ures had  been  taken  by  the  proper  authorities  to  check  the  Indians  in  such  an 
event.  There  had,  however,  late  in  December,  arrived  at  Fort  Brooke  a small 
number  of  United  States’  troops  under  Major  Dade,  of  the  5 regiment  of 
infantry,  the  official  account  of  whose  operations  and  defeat,  I give  as  follows, 
in  the  language  of  Major  Belton.  It  should  be  observed,  that  Major  Dade  was 
detached  for  the  relief  of  General  Clinch  at  Camp  King,  who  was  supposed 
to  be  in  the  most  imminent  danger  from  the  Indians,  and  also  in  great  want 
of  supplies. 

His  despatch  was  dated  at  Fort  Brooke,  1 January,  1836,  and  proceeds  as 
follows: — “The  schooner  Motto  arrived  on  the  21  December  from  Key  West, 
with  brevet  Major  Dade  and  his  company,  A infantry,  39  strong,  with  a small 
supply  of  musket-ball  cartridges,  after  looking  in  at  several  points  between 
the  Key  and  this  place.  Being  thus  reinforced,  I hesitated  no  longer  to  put 
Gardiner's  company,  C 2d  artillery,  and  Frazer's  company,  B 3d  infantry,  in 
motion  for  Fort  King,  pursuant  to  General  Clinch's  orders  ; which  movement 
had  been  ordered  on  the  16th,  and  suspended  the  same  day,  on  account  of 
intelligence  1 had  received  of  the  force  of  the  Mickasukies,  and  their  strong 
position,  near  the  forks  of  the  Wythlacoochee.  I despatched  the  public 
schooner  Motto  on  23d,  with  Lieutenant  Duncan , 2d  artillery,  to  Key  Weath 


Chap.  IX.] 


DEFEAT  OF  MAJOR  DADE. 


77 


for  a battery  of  two  twelve-pounders,  and  such  stores  as  could  be  serviceable ; 
and  at  G o’clock,  on  24th,  the  companies,  Gardiner’s  and  Frazier's,  made  fifty 
bayonets  each,  by  details  from  those  companies  remaining  here,  and  with  one 
of  the  two  six-pounders  of  this  post  with  four  oxen,  I had  ordered  to  be 
purchased,  one  light  wagon  and  ten  days’  provisions  were  put  in  march. 

“The  first  halt  of  this  command  was  at  Little  Hillsboro’  River,  seven 
miles  from  this  post,  the  bridge  of  which  I had  reconnoitred  by  Indians  of 
Emathla' s band  the  day  before.  From  this  I heard  from  Maj.  Dade  pressing 
me  to  forward  the  six-pounder,  by  all  means,  it  having  been  left  by  the  failure 
of  the  team  four  miles  out.  I accordingly  ordered  the  purchase  of  three 
horses  and  harness,  and  it  joined  the  column  at  nine  that  night.  On  the 
night  of  the  24th,  I heard  that  the  transport  with  Maj.  Mountford  and  com- 
pany, long  and  anxiously  expected,  was  in  the  bay.  I sent  at  one  o’clock  a 
letter  to  him,  (received  at  day-light)  by  an  Indian  express,  urging  him  on. 
He  landed  with  his  strong  company  on  the  25th  about  noon,  and  informed 
me  that  Legate's  company,  under  Lieut.  Grayson,  nearly  full,  must  be 
near  at  hand.  Of  this  Maj.  Dade  was  informed  by  a gallant  volunteer, 
Jewell , C company,  2d  artillery,  who  had  left  the  detachment  with  the  news 
of  the  burning  of  Big  Hillsboro’  bridge,  near  which  Maj.  D.  had  halted  the 
second  day,  25th.  I also  informed  him  that  I was  using  every  exertion  to 
push  on  about  thirteen  hundred  rations  on  pack-horses,  with  what  ammuni- 
tion could  be  spared.  A duplicate  of  this  was  sent  the  next  day  by  a young 
Indian,  who  became  lame  and  could  not  overtake  the  column,  and  returned 
with  his  letters.  Pr.  Jewell  joined  Maj.  Dade  about  11  o’clock  on  the  night  of 
the  25th. 

“In  the  chain  of  events,  it  is  proper  that  I should  mention,  that  three 
Tallahassee  Indians  came  in  on  the  evening  of  the  22d,  and  caused  great 
excitement  in  Itolase  Emathla' s camp.  They  brought  a talk  of  Inicanopas 
of  a pacific  or  neutral  character,  or  they  affected  it ; but  I believe  not  dis- 
tinctly, until  after  I had  made  them  prisoners,  while  in  full  council  with 
Emathla' s warriors,  which  step  I considered  imperative,  if  they  were  spies, 
and  as  much  so  if  they  were  charged  with  any  propositions  likely  to  detach  the 
chiefs  from  the  treaty ; or  indeed  by  an  act  of  self-devotion,  to  take  the  scalps 
of  Emathla,  Black  Dirt , and  Big  Warrior , faithful  chiefs,  who  have  been 
hunted  in  this  way  since  the  scalping  of  Charles  Emathla . In  a council  with 
.Emathla  that  night,  Maj.  Dade  expressed  every  confidence  in  Indian  charac- 
ter ; and  particularly  upon  the  salutary  influence  of  Abraham  upon  Micanopa. 
On  reflection  I detained  two  of  the  imprisoned  Tallahassees,  as  hostages,  and 
sent  the  youngest  and  best  runner  with  letters  to  General  Clinch,  and  General 
Thompson,  via  Inicanopa,  as  I could  do  no  better,  and  of  course,  through 
Abraham's  lands. 

“These  letters  of  course  involved  many  details;  but  numbers  and  other 
facts,  to  guard  against  treachery,  were  stated  in  French.  The  runner  returned 
two  days  beyond  his  time,  with  a message  from  Abraham  and  Broken  Sticks, 
stating  my  talk  was  good,  and  that  I might  expect  him  on  the  30th.  This  we 
freely  rendered  that  he  would  be  at  the  attack  fixed  for  Christmas  week. 
A negro,  his  intimate,  named  Harry , controls  the  Pea  Creek  band  of  about  a 
hundred  warriors,  forty  miles  south-east  of  us,  who  have  done  most  of  the 
mischief,  and  keep  this  post  constantly  observed,  and  communicate  with  the 
Mickasukians  at  Wythlacoochee  by  means  of  powerful  bands  of  Eufollahs 
and  Alafiers,  under  Little  Cloud,  and  the  Alligator.  In  tracing  Maj.  Dade's 
movements,  I have  every  reason  to  believe  that  he  made  on  the  26th  six 
miles,  27th  to  Big  Wythlacoochee ; on  the  fifth  day,  28th,  to  the  battle-ground, 
sixty-five  miles. 

“Here  it  may  be  proper  to  state  that  Maj.  Mountford's  command  was  ready 
to  move  on  the  26th,  but  the  transport,  in  which  was  a company  of  the  2d 
artillery  under  Lieut.  Grayson,  unfortunately  entered  the  wrong  bay,  and 
got  into  shoal  water,  and  was  not  seen,  or  certainly  heard  of,  till  the  morning 
of  the  28th  of  December,  when,  by  sending  a party  with  a flag  as  a signal, 
Lieut  Grayson  was  put  in  possession  of  instructions,  and  landed  his 
company  at  a point  four  miles  west  of  us,  on  the  east  side  of  Tampa  Bay- 
proper)  and  joined  at  sunset  that  evening ; his  transport  did  not  get  round  to 


78 


DEFEAT  OF  MAJOR  DADE. 


{Book  TV. 


land  his  baggage  till  the  30th  ; so  long  an  interval  as  to  put  all  hope  of  junc- 
tion out  of  the  question,  and  Maj.  Mountfordds  baggage  was  unladed. 

“Now  it  becomes  my  melancholy  duty  to  proceed  to  the  catastrophe  of  this 
fated  band,  an  elite  of  energy,  patriotism,  military  skill,  and  courage.  On  the 
29th,  in  the  afternoon,  a man  of  my  company,  John  Thomas , and  temporarily 
transferred  to  C company,  second  artillery,  came  in,  and  yesterday  Pr.  Ransom 
Clark , of  same  company,  with  four  wounds  veiy  severe,  and  stated,  that  an 
action  took  place  on  the  28th,  commencing  about  10  o’clock,  in  which  every 
officer  fell,  and  nearly  every  man.  The  command  entrenched  every  night, 
and  about  four  miles  from  the  halt,  were  attacked,  and  received  at  least  fifteen 
rounds  before  an  Indian  was  seen.  Maj.  Dade  and  his  horse  were  both  killed 
on  the  first  onset,  and  the  interpreter,  ‘Louis?  Lieut.  Mudge,  third  artillery, 
received  his  mortal  wound  the  first  fire,  and  afterwards  received  several  other 
wounds.  Lieut.  Basenger , third  artillery,  was  not  wounded  till  after  the 
second  attack ; and,  at  the  latter  part  of  that,  he  was  wounded  several  times 
before  he  was  tomahawked.  Capt.  Gardiner , second  artillery,  was  not 
wounded  until  the  second  .attack,  and  at  the  last  part  of  it.  Mr.  Basenger , 
after  Capt.  Gardiner  was  killed,  remarked,  “ I am  the  only  officer  left ; and, 
boys,  we  will  do  the  best  we  can.”  Lieut.  Keays , third  artillery,  had  both 
arms  broken  the  first  shot ; was  unable  to  act,  and  was  tomahawked  the  latter 
part  of  the  second  attack,  by  a negro.  Lieut.  Henderson  had  his  left  arm 
broken  the  first  fire,  and  after  that,  with  a musket,  fired  at  least  thirty  or  forty 
shot.  Dr.  Gatlin  was  not  killed  until  after  the  second  attack,  nor  was  he 
wounded;  he  placed  himself  behind  the  breastwork,  and  with  two  double- 
barrelled  guns,  said,  “he  had  four  barrels  for  them.”  Capt.  Frazier  fell  early 
in  the  action  with  the  advanced  guard,  as  a man  of  his  company,  B third 
artillery,  who  came  in  this  morning,  wounded,  reports. 

“On  the  attack  they  were  in  column  of  route,  and  after  receiving  a heavy 
fire  from  the  unseen  enemy,  they  then  rose  up  in  such  a swarm,  that  the 
ground,  covered,  as  was  thought,  by  light  infantry  extension,  showed  the 
Indians  between  the  files.  Muskets  were  clubbed,  knives  and  bayonets  used, 
and  parties  were  clenched ; in  the  second  attack,  our  own  men’s  muskets 
from  the  dead  and  wounded,  were  used  against  them  ; a cross-fire  cut  down 
a succession  of  artillerists  at  the  fence,  from  which  forty-nine  rounds  were 
fired;  the  gun-carriages  were  burnt,  and  the  guns  sunk  in  a pond ; a war- 
dance  was  held  on  the  ground.  Many  negroes  were  in  the  field,  but  no  scalps 
were  taken  by  the  Indians;  but  the  negroes,  with  hellish  cruelty,  pierced  the 
throats  of  all,  whose  loud  cries  and  groans  showed  the  power  of  life  to  be 
yet  strong.  The  survivors  were  preserved  by  imitating  death,  excepting 
Thomas , who  was  partly  stifled,  and  bought  his  life  for  six  dollars,  and  in  his 
enemy  recognized  an  Indian  whose  axe  he  had  helved  a few  days  before  at 
this  post.  About  one  hundred  Indians  were  well  mounted,  naked,  and 
painted.  The  last  man  who  came  in  brought  a note  from  Capt.  Frazier , 
addressed  to  Maj.  Mountford,  w hich  was  fastened  in  a cleft  stick,  and  stuck  in 
a creek,  dated,  as  is  supposed,  on  27th,  stating  that  they  were  beset  every 
night,  and  pushing  on. 

F.  S.  Belton,  Capt.  2 d Artillery .” 

Such  was  the  fate  of  Major  Dade  and  his  gallant  companions.  Osceola  was 
present,  as  w^as  the  old  chief  Micanopy.  Of  the  latter,  it  is  said,  he  had,  in 
the  beginning  of  the  troubles,  avowed  that  he  ivould  neither  leave  his  country 1 
nor  would  he  fight ; but  when  the  force  under  Major  Dade  approached  his 
town,  he  altered  his  resolution,  seized  his  rifle,  and  shot  that  officer. 

The  situation  of  affairs,  at  this  period  cannot  better  be  described  than  in  the 
language  of  a gentleman  attached  to  Major  Mountford's  command,  stationed  at 
Fort  Brooke,  and  is  contained  in  a letter,  dated  on  the  first  day  of  the  year  : — 
“We  are,”  says  he,  “really  in  the  theatre  of  w'ar  of  the  most  horrible  kind. 
We  arrived  here  on  Christmas  day,  and  found  the  inhabitants  flying  in  from  all 
quarters  to  camp.  Major  Dade , with  seven  officers  and  110  men,  started,  the 
day  before  we  arrived,  for  Fort  King.  We  were  all  prepared  to  overtake 
them  the  next  day,  and  were  upon  the  eve  of  departure,  when  an  intervention 
of  circumstances  deferred  it  for  one  day  ; and,  in  the  course  of  that  day,  three 


Chap.  IX.] 


VISIT  TO  DADE’S  BATTLE-GROUND. 


79 


soldiers,  horribly  mangled,  came  into  camp,  and  brought  the  melancholy  tid- 
ings that  Major  Dale  and  every  officer  and  man,  except  themselves,  were 
murdered  and  terribly  mangled.  We  are  at  work,  night  and  day,  entrenching 
ourselves  in  every  possible  manner.  We  expect  every  moment  to  be  attacked, 
as  the  savages  have  sworn  we  should  all  be  massacred  before  the  6th  of  Jan- 
uary. We  are  only  about.  200  strong,  with  officers  and  men,  and  about  50 
citizens,  and  100  friendly  Indians,  under  their  chief.  Black  Dirt . The  savages 
are  said  to  number  4000.” 

After  the  arrival  of  General  Gaines  in  Florida,  he  ordered  a detachment, 
under  Captain  Hitchcock , to  visit  the  battle-ground  of  Major  Dade.  And  when 
he  had  performed  his  orders,  he  gave  the  following  report  of  that  distressing 
spectacle.  His  report  is  dated  “Fort  King,  Florida,  Feb.  22,  1836,”  and  is 
addressed  to  General  Gaines , as  follows: — “Agreeably  to  your  directions,  I 
observed  the  battle-ground,  six  or  seven  miles  north  of  the  Ouithlecooehe  river, 
where  Major  Dade  and  his  command  were  destroyed  by  the  Seminole  Indians, 
on  the  28  Dec.  last,  and  have  the  honor  to  submit  the  following  report : — 

“ The  force  under  your  command,  which  arrived  at  this  post  to-day  from 
Tampa  Bay,  encamped,  on  the  night  of  the  19th  inst.,  on  the  ground  occupied 
by  Major  Dade  on  the  night  of  the  27th  of  December.  He  and  his  party  were 
destroyed  on  the  morning  of  the  28th  December,  about  four  miles  in  advance 
of  that  position.  He  was  advancing  towards  this  post,  and  was  attacked  from 
the  north,  so  that  on  the  20th  instant  we  came  on  the  rear  of  his  battle-ground, 
about  nine  o’clock  in  the  morning.  Our  advanced  guard  had  passed  the 
ground  without  halting,  when  the  General  and  his  staff  came  upon  one  of  the 
most  appalling  scenes  that  can  be  imagined.  We  first  saw  some  broken  and 
scattered  boxes ; then  a cart,  the  two  oxen  of  which  were  lying  dead,  as  if 
they  had  fallen  asleep,  their  yokes  still  on  them ; a little  to  the  right,  one  or 
two  horses  were  seen.  We  then  came  to  a small  enclosure,  made  by  felling 
trees  in  such  a manner  as  to  form  a triangular  breastwork  for  defence.  With- 
in the  triangle,  along  the  north  and  west  faces  of  it,  were  about  thirty  bodies, 
mostly  mere  skeletons,  although  much  of  the  clothing  was  left  upon  them. 
These  were  lying,  almost  every  one  of  them,  in  precisely  the  position  they 
must  have  occupied  during  the  fight, — their  heads  next  to  the  logs  over  which 
they  had  delivered  their  fire,  and  their  bodies  stretched,  with  striking  regular- 
ity, parallel  to  each  other.  They  had  evidently  been  shot  dead  at  their  posts, 
and  the  Indians  had  not  disturbed  them,  except  by  taking  the  scalps  of  most 
of  them.  Passing  this  little  breastwork,  we  found  other  bodies  along  the 
road,  and  by  the  side  of  the  road,  generally  behind  trees,  which  had  been 
resorted  to  for  covers  from  the  enemy’s  fire.  Advancing  about  two  hundred 
yards  further,  we  found  a cluster  of  bodies  in  the  middle  of  the  road.  These 
were  evidently  the  advanced  guard,  in  the  rear  of  which  was  the  body  of 
Major  Dade,  and,  to  the  right,  that  of  Capt.  Fraser. 

“ These  were  all  doubtless  shot  down  on  the  first  fire  of  the  Indians,  except, 
perhaps,  Capt.  Fraser , who  must,  however,  have  fallen  very  early  in  the  fight. 
Those  in  the  road,  and  by  the  trees,  fell  during  the  first  attack.  It  was  during 
a cessation  of  the  fire,  that  the  little  band  still  remaining,  about  thirty  in  num- 
ber, threw  up  the  triangular  breastwork,  which,  from  the  haste  with  which  it 
was  constructed,  was  necessarily  defective,  and  could  not  protect  the  men  in 
the  second  attack. 

“We  had  with  us  many  of  the  personal  friends  of  the  officers  of  Major 
Dade’s  command ; and  it  is  gratifying  to  be  able  to  state,  that  every  officer  was 
identified  by  undoubted  evidence.  They  were  buried,  and  the  cannon,  a six- 
pounder,  that  the  Indians  had  thrown  into  a swamp,  was  recovered,  and  placed 
vertically  at  the  head  of  the  grave,  where^,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  it  will  long  remain. 
The  bodies  of  the  non-commissioned  officers  and  privates  were  buried  in  two 
graves  ; and  it  was  found  that  every  man  was  accounted  for.  The  command 
was  composed  of  eight  officers,  and  one  hundred  and  two  non-commissioned 
officers  and  privates.  The  bodies  of  eight  officers  and  ninety-eight  men  were 
interred, — four  men  having  escaped,  three  of  whom  reached  Tampa  Bay  ; the 
fourth  was  killed  the  day  after  the  battle. 

“ It  may  be  proper  to  observe,  that  the  attack  was  not  made  from  a ham- 
mock, but  in  a thinly- wooded  country  ; the  Indians  being  concealed  by  palmetto 
and  grass,  which  has  since  been  burned. 


80 


PRINCIPAL  SEMINOLE  CHIEFS. 


[Book  IV, 


“The  two  companies  were  Capt.  Fraser's , of  the  3d  artillery,  and  Capt, 
Gardiner's , of  the  2d  artillery.  The  officers  were  Major  Dade,  of  the  4th 
infantry,  Capts.  Frazer  and  Gardiner,  second  Lieutenant  Basinger,  brevet  second 
Lieut.  R.  Henderson , Madge  [late  of  Boston]  and  Keais , of  the  artillery,  and 
Dr.  J.  S.  Gatlin .” 

From  a comparison  of  the  above  report  with  the  official  account  before 
given,  of  Captain  Belton,  nearly  every  thing  concerning  this  signally  great 
disaster  is  learned ; but  from  the  report  of  the  three  men  that  had  the  singular 
fortune  to  escape,  many  incidents  have,  from  time  to  time,  been  gathered,  and 
communicated  through  the  newspapers.  In  fact,  until  the  late  visit  to  the 
battle-ground,  no  other  account,  but  such  as  could  be  gathered  from  the  three 
poor  half-murdered  soldiers,  covld  be  obtained ; and  yet  it  appears  that  they 
gave  the  facts  as  they  really  were.  They  all  came  in  separately,  sorely 
wounded, — one  of  them  with  no  less  than  eight  wounds.  He  was  supposed  to 
be  dead,  and  was  thrown  promiscuously  into  a heap  of  the  slain,  about  which  a 
dance  was  held  by  the  Indians,  before  leaving  the  ground.  This  man  crawled 
away  in  the  following  night,  and  thus  effected  his  escape. 


CHAPTER  X. 

Of  the  principal  chiefs  and  war  leaders  of  the  Seminoles — Osceola — Micanopv — 
Jumper — Massacre  of  General  Thompson  and  others  at  Fort  King — Battle  or 
the  Ouithlecooche — Fight  near  Wetumka — Great  distress  of  the  country — Action 
of  Congress  upon  it — Battle  at  Musquito — Many  Creeks  join  the  Seminoles — Fight 
on  the  Suanee  River. 

There  has  been  occasion  already  pretty  fully  to  sketch  the  character  of  the 
chief  generally  called  Powell  by  the  whites,  but  whose  real  name  is  Osceola, 
or  Oseola.  This  chief  has  shown  himself  to  be,  thus  far,  equal  to  the  desperate 
cause  in  which  he  is  engaged.  We,  at  a distance  from  the  Indians,  marvel 
that  they  should  be  so  short-sighted  as  not  to  see  that  to  wage  a war  is  only  to 
hasten  their  ruin ; but,  when  we  thus  reflect,  we  do  not  consider  the  scanty 
information  which  the  Indians  have  of  the  real  strength  of  the  whites.  Our 
means  of  getting  a knowledge  of  the  Indians,  is  incalculably  greater  than  theirs 
is  of  getting  a knowledge  of  us.  They  cannot  read,  neither  can  they  converse 
(or  but  very  few  of  them)  with  intelligent  white  men  ; therefore,  that  they 
know  much  less  of  us  than  we  do  of  them,  must  be  very  apparent.  They 
know  nothing  of  geography.  If  an  Indian,  in  the  interior  of  Florida,  should 
be  told  that  New  England  was  a great  place,  without  considerable  trouble  he 
could  not  be  made  to  understand  whether  it  were  a great  town,  as  large  as  a 
village  of  50  wigwams  in  his  own  country,  or  as  large  as  the  whole  of  Florida. 
We  learn  every  thing  of  this  nature  by  comparison  ; and  how  shall  the  Indian 
comprehend  our  terms,  but  by  comparing  them  with  his  own  P Hence  it  is 
owing,  mainly,  to  the  unavoidable  ignorance  of  the  Indians  of  our  actual  con- 
dition, that  induces  them  to  hazard  a war  with  us.  I know,  from  the  best 
authority,  that  the  western  Indians,  previous  to  Black  Hawk's  war,  were  gen- 
erally of  the  opinion  that  they  were  far  more  numerous  than  the  whites  ; and 
when  a trader  told  them  they  certainly  were  not,  they  laughed  at  him  with 
scornful  gestures.  We  have  no  reason  to  believe  the  Florida  Indians  any 
better  informed  ; and,  besides,  they  are  cheated  and  baffled  so  often  by  knaves 
who  go  among  them  for  that  purpose,  that  they  imagine  all  the  whites  to  be 
of  the  same  character,  and  they  cannot  tell  whether  a talk  really  comes  from 
their  great  father,  the  president,  or  whether  some  impostor  be  cheating  them 
with  one  of  his  own,  to  get  their  lands  for  his  particular  benefit. 

With  this  view  of  the  case  before  us,  it  will  not  appear  altogether  unac- 
countable that  a daring  chief,  like  Osceola,  should  engage  in  a war.  He  is  said 
not  to  be  a chief  by  birth,  but  has  raised  himself  by  his  courage  and  peculiar 
abilities  to  that  station.  His  father  is  said  to  have  been  an  Englishman,  and 


Chap.  X.]  MASSACRE  OF  GENERAL  THOMPSON  AND  OTHERS.  81 


his  mother  a Creek  woman.  He  belongs  to  the  Red  Stick  tribe.  In  person 
he  is  slender,  but  well  formed,  muscular,  and  capable  of  enduring  great 
fatigue;  is  an  excellent  tactician,  and  an  admirer  of  order  and  discipline.  He 
would  frequently  practise  military  manoeuvres  with  the  whites,  and  none  of 
them,  it  was  observed,  could  excel  him.  His  complexion  is  rather  light,  deep 
restless  eyes,  clear  and  shrill  voice,  and  not  more  than  about  35  years  of  age. 
He  is  said  to  have  conducted  in  person  every  important  action  from  the  time 
of  Warren's  defeat  to  the  battle  of  the  Ouithlecopchee.  General  Thompson 
imprisoned  him,  as  we  have  before  related,  because  he  would  not  acknowl- 
edge his  authority,  and  for  asserting  that  the  country  was  the  Indians’,  “ that 
they  wanted  no  agent,  and  that  he  had  better  take  care  of  himself.” 

Of  old  Micanopy  as  well  as  Osceola  I have  already  had  occasion  to  speak. 
He  was  said  to  have  joined  the  latter  with  500  men  : he  is  a short,  thick-set, 

“ ugly-looking  Indian,  and  much  given  to  intoxication.”  Jumper  is  Micano- 
py's  chief  counsellor,  and  a warrior  of  great  perseverance,  activity,  and 
courage.  We  shall  now  take  up  the  narrative  of  events  in  the  order  of  their 
occurrence,  and  the  next  of  importance  was  the  massacre  near  Camp  King, 
which  happened  on  the  same  day,  but  at  a later  hour  than  the  destruction  of 
the  detachment  under  Major  Dade. 

Osceola , it  will  be  remembered,  had  been  roughly  treated  at  this  place,  not 
many  months  before,  and  had  been  by  coercion  obliged  to  comply  with  the 
demands  of  Mr.  Agent  Thompson,  about  a removal,  &c.  He  was  known 
afterwards  to  declare  that  Thompson  should  pay  with  his  life  for  his  conduct. 
Accordingly,  with  a small  band  of  warriors,  at  noon  day,  on  the  28  of  Decem- 
ber, he  approached  Camp  King  for  this  avowed  purpose.  Thompson  resided 
here,  and  was  in  the  employ  of  the  United  States’  government,  as  agent  for 
the  removal  of  the  Seminole  Indians,  and  other  affairs  concerning  them.  He 
was  a man  of  considerable  consequence,  and  had  formerly,  it  is  believed, 
been  a member  of  congress.  Whether  it  was  his  usual  custom  to  dine  out 
of  the  fort,  we  are  not  informed,  but  on  this  fatal  day,  it  seems,  he,  with  nine 
other  gentlemen,  met  at  the  store  house  of  Mr.  Rogers,  which  was  but  250 
yards  from  the  fort,  and  while  seated  at  dinner  ihere,  they  were  attacked  by 
Osceola ; and  what  was  remarked,  at  the  time,  as  very  singular,  was,  that 
those  people  should  be  beset  and  slain,  and  all  scalped,  within  reach  of  two 
six-pound  cannon  then  mounted  upon  the  fort,  which  was  garrisoned  with  50 
men  ; but  such  are  the  facts  upon  record. 

Mr.  Rogers  was  si. ting  at  the  head  of  his  table,  and  the  first  intimation  of 
the  presence  of  Indians  was  a volley  of,  as  was  judged,  100  guns.  The  door 
of  the  house  being  open,  nothing  prevented  the  deadly  aim  of  the  foe,  who, 
after  the  first  discharge,  rushed  upon  the  house  with  savage  fury.  Those 
who  were  not  killed  jumped  out  of  the  windows,  on  each  side,  and  fled;  five, 
who  ran  to  the  fort,  escaped ; the  others,  in  running  for  a hammock  near  by, 
were  shot  down.  The  negro  woman,  a cook,  ran  behind  the  counter  and  hid 
behind  a barrel.  Osceola,  at  the  head  of  his  warriors,  rushed  into  the  house, 
but  did  not  discover  her,  and  immediately  left  it.  The  names  of  the  five  that 
were  killed,  were,  General  Thompson,  Lieutenant  Constantine  Smith,  Erastus 
Rogers,  sutler,  a Mr.  Suggs  and  Hitzler.  Fifteen  bullets  were  found  to  have 
been  shot  through  General  Thompson,  and  16  through  Mr.  Rogers.  Their 
heads  were  scalped  all  over,  as  far  as  the  hair  extended. 

Bloody  events  now  followed  each  other  in  quick  succession.  We  have 
seen  that  upon  the  same  day  happened  the  two  massacres  last  related,  and 
scarcely  had  the  news  of  them  ceased  vibrating  on  the  ear,  when  the  battle  of 
the  Ouithlecoochee  was  announced.  The  movements  of  General  Clinch,  in  the 
very  end  of  the  year  1835,  brought  about  this  event,  which  will  presently  be 
detailed  in  his  own  words.  He  was  lying  in  garrison  at  Fort  Drane,  a 
stockade  about  30  miles  from  Camp  King.  He  had  here  a plantation,  upon 
which  was  a large  crop  of  corn ; this  he  liberally  dealt  out  to  the  soldiers  ; 
other  supplies  having  failed.  On  the  arrival  of  General  Call,  an  expedition 
was  immediately  set  on  foot  for  the  head-quarters  of  the  Indians. 

As  the  narrative  of  every  transaction  is  of  increased  importance  and  value, 
in  proportion  to  the  means  of  knowledge  and  veracity  of  the  narrator,  we  are 
always  led  to  a desire  to  hear  the  history  of  such  transactions  from  the  very 


82 


BATTLE  OF  THE  OUITHLECOOCHE. 


[Book  IV. 


actors  in  them ; because,  from  such  sources,  we  seldom  fail  of  arriving  at  the 
truth.  A commander  or  leader  in  a battle  or  expedition,  if  he  would  wish  to 
misrepresent  a transaction,  would,  in  scarce  one  time  in  a thousand,  dare  to 
do  so ; because  all  his  followers,  or  at  least  all  those  wronged  by  a false 
statement,  would  rise  in  evidence  against  him.  I need  not,  however,  have 
prefaced  General  Clinch’s  official  account  of  the  Battle  of  Ouithlecoochee 
with  these  observations,  for,  from  the  very  face  of  it,  his  aim  at  the  strictest 
veracity  is  apparent.  But  it  is  proper  that  we  know  how  to  value  the  real 
sources  of  history ; it  was  to  this  end  that  the  above  observations  were  made. 
I will  now  proceed  with  General  Clinch’s  account  of  his  battle  with  Osceola. 

“ Head  Quarters,  Territory  of  Florida , Fort  Drane,  Jan.  4,  1836. 

“Sir — On  the  24  ultimo,  brigadier  Gen.  Call,  commanding  the  volunteers 
called  into  service  by  his  excellency,  G.  R.  Walker,  acting  governor  of  Flori- 
da, formed  a junction  with  the  regular  troops  at  this  post,  and  informed  me 
that  his  command  had  been  raised  to  meet  the  crisis  ; that  most  of  their  terms 
of  service  would  expire  in  a few  days,  which  made  it  necessary  to  act 
promptly.  Two  large  detachments  were  sent  out  on  the  15th  [Dec.]  to 
scour  the  country  on  our  right  and  left  flank.  Lieut.  Col.  Fanning,  with 
three  companies  from  Fort  King,  arrived  on  the  27th ; and,  on  the  29th,  the 
detachment  having  returned,  the  brigade  of  mounted  volunteers,  composed 
of  the  1st  and  2d  regiments,  commanded  by  Brig.  Gen.  Call,  and  a battalion 
of  regular  troops  commanded  by  Lieut.  Col.  Fanning , took  up  the  line  of 
march  for  a point  on  the  Ouithlecooche  river,  which  was  represented  by  our 
guides  as  being  a good  ford.  About  4 o’clock  on  the  morning  of  the  31st  [of 
Dec.]  after  leaving  all  our  baggage,  provisions,  &c.,  protected  by  a guard 
commanded  by  Lieut.  Dancy,  we  pushed  on  with  a view  of  carrying  the  ford, 
and  of  surprising  the  main  body  of  the  Indians,  supposed  to  be  concentrated 
on  the  west  bank  of  the  river ; but  on  reaching  it,  about  day-light,  we  found, 
instead  of  a good  ford,  a deep  and  rapid  stream,  and  no  means  of  crossing, 
except  in  an  old  and  damaged  canoe.  Lieut.  Col.  Fanning,  however,  soon 
succeeded  in  crossing;  the  regular  troops  took  a position  in  advance,  whilst 
Brig.  Gen.  Call  was  actively  engaged  in  crossing  liis  brigade,  and  in  having 
their  horses  swam  over  the  river.  But  before  one  half  had  crossed,  the  bat- 
talion of  regulars,  consisting  of  about  200  men,  were  attacked  by  the  enemy, 
who  were  strongly  posted  in  the  swamp  and  scrub,  which  extended  from  the 
river.  This  little  band,  however,  aided  by  Col.  Warren,  Maj.  Cooper,  and 
Lieut.  Yeoman,  with  27  volunteers,  met  the  attack  of  a savage  enemy,  nearly 
three  times  their  number,  headed  by  the  chief  Oseola,  with  Spartan  valor. 
The  action  lasted  nearly  an  hour,  during  which  time  the  troops  made  three 
brilliant  charges  into  the  swamp  and  scrub,  and  drove  the  enemy  in  every 
direction.  And  after  the  third  charge,  although  nearly  one  third  of  their 
number  had  been  cut  down,  they  were  found  sufficiently  firm  and  steady  to 
fortify  the  formation  of  a new  line  of  battle,  which  gave  entire  protection  to 
the  flanks,  as  well  as  the  position  selected  for  recrossing  the  troops.  Brig. 
Gen.  Call,  after  using  every  effort  to  induce  the  volunteers  remaining  on  the 
east  bank,  when  the  action  commenced,  to  cross  the  river,  and  in  arranging 
the  troops  still  remaining  on  that  bank,  crossed  over  and  rendered  important 
service  by  his  coolness  and  judgment  in  arranging  part  of  his  corps  on  the 
right  of  the  regulars,  which  gave  much  strength  and  security  to  that  flank. 
Col.  Fanning  displayed  the  greatest  firmness  throughout  the  action,  and 
added  much  to  the  high  reputation  long  since  established.  Captains  Drane 
and  Mellon  exhibited  great  bravery  and  judgment,  and  likewise  added  to  the 
character  they  acquired  in  the  late  war.  Nor  was  Capt.  Gates  wanting  in 
firmness.  Capt.  Wm.  M.  Graham,  4th  infantry,  was  fearlessly  brave,  and 
although  very  severely  wounded  early  in  the  engagement,  continued  to  head 
his  company  in  the  most  gallant  manner,  until  he  received  another  severe 
wound,  when  he  was  taken  from  the  field.  His  brother,  Lieut.  Campbell  Gra- 
ham, commanding  the  adjacent  company,  was  likewise  severely  wounded 
early  in  the  fight,  but  continued  with  his  men  until  another  wound  forced 
him,  from  loss  of  blood,  to  retire  from  the  field.  Lieut.  Maitland,  who  com  - 
manded a company,  contributed  much,  by  his  gallantry,  to  encourage  his  men. 


Chap.  X.] 


BATTLE  OF  THE  OUITHLECOOCHE. 


83 


Lieuts.  Talcot , Capron , John  Graham , Ridgely , (who  was  wounded  early  in  the 
action.)  and  Brooks , ail  displayed  good  courage  and  coolness  throughout  the 
action.  When  almost  every  non-commissioned  officer  and  private  exhibited 
such  firmness,  it  was  almost  impossible  to  discriminate  between  them ; but 
the  commanding-general  cannot  withhold  his  high  approbation  of  judgment 
and  courage  displayed  by  sergeant  Johnson  of  H company,  third  artillery,  on 
whom  the  command  of  the  company  devolved,  after  Lieut.  Graham  was 
removed  from  the  field ; and  who,  although  severely  wounded,  continued  at 
the  head  of  the  company  till  the  action  was  over.  Also  of  sergeants  Kenton 
and  Lofton , and  corporal  Paget , 4th  infantry.  Sergeants  Scofield  and  Potter , 
D company,  2d  artillery ; sergeant  Smith,  C company,  first  artillery,  and  cor- 
poral Chapin,  C company,  3d  artillery.  Colonel  John  Warner,  commandant 
1st  regiment  volunteers,  Maj.  Cooper,  and  Lieut.  Yeoman  of  same  corps,  who 
had  formed  on  the  left  flank,  were  all  severely  wounded,  while  leading  their 
little  band  to  the  charge,  and  all  behaved  with  great  bravery,  as  well  as 
adjutant  Phillips.  Lieut.  Col.  Mills  displayed  great  coolness  and  judgment 
during  the  action,  and  in  recrossing  the  river  with  his  command.  Lieuts. 
Steivart  and  Hunter  of  the  2d  regiment,  with  a few  men  of  that  regiment,  were 
judiciously  posted  on  the  right,  and,  from  their  reputation  for  firmness,  would 
have  given  a good  account  of  the  enemy,  had  he  made  his  appearance  in  that 
quarter.  Col.  Parkill , of  the  F.  volunteers,  who  performed  the  duties  of 
adjutant-general,  displayed  much  military  skill  and  the  utmost  coolness  and 
courage  throughout  the  whole  action  ; and  his  services  were  of  the  first 
importance.  Col.  Reid,  inspector-general,  displayed  much  firmness,  but  he 
had  his  horse  shot,  and  received  a slight  wound  early  in  the  engagement,  and 
was  sent  with  orders  to  the  volunteers.  My  volunteer  aid,  Maj.  Lytle,  and 
Maj.  Welford,  aid  to  Brig.  Cen.  Call,  were  near  me  throughout  the  action,  and 
displayed  the  most  intrepid  courage  and  coolness.  Col.  J.  H.  McIntosh,  one 
of  my  aids,  and  Maj.  Gamble,  aid  to  Gen.  Call,  both  displayed  much  firmness 
and  courage,  and  were  actively  employed  on  the  left  flank.  I also  feel  it  due 
to  Lieut.  Col.  Bailey,  Capt.  Scott,  and  Lieut.  Cuthbert,  to  say,  that,  although 
the  action  was  nearly  over  before  they  could  cross  the  river  with  a few  of  the 
2d  regiment,  they  took  a judicious  position,  and  showed  much  firmness. 
Capt.  Wyatt,  of  the  same  corps,  was  entirely  employed  in  erecting  a tempora- 
ry bridge,  and  manifested  much  firmness.  Much  credit  is  also  due  to  the 
medical  department,  composed  of  Doctors  Wightman , Hamilton,  Randolph,  and 
Bradon,  for  their  activity  and  attention  to  the  wounded. 

“ The  time  of  service  of  the  volunteers  having  expired,  and  most  of  them 
having  expressed  an  unwillingness  to  remain  longer  in  the  service,  it  was 
considered  best,  after  removing  the  dead  and  taking  care  of  the  wounded,  to 
return  to  this  post,  which  we  reached  on  the  2d  instant,  without  the  least 
interruption,  and,  on  the  following  day,  the  volunteers  from  Middle  Florida 
took  up  the  line  of  March  for  Tallahassee  ; and  this  morning  those  from  East 
Florida  proceeded  to  their  respective  homes,  leaving  me  a very  few  men  to 
guard  this  extensive  frontier.  I am  now  fully  convinced  that  there  has  been 
a great  defection  among  the  Florida  Indians,  and  that  a great  many  Creeks 
have  united  with  them ; consequently  it  will  require  a strong  force  to  put 
them  down. 

“ I also  have  the  honor  to  enclose  you  a list  of  the  killed  and  wounded  of 
the  respective  regiments  and  corps.  I am,  sir,  with  high  respect,  your  most 
obedient, 

D.  L.  Clinch* 

Brevet  B.  General  U.  S.  Army,  Commanding. 

“R.  Jones,  Adjutant- General  U.  S.  Army .” 

“ Return  of  the  killed  and  wounded  at  the  battle  of  the  Ouithlecooche  on 
the  31st  day  of  December,  1835. — C company,  ] st  artillery,  Capt.  Gates  com- 
manding— one  artificer  killed;  1 corporal  and  3 privates  wounded.  D com- 
pany, 2d  artillery,  Capt.  G.  Brant  commanding — 1 private  killed ; 1 second 
Lieut.,  1 corporal,  and  12  privates  wounded.  F company,  2d  artillery,  bt 
Capt.  Mellon  commanding — 1 artificer  killed.  C company,  3d  artillery,  1st 
Lieut.  Maitland  commanding — 1 artificer  killed,  and  7 privates  wounded.  H 


84 


FIGHT  NEAR  WETUMKA. 


[Book  IV. 

company,  3d  artillery,  1st  Lieut.  C.  Graham  commanding — 1 private  killed  5 
I first  Lieut.,  1 sergeant,  2 corporals,  and  12  privates  wounded. 

“Total — 4 killed,  and  52  wounded.”  Hovy  many  of  the  wounded  died 
after  the  return  was  made  out,  I cannot  ascertain ; but  no  doubt  many  did,  as 
is  always  the  case.  The  loss  of  the  Indians  is,  as  usual  on  such  occasions, 
variously  estimated.  Some  friendly  Indians  who  came  into  Tallahassee,  said 
that  Osceola  lost  104  men,  and  was  himself  twice  wounded  during  the  battle. 

There  were  with  General  Clinch , as  guides  in  his  expedition,  three  or  four 
Indians  of  the  white  party,  relatives  of  the  chief,  Charles  Omathla , who  doubt- 
less rendered  eminent  service. 

Osceola  was  observed  foremost  of  all  his  men  in  this  battle,  and  was  well 
known  to  General  Clinch  and  many  of  his  men.  He  wore  a red  belt,  and 
three  long  feathers.  Having  taken  his  stand  behind  a tree,  he  would  step 
boldly  out,  level  his  rifle,  and  bring  down  a man  at  every  fire ; nor  was  he 
dislodged  until  several  volleys  from  whole  platoons  had  been  fired  upon  him. 
The  tree  behind  which  he  stood  was  literally  cut  to  pieces.  It  is  almost  a 
wonder  that  he  had  not  now  fulfilled  the  measure  of  his  threat  made  on  a 
former  occasion,  which  was  to  kill  General  Clinch.  He  probably  tried  his 
best  to  do  it,  for  the  general  received  several  shots  through  his  clothes. 
General  Thompson , Charles  Omathla , and  General  Clinch  were  the  three  per- 
sons he  had  declared  vengeance  against. 

An  officer  in  General  Clinch's  army  wrote  the  next  day  after  the  battle,  to 
a friend  in  Washington,  “You  will  see  from  Gen.  Clinch's  official  letter, 
giving  an  account  of  the  battle,  that  he  says  nothing  of  himself.  I was  in  this 
battle,  and  allow  me  to  say  to  you  respecting  him,  what  I saw  and  know  to  be 
true.  Throughout  the  engagement  lie  was  in  the  hottest  of  the  fight.  His 
horse  was  shot  under  him  in  two  places,  neck  and  hip.  A ball  passed  through 
his  cap,  entering  the  front,  and  passing  out  at  the  back  part  of  the  top.  An- 
other ball  passed  through  the  sleeve  of  the  bridle-arm  of  his  coat.  This  was 
my  first  battle,  and  I may  not  be  the  best  judge,  but  I do  not  believe  that  any 
man  ever  displayed  more  intrepid  courage  than  Gen.  Clinch  did  on  this 
occasion.  At  one  moment  a little  confusion  occurred  among  the  troops,  in 
consequence  of  some  soldiers  giving  the  word  “ Retire ! ” The  general 
immediately  threw  himself  in  front  of  the  men,  and  his  horse  staggering 
under  him,  he  dismounted,  advanced  to  the  front,  and,  amidst  a shower  of 
bullets  from  the  Indians,  said,  that  before  he  would  show  his  back  to  the 
enemy,  he  would  die  upon  the  field.  The  high  and  chivalric  bearing  of  the 
general  kindled  among  the  men  an  enthusiasm,  which,  I believe,  was  never 
surpassed.  A gallant  charge  followed,  which  routed  and  drove  the  enemy 
from  the  field,  and  they  did  not  again  show  themselves.  We  kept  the  field 
about  three  hours,  and  then  recrossed  the  river  in  good  order,  and  without 
disturbance.” 

The  next  events  which  occurred  were  not  of  so  much  moment  as  those 
immediately  preceding  them ; but  it  is  our  duty  to  notice  all,  which  we  will 
do  in  the  order  of  time. 

On  the  12  January,  “Col.  Parish , at  the  head  of  200  mounted  volunteers, 
composed  of  the  companies  of  Capt.  Alston,  Bellamy , and  Caswell , had  a sharp 
encounter  with  a large  body  of  Indians  near  Wetumka,  in  Middle  Florida. 
The  attack  commenced  with  the  advanced  guard  under  Capt.  Bellamy , who 
had  been  allowed  by  the  enemy  to  pass  their  main  body.  Col.  Parish  imme- 
diately hastened  forward  to  his  support,  when  suddenly  he  was  attacked  on 
both  flanks  by  the  enemy  in  ambush.  The  volunteers  made  an  unsuccessful 
attempt  to  charge  on  horseback ; they  were  then  dismounted  and  formed  in 
admirable  order.  They  then  charged  the  enemy  in  a manner  worthy  of 
veterans.  In  the  mean  time,  Capt  Bellamy,  having  routed  the  attacking  party 
opposed  to  him,  fell  back  on  the  main  body.  The  enemy  were  soon  forced 
to  take  shelter  in  a thicket.  By  this  time,  night  coming  on,  it  was  not  thought 
prudent  to  follow  them,  where  the  localities  of  the  place  and  the  darkness 
would  have  given  them  great  advantages.  Our  men  rested  on  their  arms  in 
the  open  pine  woods,  prepared  to  renew  the  action  at  day-light ; but  during 
the  night  the  savages  effected  their  retreat.  Their  loss  must  have  been  con- 
siderable, as  six  dead  bodies  were  counted  in  one  part  of  the  field  of  battle. 


Chap.  X.] 


CONGRESS.— BATTLE  OF  DUNLAWTON. 


85 


Two  days  after,  Col.  Parish  marched  for  Fort  King,  and  arrived  there  in 
safety.  He  then  proceeded  to  Powell's  [ Osceola's ] town,  and  destroyed  it 
The  volunteers  then  returned  to  Fort  Drane.” 

The  best  opinion  can  be  formed  of  the  distress  of  the  people  of  Florida  at 
this  period,  from  the  sufferers  themselves,  or  those  momentarily  expecting  to 
become  such.  On  the  16  January,  a newspaper  published  at  Tallahassee 
contained  as  follows: — “Since  the  engagement  on  the  Wythlacoochee,  no 
intelligence  has  been  had  of  the  main  body  of  the  Indians.  The  situation  of 
the  inhabitants  east  of  the  St.  John’s  and  south  of  St.  Augustine,  is  truly 
deplorable.  New  Smyrna  has  been  burnt,  and  all  the  fine  plantations  in  that 
neighborhood  are  broken  up.  Many  of  the  negroes  have  been  carried  off,  or 
have  joined  the  savages.  The  Indians  are  dispersed  in  small  parties,  and 
when  pursued  they  take  refuge  in  the  thickets,  which  abound  every  where, 
and  fight  with  desperation,  until  they  are  dead,  no  matter  by  what  numbers 
they  are  assailed.  It  is  literally  a war  of  extermination,  and  no  hope  is 
entertained  of  putting  an  end  to  it,  but  by  the  most  vigorous  measures.  In 
the  mean  time,  the  number  of  the  enemy  is  daily  increasing  by  desperadoes 
from  other  tribes,  and  absconding  slaves.  The  Mickasooky  tribe  is  considered 
the  leading  [one]  of  the  Seminoles.  They  have  always  been  noted  as  the 
most  ruthless  and  determined  of  the  savage  race.” 

But  it  must  not  be  supposed,  that  the  measure  of  the  sufferings  of  the 
Floridians  was  yet  full,  at  this  date  of  our  history,  nor  even  at  the  very  writing 
hereof,  (20  July,)  although  the  whole  coast  from  St.  Augustine  to  Cape  Florida 
is  in  the  hands  of  the  Indians,  and  has  remained  so  ever  since  the  11  Febru- 
ary. Nevertheless,  nothing  seems  yet  to  have  occurred  sufficiently  alarming 
to  awaken  the  sympathies  of  the  heads  of  the  nation.  But  on  the  30  January, 
Mr.  White , in  the  house  of  representatives,  asked  leave  to  introduce  the  fol- 
lowing resolution : — 

“Resolved  by  the  senate  and  house  of  representatives  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  in  Congress  assembled,  That  the  president  of  the  U.  States  be 
authorized  to  cause  rations  to  be  delivered  from  the  public  stores  to  the 
unfortunate  sufferers  who  have  been  driven  from  their  homes  by  Indian 
depredations,  until  they  can  be  re-established  in  their  possessions,  and  enabled 
to  procure  provisions  for  the  sustenance  of  themselves  and  families.” 

This  resolution,  after  some  debate,  was  passed,  and  became  a law.  The 
notice  of  this  act  of  congress  is  in  anticipation  of  the  order  of  events  ; but  one 
thing  is  certain,  that  if  I have  noticed  congress  a little  prematurely,  they  have 
not  committed  the  like  fault  in  noticing  the  affairs  of  Florida. 

Upon  the  17  January,  as  George  W.  Rockleff  and  Jerry  Bowers , pilots  in  the 
sloop  Pilot,  of  Mosquito,  were  proceeding  up  Halifax  River,  and  when  nearly 
opposite  Mrs.  Anderson's  plantation,  they  were  fired  upon  by  Indians,  about 
100  in  number,  as  they  judged,  who  continued  their  fire  about  a quarter  of  an 
hour.  They  overshot  the  men,  but  the  sail  and  rigging  of  their  vessel  was 
much  injured ; 30  bullets  having  passed  through  the  mainsail. 

The  next  day,  18  January,  Major  Putman , who  was  at  the  head  of  the 
independent  company,  styled  the  St.  Augustine  Guards,  stationed  at  Mos- 
quito, proceeded  to  Mrs.  Anderson's  plantation,  at  a place  called  Dun  Lawton, 
about  50  miles  south  of  St.  Augustine,  on  the  Halifax  River,  upon  discovery. 
It  will  be  remembered  that  the  whole  of  the  Mosquito  country  was  destroyed 
on  the  26  and  27  of  December,  as  we  have  before  related,  and  the  buildings 
of  Mrs.  Anderson  were  at  that  time  burned.  While  there,  this  company,  com- 
posed of  the  generous  and  spirited  young  men  of  St.  Augustine,  joined  by  a 
few  from  Mosquito,  making  about  40  men,  was  attacked  by  150  Indians,  as 
was  supposed.  Mr.  Geo.  Anderson  and  Mr.  Douglas  Dammit , standing  on 
guard,  saw  two  Indians  approaching,  upon  whom  they  fired,  killing  one  and 
wounding  the  other.  Dammit  ran  to  the  fallen  Indian,  and  as  he  was  stooping 
over  him,  received  a wound  in  the  back  of  the  neck.  At  the  same  moment 
the  whole  body  of  the  Indians  rushed  out  of  a scrub,  distant  a little  more 
than  musket  shot,  and  commenced  a furious  attack  upon  Major  Putman's  men, 
who,  from  behind  the  fragments  and  broken  walls  of  the  burnt  buildings, 
gave  the  Indians  a warm  reception  ; and  although  but  40  in  number,  having 
coverts  from  which  to  fight,  and  the  Indians  being  in  open  space,  they  kept 


8G 


CONGRESS  AND  THE  SEMINOLE  WAR. 


[Book  IT. 


them  at  bay  for  about  an  hour.  During  this  time  but  one  had  been  wounded* 
The  Indians  now  charged  them  with  such  determined  fury  upon  their  flanks,, 
that  they  were  obliged  to  fly  to  their  boats,  which  were  at  considerable 
distance  from  the  shore,  and  were  closely  pursued  by  the  Indians.  In  their 
hurry,  the  whites  rendered  all  their  guns,  but  one,  useless,  by  wetting  them; 
with  this  one,  however,  they  fired  as  often  as  possible,  and  pushed  off  with 
energy ; but  the  water  being  shallow  for  a great  distance,  they  were  in  the 
most  imminent  danger  of  being  boarded  by  the  numerous  Indians;  in  such 
event,  every  man  must  have  perished.  However,  they  escaped  with  19  badly 
wounded,  and  several  of  these  mortally.  One  boat  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Indians,  in  which  were  eight  or  ten  men,  who  all  jumped  overboard  and 
escaped,  except  one,  a Mr.  Edward  Gould , who  swam  to  Pelican  Island,  and 
was  there  left;  nor  was  it  in  the  power  of  the  others  to  relieve  him,  they 
being  pursued  by  the  Indians  in  the  boat  which  they  had  just  taken.  He  was 
not  heard  of  afterwards,  and  was  supposed  to  have  been  drowned  afterwards 
in  endeavoring  to  swim  from  the  island.  A Mr.  Marks  swam  to  the  opposite 
beach,  and  escaped  to  Buiowville ; the  others  were  taken  into  the  boats  again. 

Great  fears  having,  all  along,  been  entertained  that  the  Seminoles  would 
be  aided  by  the  Creeks,  it  is  now  confidently  affirmed  that  %.t  least  1000  of 
them  have  gone  down  into  Florida  for  that  end. 

About  the  20  January,  Captain  Hooder , on  the  lower  Suanee  River,  finding 
the  opposite  side  in  possession  of  the  Indians,  crossed  over  with  nine  men  to 
attack  them.  As  they  landed,  two  of  his  men  were  shot  down  ; one  with 
nine  balls,  the  other  with  five.  With  his  remaining  men  he  charged  the 
Indians  with  great  boldness.  In  the  mean  time  his  boat  got  adrift,  and  no 
other  alternative  was  left  but  victory  or  death.  After  a close  and  deadly  con- 
test of  some  minutes,  the  Indians  were  routed  with  severe  loss. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Congress  makes  an  appropriation  for  carrying  on  the  war — Remarks  in  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States  on  the  war  xoith  the  Seminoles — Debate  in  the  house  of  repre- 
sentatives on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  inhabitants  of  Florida. — Attack  on  some 
Creeks  at  Bryant's  Ferry — General  Ga:nes's  campaign  in  Florida — Fights  the 
Indians  on  the  Ouithlacoochcc — His  conference  xoith  Osceola — Resigns  his  com- 
mand, and  leaves  the  country — Captain  Allison’s  skirmish — The  chief  Oucuee 
Bit.ly  killed — Siege  of  Camp  McLcmore — Great  sufferings  of  its  garrison — Deliv- 
ered by  Captain  Read — The  chief  Mad  Wolf  slain. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  preceding  chapter,  notice  was  taken  of  the  delay 
in  congress,  and  by  the  executive  of  the  nation,  to  agitate  the  subject  of  this 
war.  At  length  Mr.  Webster  of  the  senate,  from  the  committee  on  finance, 
reported,  without  amendment,  a bill  making  further  appropriation  for  sup- 
pressing hostilities  with  the  Seminole  Indians,  and  asked  for  its  immediate 
consideration,  as  the  state  of  the  country  required  its  passage  with  the  utmost 
despatch.  The  amount  of  the  appropriation  was  500,000  dollars,  and  the  bill 
was  passed  after  some  explanatory  remarks ; which  remarks,  as  they  not  only 
set  the  affairs  of  the  war  forth  as  they  were  known  in  Washington  at  that 
period,  but  discover  to  us  something  by  which  we  can  judge  who  has  been  in 
fault  there,  shall  here  be  laid  before  the  reader. 

“Mr.  Clay  said  he  should  be  glad  to  hear  the  communications  from  the 
departments  read,  in  order  to  see  whether  they  gave  any  account  of  the 
causes  of  this  war.  No  doubt,  he  said,  whatever  may  have  been  the  causes, 
it  was  necessary  to  put  an  end  to  the  war  itself,  by  all  the  possible  means 
within  our  power.  But  it  was  a condition,  altogether  without  precedent,  in 
which  the  country  was  now  placed.  A war  was  raging  with  the  most  ran- 
corous violence  within  our  borders ; congress  had  been  in  session  nearly 
two  months,  during  which  time  this  conflict  was  raging ; yet  of  the  causes  of 


Chap.  XI.] 


CONGRESS  AND  THE  SEMINOLE  WAR. 


87 


the  war,  how  it  was  produced,  if  the  fault  was  on  one  side  or  on  both  sides, 
In  short,  what  had  lighted  up  the  torch,  congress  was  altogether  uninformed, 
and  no  inquiry  on  the  subject  liad  been  made  by  either  branch  of  the  legis- 
lature. He  should  be  glad,  he  said,  if  the  chairman  of  the  committee  on 
finance,  or  of  the  committee  on  Indian  affairs,  or  any  one  else,  would  tell  him 
how  this  war  had  burst  forth,  and  what  were  its  causes,  and  to  whom  the 
blame  of  it  was  to  be  charged. 

“ Mr.  Webster  replied,  that  he  could  not  give  any  answer  to  the  senator 
from  Kentucky.  It  was  as  much  a matter  of  surprise  to  him,  as  to  any  one, 
that  no  official  communication  had  been  made  to  congress  of  the  causes  of 
the  war.  All  he  knew  on  the  subject  he  had  gathered  from  the  gazettes. 
The  communications  from  the  departments  spoke  of  the  war,  as  a war  grow- 
ing out  of  the  relations  between  the  Indians  and  the  government  of  the  U. 
States,  and  gave  no  reason  to  suppose  that  it  had  its  origin  in  any  quarrel 
with  the  citizens.  It  probably  grew  out  of  the  attempts  to  remove  these 
Indians  beyond  the  Mississippi.  According  to  the  latest  accounts,  the  country 
between  Tallahassee  and  St.  Augustine  was  overrun  by  hostile  Indians,  and 
the  communication  between  those  places  was  interrupted.  The  view  taken 
by  the  gentleman  from  Kentucky  was  undoubtedly  the  true  one.  But  the 
war  rages,  the  enemy  is  in  force,  and  the  accounts  of  their  ravages  are  dis- 
astrous. The  executive  government  has  asked  for  the  means  of  suppressing 
these  hostilities,  and  it  was  entirely  proper  that  the  bill  should  pass. 

“ Mr.  White  expressed  his  regret  that  he  could  add  nothing  to  the  informa- 
tion given  on  this  .subject.  He  knew  nothing  of  the  cause  of  the  war,  if  it 
commenced  in  any  loeal  quarrel  or  not.  It  was  the  object  of  the  government 
to  remove  these  Indians  to  the  west  side  of  the  Mississippi,  and  he  was  appre- 
hensive that  the  difficulty  had  arisen  out  of  this  measure.  He  had,  however, 
no  information,  which  was  not  in  the  possession  of  every  other  senator.  He 
was  for  the  bill. 

“ Mr.  Benton  said  he  was  also  ignorant  of  the  causes  of  the  war.  Some 
years  ago,  he  said,  he  was  a member  of  the  committee  on  Indian  affairs.  At 
that  time  these  Indians  in  Florida  were  in  a state  of  starvation  ; they  would 
not  work,  and  it  was  necessary  that  they  should  be  fed  by  the  U.  States,  or 
they  must  subsist  on  the  plunder  of  our  citizens.  These  Indians  are  a very 
bad  tribe,  as  their  veiy  name  signified,  the  word  Seminole , in  Indian,  being, 
i wild  runaway  Indians'  They  were  therefore  considered  a bad  race.  It  was 
obviously  the  best  policy  to  remove  these  Indians  to  a place  where  they  would 
be  able  to  obtain  plenty.” 

When  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  distressed  inhabitants  of  Florida  was  before 
the  house  of  representatives,  which  was  noticed  in  our  last  chapter,  the  follow- 
ing interesting  debate  arose  upon  it,  which  shall  be  laid  before  the  reader,  for 
the  same  reasons  which  caused  the  remarks  in  the  senate  to  be  given  above. 

“The  resolution  having  been  twice  read,  the  house,  on  motion  of  Mr. 
White,  agreed  to  consider  it  now. 

“Mr.  W.  said  that  he  would  not  occupy  the  time  of  the  house  further  than 
to  say,  that  in  East  Florida,  five  hundred  families  were  driven  from  their 
homes,  and  had  had  their  possessions  destroyed  in  the  progress  of  a war, 
which  had  commenced  in  consequence  of  relations  between  the  Indians  and 
this  government,  and  with  which  the  suffering  inhabitants  of  that  country 
have  had  nothing  to  do. 

“Appropriations  had  frequently  been  made  to  succor  Indians  when  in  cir- 
cumstances of  distress,  and  he  hoped  that  no  member  of  the  house  would 
object  to  the  adoption  of  the  resolution  for  the  succor  of  our  own  citizens. 

“Mr.  Granger  of  New  York  rose  and  said, — Mr.  Speaker,  in  the  little 
observation  I have  had  of  men  and  things,  I have  learned  that  precedent  is 
often  used  to  restrain  our  generous  impulses,  but  seldom  to  impel  us  to  gen- 
erous action.  In  the  little  time  I have  been  here,  I have  not  been  so  much 
gratified  with  any  thing  that  has  occurred,  as  I have  at  the  prompt  manner  in 
which  this  house  has  stepped  forward  to  provide  means  for  carrying  on  the 
war  in  Florida.  Whilst  we  have  been  without  any  official  information  from 
the  executive  department  of  government — whilst  the  newspapers  have  been 
discussing  the  question,  whether  censure  should  rest  upon  one  of  the  depart- 


FIGHT  AT  BRYANT'S  FERRY. 


[Book  IY. 


83 


merits,  or  upon  the  commanding  officer  in  Florida,  this  house  and  the  other 
branch  of  the  legislature  have  stepped  forward  to  sustain  this  war,  although 
no  requisition  has  been  marie  by  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  nation.  Sir,  I 
rejoice  that  they  have  done  so. 

“Mr.  Cambrcleng  rose  to  explain,  and  Mr.  Granger  yielded  the  floor. 

“Mr.  Cambrcleng  said,  that  great  injustice  had  been  done  in  the  newspapers 
to  the  conduct  pursued  by  the  departments.  The  committee  of  ways  and 
means  had  been  furnished  with  the  first  communication  on  which  they  acted 
by  the  secretary  of  war.  They  next  day  received  a second  communication 
with  all  the  documents  relating  to  the  Indian  war,  and  which  contained  all 
the  information  that  was  requisite.  The  documents  had  not  gone  forth  to  the 
public — which  was  an  extraordinary  circumstance.  They  certainly  were  sent 
by  the  committee  to  this  house,  and  ought  to  have  accompanied  the  bill  and 
been  printed  and  sent  to  the  senate.  If  they  had,  the  erroneous  impression  as 
to  the  remissness  of  the  department,  or  the  executive,  would  not  have  gone 
into  the  newspapers.  It  was  not  the  fault  of  the  executive,  or  of  the  committee 
on  ways  and  means,  that  this  had  not  been  done. 

“Mr.  Granger  resumed.  If  the  gentleman  had  listened  to  me  a little  longer, 
he  would  have  discovered  that  I intended  no  censure  on  the  executive ; but  as 
he  has  chosen  to  challenge  me  to  speak,  I do  say  that  the  history  of  this  nation 
can  present  nothing  like  the  silence  which  has  existed  on  this  subject.  I do 
say  that  whilst  this  hall  has  been  ringing  with  plaudits  upon  one  administra- 
tion, and  whilst  we  have  been  called  upon  day  after  day  to  hunt  up  the 
bones  of  dead  quarrels  here — whilst  your  settlements  have  been  laid  waste 
and  desolate,  no  communication  has  been  made  to  this  house  as  a branch  of 
the  government.  Whatever  information  you  have,  even  upon  the  gentleman’s 
own  showing,  is  a letter  from  the  secretary  of  war  to  the  chairman  of  the 
committee  of  ways  and  means. 

“ Mr.  Cambreleng.  That  letter  contained  all  that  was  necessary. 

“Mr.  Granger  continued  : Sir,  I repeat  that,  with  a war  known  to  exist  in 

this  country,  we  have  been  occupied  in  hunting  up  the  possibility,  not  only 
of  a war  which  might  take  place  hereafter  with  a foreign  nation,  but  also  to 
discover  whether  a war  was  last  year  likely  to  have  existed. 

“ We  have  war  enough  upon  our  hands  to  take  care  of.  The  war-cry  is  up 
in  the  woods;  the  tomahawk  glitters  in  the  sunbeam;  the  scalping-knife  is 
urged  to  its  cruel  duty ; the  flower  of  your  chivalry  is  strewed  along  the  plain, 
and  yet  every  department  of  this  administration  is  as  dumb  as  the  bleeding 
victims  of  this  inglorious  contest. 

“In  legislating  for  a suffering  people,  I want  no  precedent  but  that  which 
my  Creator  has  implanted  in  my  bosom.  I do  not  believe  that  we  stand  here 
with  the  sympathies  of  our  nature  chilled  and  frozen  by  the  mere  force  of  the 
oath  which  we  have  taken ; I do  not  believe  that  our  duty  requires  that  we 
should  be  thus  chilled  and  frozen.  I believe  that  the  existence  of  this  govern- 
ment depends  upon  its  extending  its  fostering  hand  to  the  unfortunate  when- 
ever it  can  be  done  within  the  limits  of  the  constitution.  Especially  should 
this  be  the  case,  where  the  sufferers  reside  within  a territory,  and  have  no 
state  government  to  which  they  can  look  for  succor. 

“ Such  is  the  true  course  to  be  pursued  in  this  nation  ; and  then  our  people 
will  feel  that  they  are  indeed  members  of  one  common  family,  and  that, 
whilst  they  bear  equal  burdens,  they  are  the  equal  recipients  of  the  bounty 
and  protection  of  the  government. 

“On  motion  of  Mr.  White , the  resolution  was  read  a third  time  and  passed.” 

We  have  now  to  Return  to  the  recital  of  warlike  operations.  About  the 
middle  of  January,  great  alarm  spread  through  the  confines  of  Georgia,  that 
the  Creek  Indians  were  imbodying  in  various  parts  of  their  country,  and  the 
utmost  consternation  prevailed.  On  the  23  January,  it  being  reported  at 
Columbus,  that  the  Indians  were  in  force  at  Bryant’s  Ferry,  15  miles  below 
that  place,  a company  of  whites,  consisting  of  about  20  or  30  men,  under 
Captain  Watson,  marched  down  upon  discovery.  They  discovered  30  or  40 
Indians,  some  of  whom  had  rifles,  but  it  does  not  appear  that  they  had  done, 
or  intended,  any  mischief.  However,  the  whites  pursued  them,  and  pretty 
soon  a firing  commenced,  and,  though  of  short  duration,  two  were  killed  on 


Chap.  XI.]  GAINES'S  SEMINOLE  CAMPAIGN.  89 

each  side,  and  the  whites  were  driven  from  the  ground,  having  several  of 
their  number  wounded. 

The  next  operations  of  importance  were  those  between  the  forces  under 
General  Gaines  and  Osceola,  and  upon  the  memorable  Ouithlecooehee.  Gen- 
eral Gaines  was  upon  a tour  of  inspection  and  duty,  when  he  first  learned  that 
serious  disturbances  had  occurred  between  the  whites  and  Seminoles,  This 
was  about  the  15  January,  and  the  general  was  arrived  at  New  Orleans.  His 
previous  head-quarters  had  been  at  Memphis,  in  Tennessee.  He  therefore 
called  on  the  governor  of  Louisiana,  to  have  a body  of  volunteers  in  readiness 
for  military  service,  and  set  out  himself  immediately  for  the  scene  of  hostilities. 
At  Pensacola  he  found  some  vessels  of  war,  under  Commodores  Dallas  and 
Bolton , and  Captain  Webb,  who  had  already  commenced  operations  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Tampa  Bay,  and  other  adjacent  inlets.  Colonel  Twiggs  had 
been  ordered  to  receive  into  service  eight  companies  of  volunteers,  to  be  raised 
by  the  governor  of  Louisiana,  and  the  regular  force  at  Baton  Rouge,  New 
Orleans,  and  other  stations  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  New  Orleans,  and  to 
hold  himself  in  readiness  for  a movement  towards  Tampa.  This  force  con- 
sisted of  about  1100  men. 

That  no  time  should  be  lost,  General  Gaines  returned  immediately  to  New 
Orleans  (about  26  January),  and,  on  the  4 February,  was  under  way  again  for 
Florida,  with  his  forces  organized.  He  arrived  at  Tampa,  with  his  forces,  in 
three  steam-boats,  on  the  9th,  and,  on  the  13th  began  to  proceed  into  the  In- 
dian country.  His  first  movement  was  to  the  east,  on  the  Alafia  River,  having 
understood  there  had  been  a fight  in  that  direction,  near  F ort  Brooke,  between 
the  hostile  and  friendly  Indians  ; but  after  two  days,  no  enemy  being  discov- 
ered, the  line  of  march  was  altered  for  Fort  King.  General  Gaines's  army  had 
but  ten  days’  rations ; but,  by  advices,  he  was  assured  that  there  was  plenty  at 
Fort  King. 

On  the  20  February,  the  army  passed  Major  Dade's  fatal  field,  on  which 
was  found  106  men,  all  of  whom  they  decently  interred.  All  the  officers  who 
fell  in  that  disastrous  fight  were  identified,  and,  what  was  very  remarkable, 
every  man  was  accounted  for ; but  what  struck  every  one  with  the  greatest 
surprise,  was,  that  the  dead  were  in  no  instance  pillaged ; articles  the  most 
esteemed  by  savages  were  untouched  ; the  officers’  bosom-pins  remained  in 
their  places ; their  watches  were  found  in  their  pockets,  and  money,  in  silver 
and  gold,  was  left  to  decay  with  its  owner, — a lesson  to  all  the  world — a testi- 
mony that  the  Indians  are  not  fighting  for  plunder! — nay,  they  are  fighting 
for  their  rights,  their  country,  their  homes,  their  very  existence ! The  arms 
and  ammunition  were  all  that  had  been  taken,  except  the  uniform  coat  of 
Major  Dade. 

On  the  22  February,  the  army  arrived  at  Fort  King,  much  to  the  agreeable 
surprise  of  the  garrison,  which  it  had  been  reported  was  cut  off  by  the  Indians. 
Owing  to  the  country’s  being  in  possession  of  the  Indians,  no  supplies  had 
arrived ; and,  the  next  day,  a troop  of  horse  was  despatched  to  Fort  Drane, 
(22  miles  north-west,)  in  hopes  to  obtain  further  supplies.  They  returned  the 
24,  blit  with  only  seven  days’  additional  rations.  To  this  they  added  two  days’ 
more  at  Fort  King.  The  general  scarcely  knew  what  course  next  to  take ; but 
he  finally  concluded  to  move  down  the  Ouithlecooehee,  over  General  Clinch's 
battle-ground,  and  so  to  Tampa,  thinking  such  a route  might  bring  him  in 
contact  with  the  main  body  of  the  Indians.  Accordingly  the  army  moved,  on 
the  26th,  from  Fort  King,  and,  at  two  o’clock  on  the  27th,  arrived  at  Geueral 
Clinch's  crossing-place.  Here,  while  examining  and  sounding  the  river,  the 
Indians  fired  upon  them,  and  set  up  a fierce  war-cry  ; but  their  numbers  were 
not  sufficient  to  make  any  material  impression,  although  they  continued  the 
fight  for  about  half  an  hour.  The  whites  lost  one  killed,  and  eight  wounded. 

On  the  28th,  the  army,  having  resumed  its  march,  was  again  attacked,  about 
two  miles  from  its  former  position,  and  a fire  was  kept  up  about  half  of  the 
day.  At  the  commencement  of  the  action,  Lieutenant  Izard,  of  the  United 
States  dragoons,  fell,  mortally  wounded.  In  the  course  of  the  fight,  another 
was  killed,  and  two  wounded.  In  the  evening,  express  was  sent  to  Fort 
Drane,  with  directions  for  the  commanding  officer  to  march  down  with  a 
force  upon  the  opposite  side  of  the  Ouithlecooehee,  and  thus  come  upon  the 


GAINES'S  SEMINOLE  CAMPAIGN, 


[Book  IV, 


rear  of  the  Indiana  ; which  movement,  should  it  succeed,  it  was  hoped,  would 
finish  the  war. 

On  the  morning  of  the  29th,  no  Indians  were  to  be  seen  ; but  the  general  did 
not  relax  his  precautions.  A party  was  preparing  timber  and  canoes  for  cross- 
ing the  river,  when,  about  9 o’clock,  they  were  sharply  fired  upon,  and,  at  the 
same  time,  the  encampment  was  attacked  upon  every  side,  but  that  towards 
the  river.  The  Indians  now  seemed  in  great  force,  (12  or  1500,  as  was  supposed,) 
having  been  collecting,  from  all  quarters,  since  the  fight  on  the  previous  day. 
They  continued  the  contest  two  hours,  in  which  time  one  man  was  killed  and 
33  wounded.  Among  the  latter  was  the  general  himself, — a rifle  ball  having 
passed  through  his  lower  lip,  knocked  out  one  tooth,  and  damaged  two  others. 
When  it  was  found  that  the  general  was  wounded,  his  companions  expressed 
much  regret ; but  he  talked  of  it  as  a matter  of  small  moment ; said  “ it  was 
very  unkind  in  the  rascals  to  take  aVvay  a tooth  which  he  Valued  so  highly.” 

On  reconnoitering  the  enemy’s  ground,  after  he  had  fled,  Gaines’s  men  found 
one  of  their  dead,  which  had  been  dragged  a considerable  distance  and  left 
unburied,  from  which  circumstance  they  conjectured  he  had  fled  in  haste. 
His  rifle  had  been  taken  away,  but  he  was  found  to  be  well  provided  with 
ammunition,  having  plenty  of  powder  and  sixty  bullets.  The  place  of  this 
attack  Gaines  called  Camp  Izard. 

The  flight  of  the  Indians  was  no  security  for  their  not  appearing  again  ; for, 
on  the  2d  of  March,  they  returned,  and  commenced  pouring  in  their  shot  upon 
the  whites,  which,  at  intervals,  they  continued  to  do  until  the  5th.  Meantime 
all  of  their  provisions  were  exhausted,  and  they  began  the  slaughter  of  their 
horses  to  sustain  life.  But  it  is  said  that,  during  all  this  time,  no  one  was  heard 
to  murmur  or  complain. 

On  the  night  of  the  5th,  about  10  o’clock,  a call  was  heard  from  the  woods, 
and  some  one  requested  a parley.  On  the  officer  of  the  guard’s  demanding  what 
was  wanted,  it  was  answered  that  the  Indians  were  tired  of  fighting,  and  wished 
for  peace.  The  general  ordered  the  officer  of  the  guard  to  answer,  that  if  the  In- 
dians wished  to  treat,  to  send  a messenger  the  next  morning,  with  a white  flag, 
and  he  should  come  and  go  in  safety.  He  replied,  “ very  well,”  and  added  that 
“ he  desired  to  hate  a friendly  talk,  and  to  shake  hands.”  Accordingly,  on  the 
morning  of  the  6th,  about  300  Indians  filed  out  from  the  river,  and  took  a 
position  in  the  rear  of  the  whites,  about  500  yards  off.  They  expected  nothing 
now  but  a most  bloody  contest,  supposing  the  main  body  of  the  Indians  to  b.c 
concealed  in  a neighboring  hammock.  Both  parties  remained  a short  time  in 
suspense,  each  doubting  what  the  other  would  do.  At  length,  one  or  two 
advanced  within  hailing  distance,  and,  being  joined  with  others,  repeated  what 
had  been  said  the  night  before.  The  general  now  sent  out  to  them  a staff 
officer,  and  they  told  him  they  did  not  wish  to  fight  any  more,  but  requested 
that  the  army  should  withdraw  from  the  Ouithlecoochee.  Osceola  was  at  the 
head  of  the  Indian  deputation.  When  the  officer  who  had  met  the  Indians 
reported  this  talk  to  Gaines , he  ordered  him  to  return  to  Osceola , and  to  inform 
him,  in  the  plainest  terms,  that  they  would  be  subdued,  that  a large  force  was 
on  the  way  into  their  country,  and  that,  unless  they  submitted,  every  Indian 
found  in  arms  would  be  shot.  When  this  was  communicated  to  the  Indians, 
they  said  they  would  go  and  hold  a council,  and  would  meet  them  again  in  the 
afternoon.  The  meeting  in  the  afternoon,  accordingly,  took  place,  and  the 
Indians  urged  what  they  had  said  in  the  morning,  and  added  that  they  had 
lost  many  of  their  men  by  death  and  wounds,  and  were  tired  of  the  war ; but 
as  their  governor  (as  they  styled  Micanopy)  was  not  there,  they  must  first  con- 
sult him,  and  asked  to  have  the  war  suspended  until  he  could  be  consulted. 
They  were  told  that  if  they  would  cease  from  acts  of  hostility,  go  south  of  the 
Ouithlacoochee,  and  attend  a council  when  called  upon  by  the  United  States 
commissioners,  they  should  not  be  molested.  This  they  agreed  to,  and,  at  the 
same  moment,  General  Clinch  came  upon  the  main  body  of  the  Indians,  and 
they  all  fled  with  the  utmost  precipitation,  probably  concluding  this  was  a 
stratagem  which  the  whites  had  prepared  to  cut  them  off*.  Clinch  came  with 
500  men  and  supplies,  which  was  doubtless  more  agreeable  to  the  starving 
army,  than  even  a treaty  with  Osceola. 

The  Indians  seem  to  have  been  well  acquainted  with  the  condition  of  Gen- 


SIEGE  OP  CAMP  MLEMORE. 


91 


Chap.  XI.] 

eral  Gaines's  army  ; for,  during  the  interview  with  Osceola , he  asked  how  they 
were  off  for  provisions,  and  when  they  told  him  they  had  enough,  he  shook  his 
head,  saying,  “ It  is  not  so ; you  have  nothing  to  eat ; but,  if  you  will  come  over 
the  river,  I will  give  you  two  beeves,  and  some  brandy.”  It  is  therefore 
surprising  that  he  should  have  been  now  asking  for  peace.  It  shows,  however, 
that  he  was  well  aware  of  the  hopelessness  of  his  case  ; and,  although  he  was 
able  to  deal  with  General  Gaines , he  early  knew  of  the  approach  of  General 
Clinch , and  it  was,  probably,  on  his  gaining  that  knowledge,  that  he  concluded 
to  see  what  kind  of  terms  could  be  got  of  the  whites,  as  the  affairs  of  war 
then  stood. 

General  Gaines , having  transferred  his  command  to  General  Clinch , left  for 
New  Orleans  about  the  9 March,  and  General  Clinch  proceeded  with  his 
united  forces  to  Fort  Drane.  A negro  spy,  who  had  been  sent  among  the 
hostile  Indians,  from  Camp  Izard,  soon  after  returned,  and  confirmed  the 
peaceable  intentions  of  the  chiefs:  they  told  him,  that  in  their  various  skir- 
mishes with  General  Gaines  on  the  Ouithlacooclie  they  had' lost  30  men.  Of 
the  whites  but  5 were  killed,  and  60  wounded.  It  is  rather  uncommon  that 
there  should  be  so  great  a disproportion  between  the  slain  of  the  parties,  when 
it  is  considered  that  the  Indians  almost  always  fought  from  coverts. 

On  the  9 March,  Captain  Allison  of  the  Florida  volunteers  had  a skirmish 
near  his  camp,  not  far  from  Fort  Brooke.  He  routed  the  Indians,  whom  he 
judged  to  be  a thousand  strong,  and  took  considerable  plunder.  Hence,  not- 
withstanding the  Indians  were  supposed  to  desire  peace,  skirmishes  continued. 
And  on  the  23  March,  a company  of  volunteers  were  attacked  about  six  miles 
from  Volusia,  in  which  the  whites  lost  three  men  killed,  and  six  wounded,  and 
the  Indians  five  or  six.  Among  the  latter  was  their  chief,  called  Ouchee  Billy,  or 
Billy  Hicks.  He  was  found  the  day  after  the  fight,  concealed  in  some  brush. 

About  the  5 April,  Major  McLemore , by  older  of  General  Scott,  took  a 
position  on  the  Ouithlacoochee,  and  erected  a block-house,  which  was  called 
Camp  McLemore.  Here,  about  40  men,  far  removed  into  the  heart  of  the 
Indian  country,  were  to  remain  until  relieved  by  the  General,  or  Major 
McLemore,  who,  it  seems,  after  establishing  the  post,  immediately  left  it. 
This  small  force  seems  to  have  arrived  here  at  a most  fortunate  time,  for  it 
was  nine  days  before  they  were  discovered  by  the  Indians,  and  during  this 
period  they  had  completed  a block-house  for  their  protection. 

It  is  scarcely  to  be  credited  that  this  little  company  of  men,  sent  here  by 
the  commander-in-chief  of  the  army,  should  be  left  without  the  means  of 
escape  in  extremity  of  circumstances,  and  no  way  kept  open  by  which  their 
situation  from  time  to  time  might  be  known ; such,  however,  was  the  case,  and 
for  about  six  weeks  nothing  was  heard  of  them.  They  had  not  been  provided 
with  provisions  for  more  than  two  weeks,  and  it  was  the  general  impression 
of  every  one  that  they  had  all  perished  by  famine  or  the  hands  of  the 
Indians. 

The  following  account  of  the  siege  of  Camp  McLemore  by  Dr.  Lawrence, 
surgeon  there  at  the  time,  shall  be  given  in  his  own  words: — “We  had  just 
completed  building  the  block-house,  and  dug  out  a spring  near  the  edge  of  the 
fort,  when,  on  the  morning  of  the  9th  of  April,  at  a little  before  dawn  of  day, 
we  were  attacked  by  the  Indians,  who  had  encompassed  us  on  three  sides,  and 
were  in  number  about  150  or  200.  The  engagement  lasted  one  hour  and 
three  quarters,  when  they  found  out,  to  their  sorrow,  that  our  reception  was 
not  only  too  warm,  but  that  they  had  ventured  too  near  us  without  due  reflec- 
tion. On  the  next  day,  we  had  one  man  killed  on  his  post  by  an  Indian  rifle, 
fired  from  the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  On  the  15  April,  we  were  attacked 
by  a body  of  the  savages  who  had  completely  surrounded  us,  and  whose  num- 
ber we  computed  at  4 to  500,  though  we  have  since  heard  that  Poivell  had 
1000  to  1500  of  them.  This  was  the  hottest  engagement  we  had  during  our 
stay  on  the  Ouithlacoochee.  They  fired  their  guns  by  hundreds  at  the  same 
moment  at  our  block-house,  and  succeeded  in  taking  our  only  means  of 
escape,  our  boat — which  they  took  down  the  river  and  destroyed  after  the 
battle.  The  engagement  continued  two  hours  and  45  minutes,  and  we  had 
three  men  slightly  wounded. 

“ On  the  24th,  we  had  a very  severe  battle,  in  which  they  displayed  their 


92 


DEATH  OF  MAD  WOLF. 


fBooK  IV. 


ingenuity  by  shooting  fire-arrows  on  fire  upon  the  roof  of  the  house,  which 
destroyed  the  roof  and  left  us  exposed  to  the  inclemency  of  the  weather. 
This  arrow-firing  was  performed  by  26  of  their  men,  whilst  about  3 to  500 
used  their  guns*  We  had,  on  this  occasion,  two  or  three  of  our  men  wounded. 
We  probably  killed  40  or  50  of  the  Indians.  The  night  after  the  battle,  we 
heard  their  chief  hail  us,  and  say,  “ that  he  was  going  away  in  the  morning, 
and  would  trouble  us  no  more.”  He  kept  his  promise  very  well,  though  he 
did  give  us  about  100  guns  the  next  morning,  ere  he  left.  Our  captain,  Hollo- 
man, was  killed  on  the  3 May,  whilst  endeavoring  to  fortify  and  strengthen 
our  position.  The  Indians  continued  to  give  us  a passing  shot,  from  50  to 
100  guns,  every  five  or  six  days,  though  he  kept  a spy  upon  us  at  other  times. 
The  officers  were  21  days  living  on  corn,  without  salt  or  meat,  and  the  men 
about  28  days.” 

It  appears  that  the  great  danger  of  ascending  the  Ouithlacoochee,  together 
with  the  known  circumstances  of  the  garrison,  had  fixed  in  the  minds  of  all 
those  who  were  able  to  lend  them  aid,  that  they  had  been  cut  off ; and  there- 
fore, to  hazard  any  thing  to  clear  up  this  extremely  doubtful  case,  was  con- 
sidered next  to  crime  itself.  At  length,  the  poor  distressed  handful  at  Camp 
McLemore,  found  among  their  number,  three  that  would  venture  out  for 
succor,  and  they  arrived  at  Tallahassee  in  a canoe,  about  the  16  April.  This 
circumstance,  in  all  probability,  proved  the  safety  of  their  fellows,  as  well  as 
themselves.  A company  was  made  up  af  St.  Marks,  and  under  Captain  Leigh 
Read , proceeded  in  a steam-boat  for  the  Ouithlacoochee  on  the  22  April,  and' 
on  the  24  took  off  the  garrison  without  the  loss  of  a man. 

While  these  affairs  were  being  transacted  on  the  Ouithlacoochee,  a consid- 
erable force  marched  lrom  Volusia  to  a point  on  the  Oklawaha  River,  distant 
30  miles,  on  their  way  to  Fort  Brooke.  The  river  being  higher  than  usual, 
the  force  was  obliged  to  halt  to  build  a bridge  for  the  passage  of  their  cannon 
and  baggage  wagons.  On  the  opposite  side  of  a lake,  on  the  left  of  the 
detachment,  two  fires  were  soon  discovered,  which  it  was  supposed  were 
made  as  signals  by  two  parties  of  Indians.  Colonel  Butler  immediately  pro- 
ceeded to  cross  over  the  river  With  his  battalion,  and  when  he  had  marched 
about  three  miles,  some  Indians  were  discovered  and  pursued  by  the  advanced 
guard.  General  Joseph  Shelton  was  of  Butler's  party,  who,  being  ahead  of  the 
advanced  guard,  charged  upon  one  of  the  Indians,  who  was  in  the  rear  of  the 
retreating  party.  At  about  25  paces  from  him,  the  Indian  turned,  and  they 
both  levelled  their  rifles — Shelton  fired  first,  and  mortally  wounded  the  Indian 
in  the  neck,  who  then  endeavored  to  make  his  escape.  Shelton  dropped  his 
gun,  and  rushed  on  him  with  his  pistol,  which  missed  fire  at  five  or  six 
paces  from  him.  The  Indian  now  turned  and  shot  Shelton  in  the  hip,  and 
at  the  same  moment  another  white  came  up  and  shot  the  Indian  in  the  back, 
and  he  was  immediately  despatched.  The  ball  which  entered  Shelton's  hip 
passed  round  near  the  spine,  and  was  cut  out,  and  he  was  recovering. 

I have  been  particular  in  detailing  this  affair,  as  the  Indian  who  fell  in  it, 
proved  to  be  a chief  of  distinction,  known  among  the  whites  by  the  name  of 
Mad  Woff,  which  was  the  English  signification  of  his  name.  In  Indian  it 
was  Kohahajo.  He  was  of  Micanopy's  tribe,  and  had  under  him  40  or  50 
warriors,  and  was  probably  one  of  the  leaders  on  the  Ouithlacoochee,  who 
beset  General  Gaines  so  long.  His  name  was  given  in  among  them  by  Black 
Dirt , as  Coaharjo.  It  is  also  to  the  treaty  of  Payne’s  Landing,  and  he  was 
one  of  the  Indian  deputation  who  visited  the  country  west  of  the  Mississippi 
afterwards. 

The  next  day  after  Kohahajo  was  killed,  Colonel  Butler  and  Goodwin , with 
a battalion  of  mounted  men,  were  sent  to  reconnoitre  Pilaklikaha,  the  resi- 
dence of  Jumper  and  Micanopy.  When  they  had  proceeded  about  six  miles, 
their  advanced  guard  received  a sharp  fire  from  a hammock  on  the  left,  but 
were  soon  dislodged  by  a charge  from  the  main  body.  Two  of  the  whites 
were  badly  wounded,  one  horse  killed,  and  four  wounded.  After  another 
considerable  swamp-fight,  in  which  several  were  wounded,  the  army  pro- 
ceeded to  the  Indian  town,  hut  it  had  been  deserted  for  a long  time.  They 
burnt  it,  and  then  proceeded  to  Fort  Brooke. 

An  officer  in  General  Scott's  army  at  Tampa  wrote  on  the  15  April : — “ All 


Chap.  XII  ] 


CREEK  WAR. 


93 


the  militia  will  leave  us  by  the  20  May,  and  the  regulars  will  go  into  summer 
quarters  at  this  place,  Key  West,  Volusia,  Mosquito,  and  one  or  two  more 
posts  at  the  south.  Without  the  greatest  good  luck  nothing  will  be  done  this 
summer,  and  the  war  must  be  renewed  in  the  autumn.” 

About  the  time  General  Gaines  left  Fort  Draine,  General  Scott  arrived 
there,  with  instructions  to  assume  the  chief  command  of  the  forces  in  Florida. 
Since  that  time  the  operations  have  been  of  not  much  importance.  About 
the  20  March,  Captain  Hitchcock  communicated  the  following  valuable 
information  respecting  the  hostile  Indians,  which  was  given  him  by  the 
friendly  chief,  Black  Dirt , whose  Indian  name  is  Tuck-aluster  Harjo.  He 
says  that  in  the  fights  with  General  Gaines  were  the  following  chiefs  and 
warriors,  viz.: — Jumper  with  30,  Assuhola  [ Osceola ] with  7,  Allburtu- 
harjo  with  30,  Jarharto  Chee  with  30,  Carchar  Tosknusk  ( Mecosukee ) 
with  470,  Mecanop  (principal  chief)  with  80,  Abram  ( Negro ) with  80,  Weea 
Flocko  Mattez  with  70,  Yarharhacjo  with  160,  Toskieucar  with  50, 
Echua  Mattez  with  50,  Hat  How  Emattez  with  30,  Charles  (a  Negro) 
with  3,  Coaharjo  with  1,  and  Toparlagee  with  40. 

There  had  been  about  400  Seminoles  collected  at  Tampa,  chiefly  women 
and  children  of  Black  Dirt's  tribe,  who  were  on  the  12  April  shipped  off  for 
“ beyond  the  Mississippi”  by  General  Scott. 


CHAPTER  Xn. 

Ckekk  War — Murders  ana  devastations  begin — Eleven  persons  killed  near  Colum- 
bus— Mail  routes  in  possession  of  the  Indians — A steam-boat  attacked  and  men 
killed — Chiefs  of  the  war  parties — Mail  stages  destroyed — The  town  of  Roanoak 
burnt — Colonel  Lindsay’s  Florida  affair — Excessive  dismay  of  the  people  of  Geor- 
gia— Murder  of  families — Fight  on  tlue  Chattahoochie — Capture  of  Jim  Henry  and 
Neamathla — Account  of  the  chiefs — Surrender  of  the  Indians. 

Adjutant-General  McIntosh  wrote  from  Fort  Mitchel,  Alabama,  (on  the 
Chattahoochie,  15  miles  above  Columbus,)  7 May  last,  as  follows: — “It  has 
just  been  reported  to  me,  that  Col.  Flournoy  was  shot  dead  by  the  Indians  on 
the  5th  instant,  about  15  miles  below  this  post.  I am  also  informed  that  a 
report  is  currently  circulating  among  the  Creeks,  that  the  Seminole  Indians 
have  defeated  the  whites  in  Florida.  This  report  will  no  doubt  imbolden 
them  to  many  acts  of  hostility  that  they  would  not  otherwise  dare  commit. 
A constant  communication  must  be  kept  up  between  them,  as  the  Creeks  are 
conversant  with  every  transaction  that  occurs  in  Florida.  Marshal , the  half- 
breed,  says  he  is  apprehensive  mischief  will  be  done  by  the  Indians  before 
long.  Other  friendly  Indians  are  of  this  opinion.  Opothleyohola , principal 
of  the  upper  Creeks,  says  he  cannot  keep  his  people  together,  or  restrain 
them.” 

At  the  same  time  Colonel  Flournoy  was  killed,  ten  others  met  a like  fate, 
some  of  them  within  12  miles  of  Columbus,  at  the  Ochee  Bridge  on  the  Old 
Federal  Road.  “ The  Indians  have  entire  possession  of  that  road,  and  all  the 
settlers  have  fled.  A train  consisting  of  150  wagons,  with  about  150  fugitives, 
on  their  way  to  Columbus,  were  fired  upon,  on  the  10  April.” 

Up  to  the  18  May,  at  Augusta,  (Ga.)  it  was  reported  that  all  the  southern 
mail  routes  were  in  possession  of  the  Indians,  except  that  to  Mobile.  The 
day  before,  all  the  mails  were  brought  back.  Colonel  Croivell's  plantation, 
and  many  others,  had  been  burnt,  and  a stage  agent  and  two  drivers  had  been 
killed.  The  governor  of  Georgia  had  ordered  two  regiments  of  volunteers  to 
take  the  field.  About  this  time  the  steam-boat  Hyperion  was  attacked  on  her 
passage  up  the  Chattahoochie,  and  two  pilots  and  one  passenger  were  killed. 
She  was  then  run  on  shore  on  the  Georgia  side,  and  after  being  abandoned, 
was  taken  and  destroyed  by  the  Indians. 

The  Creek  towns  and  tribes  which  have  declared  themselves  hostile  are  a 


94 


CREEK  WAR.— STEAM-BOAT  DESTROYED. 


[Book  IV. 


part  of  the  Ochees,  the  Hitchetas,*  the  Pah-lo-cho-ko-los,  the  So-wok-ko-los, 
and  a part  of  the  Ufallays.  The  principal  chiefs  who  have  showed  themselves 
as  their  leaders,  are  old  Neamatiila,  of  whom  we  have  already  several  times 
spoken,  chief  of  the  Hitchetas,  Jim  Henry,  and  Neo  Mico.  Many  friendly 
Indians  immediately  joined  the  whites,  one  of  the  principal  leaders  of  whom 
is  a chief  called  Jim  Boy.  The  war  party  have  discovered  great  boldness. 
About  the  10  May  a {tarty  came  within  30  or  40  yards  of  Fort  Mitchell,  a 
strong  and  well-defended  place,  entered  the  hospital,  and  carried  off  what 
they  pleased,  and  the  garrison  thought  it  not  best  to  disturb  them. 

On  the  14  following,  the  mail  from  Montgomery  to  Columbus  was  attacked 
about  20  miles  from  the  latter  place.  A driver  on  that  route  was  riding  along 
the  road  on  horseback,  about  50  yards  ahead  of  the  stage,  w^ien  he  was  fired 
upon  by  about  30  Indians,  yet  he  unaccountably  escaped  injury.  His  horse 
took  fright  and  threw  him,  and  he  escaped  into  a thicket.  When  he  arrived 
at  the  next  stage  relay,  the  horses  had  got  there,  but  without  any  carriage,  but 
had  about  them  some  fragments  of  their  harnesses.  Mr.  Jldams,  who  was  in 
the  stage,  made  his  escape  by  leaping  into  the  woods  when  the  stage  upset. 
A driver  and  two  others  were  killed.  There  were  19  horses  belonging  to 
the  line  in  the  company,  of  which  but  three  were  recovered,  and  these  were 
wounded. 

About  this  time  the  old  steam-boat  Georgian  was  burnt  while  lying  at 
Roanoak,  and  all  on  board,  except  the  engineer,  perished.  The  town  of 
Roanoak  was  at  the  same  time  laid  in  ashes,  but  the  citizens  escaped  to  a 
fort.  Irwinton,  a flourishing  town  on  the  Georgia  side  of  the  river,  soon  after 
shared  the  same  fate. 

Meanwhile  some  affairs  of  considerable  moment  were  transpiring  in  Flori- 
da. Colonel  Lindsay  had  been  despatched,  at  the  head  of  about  750  men,  from 
Fort  Brooke,  with  orders  to  proceed  to  Fort  Alabama,  to  destroy  it,  and  bring 
away  the  sick,  wounded,  and  provisions.  Having  proceeded  there,  and 
effected  their  object,  the  forces  marched  again  for  Fort  Brooke.  Before 
leaving  the  fort,  a mine  was  prepared,  by  leaving  powder  in  the  magazine, 
which  should  explode  on  its  being  opened.  They  had  got  but  a mile  or  two, 
when  the  mine  was  sprung  with  a fearful  noise,  but  what  Effect  it  had  pro- 
duced was  not  known.  The  whites  had  missed  two  of  their  number  the  day 
before,  whom  they  found  on  their  return  march,  about  12  miles  from  Fort 
Alabama,  killed  in  the  way,  and  one  shockingly  mangled.  While  the  army 
was  contemplating  this  spectacle,  it  was  fired  upon  by  500  Indians,  as  was 
supposed,  from  a hammock,  no  more  than  30  yards  off.  The  whites  immedi- 
ately formed,  and  fired  in  their  turn,  and  a regular  fight  ensued.  The  Indians 
could  not  be  dislodged  until  several  rounds  of  grape  shot  from  the  artillery 
had  been  poured  in  upon  them.  This  was  a bloody  affray  for  them,  but  their 
loss  was  not  fully  known  ; several  were  found  dead  on  the  field,  and  numerous 
traces  of  others  who  had  been  dragged  off  dead  or  severely  wounded  were 
discovered.  The  whites  had  3 killed  and  22  wounded. 

A letter  addressed  to  the  editor  of  the  Richmond  Enquirer  gives  a fearful 
picture  of  the  affairs  in  the  Creek  country.  It  was  written  at  Talbotton,  (Ga.) 
11  May,  and  is  in  these  words: — “I  wrote  you  yesterday,  informing  you  of 
the  hostile  movements  of  the  Creek  Indians,  and  the  commencement  of  their 
murderous  career.  We  have  full  information  here  to-dav  of  the  distressing 
state  of  things  among  the  whites  who  have  settled  over  in  that  territory.  The 
Indians  are  killing  all — men,  women,  and  children.  Vast  numbers  have  been 
butchered  without  doubt ; and  the  whole  country  on  this  side  of  the  Chatta- 
hoochie  is  in  uproar  and  confusion.  The  population  of  the  territory  had 
become  considerable,  and  they  who  have  been  fortunate  enough  to  escape  are 
come  over  in  droves  on  the  Georgia  side;  some  with  a part  of  their  children  ; 
some  who  have  lost  their  children;  some  their  husbands;  And  many  children 
without  father  or  mother;  some  are  found  as  they  were  wandering  about  so 
young  that  they  could  give  no  account  who  their  parents  were.  So  perfect  a 
mixture  and  confusion  as  never  was  witnessed  before.  Many  have  seen  a 
part  of  their  families  murdered.  One  gentleman  saw  his  father  shot  down 
near  him,  and  his  mother  and  sisters.  Some  of  the  dead  have  been  brought 
over  shockingly  mangled.  It  is  thought  the  whole  nation  is  in  hostile  array ; 


Chap.  XII.] 


MURDER  OP  MANY  FAMILIES. 


95 


their  warriors  are  computed  at  6 or  7000  strong.  The  general  impression  is, 
that  a part  of  the  Seminoles  have  come  up  among  them.  The  town  of  Co- 
lumbus is  in  great  danger  of  an  attack,  as  they  have  threatened  it  strongly. 
A company  of  40  or  50  men  left  Columbus  yesterday  morning,  and  went  over. 
On  their  return  at  night  they  brought  in  seven  children,  which  they  had  found 
scattered  about.” 

Such  are  the  accounts  which  have  been  daily  circulated  for  two  months 
together ; and  although  they  are  distorted  in  many  particulars,  yet  out  of  them 
we  are  at  present  to  collect  all  that  is  known  of  this  war.  The  Columbus 
Centinel  of  the  13  May  contains  the  following  facts,  which  are  confirmed 
from  other  quarters : — “ On  Monday  we  received  information  that  hostilities 
had  commenced  on  the  road  between  Columbus  and  Montgomery,  at  the 
lichee  bridge,  and  further  on,  and  in  the  evening  the  bridge  at  this  place,  the 
streets  leading  from  it  were  thronged  with  the  unfortunate  refugees,  who 
were  fleeing  before  their  savage  neighbors.  The  pitiable  condition  of  many 
of  them  was  past  the  power  of  description.  Wives  severed  from  their  hus- 
bands, and  parents  from  their  children ; all  dismayed,  all  terror-stricken  ; pre- 
sented a scene  which  we  never  again  desire  to  see.  An  interesting-looking 
girl,  just  blooming  into  womanhood,  was  brought  in  on  horseback,  bihind  a 
benevolent  stranger,  who  had  found  her  in  the  nation,  making  her  way,  unat- 
tended, to  this  place.  She  started  with  her  parents,  but  before  they  had 
proceeded  far,  they  were  brutally  shot  down  before  her  eyes.  She  fled  to  the 
woods  and  escaped  from  her  savage  pursuers,  and  was  found  and  brought  to 
Columbus  as  above  stated.  A young  man  arrived  at  this  place  also  witnessed 
the  savage  murder  of  his  parents.  Another  young  man,  in  the  act  of  fleeing, 
perceived  the  Indians  dragging  away  his  sister.  He  returned,  declaring  he 
would  rescue  her  or  die  in  the  attempt,  and  he  has  not  been  heard  of.  From 
this  time  their  deeds  of  savage  barbarity  have  been  too  numerous  to  particu- 
larize. A woman  was  brought  in  on  Tuesday,  wounded  in  the  hand,  whose 
husband  had  been  shot  the  preceding  evening  at  the  Uchee  bridge.  Col.  A.  B. 
Dawson’s  negroes,  who  were  taken  by  the  Indians,  and  made  their  escape, 
state  that  they  saw  three  corpses  on  the  road  near  the  Uchee  bridge ; a man, 
woman  and  child,  who  had  all  been  murdered.  We  learn  that  about  150 
friendly  Indians  have  reported  themselves  at  Fort  Mitchell,  and  are  ready  to 
assist  the  whites.  Accounts  to  the  17  May  further  state  that  the  Indians  had 
entered  the  house  of  one  family,  and  murdered  the  whole — including  husband, 
wife,  and  six  children.  All  were  scalped,  and  the  children  beheaded.  The 
house  of  a Mr,  Colton  had  been  attacked,  and  himself  killed.” 

Generals  Scott  and  Jessup  were  at  Fort  Mitchell  on  the  3 June;  the  for- 
mer left  that  place  on  that  day  with  an  escort  of  150  men  for  Alabama,  to  take 
the  command  of  the  troops  of  that  state.  On  the  4th,  Capt.  Page  reported  to 
General  Scott  that  a party  of  Indians  was  about  to  cross  the  Chattahoochie  in 
their  way  to  Florida,  and  steps  were  immediately  made  to  stop  them.  The 
day  before  a party  was  stopped  by  a company  of  Georgia  militia,  after  a sharp 
skirmish,  in  which  one  white  and  several  Indians  were  supposed  to  have  been 
killed.  Two  chiefs  were  wounded,  Ealahayo  in  the  shoulder,  and  Jim  Henry 
in  the  head.  The  action  took  place  across  the  river,  which  being  high  and 
wide,  little  was  effected.  The  Indians  dared  the  whites  to  come  over,  called 
them  dogs  and  cowards,  and  the  most  the  whites  could  do  was  to  retaliate  in 
the  same  sort  of  language. 

About  the  end  of  June,  a party  of  whites,  who  were  scouting  on  Flint  River, 
accidentally  found  a young  woman  about  three  miles  from  Cambridge,  who 
had  been  wounded  by  a shot  in  the  breast.  She  stated  that,  on  the  26  of 
June,  about  300  Indians  killed  all  the  family  to  which  she  belonged,  13  in 
number,  except  herself,  and  her  father,  who  made  his  escape.  After  being 
shot,  she  feigned  death,  and  as  the  murdered  were  not  scalped,  she  made  her 
escape  after  the  Indians  left  the  scene  of  butchery. 

Up  to  the  16  June,  all  the  houses  of  the  whites  in  the  Creek  country  had 
been  burned.  On  the  13th,  in  art  attack  on  an  Indian  town  by  some  whites, 
24  persons  were  taken,  among  whom  were  three  chiefs.  These  were  held  as 
hostages  at  Fort  Mitchell,  and  word  was  sent  to  the  hostile  party,  that  if  they 
did  not  come  in  and  surrender  they  should  be  put  to  death.  The  next  day, 


96 


CAPTURE  OF  JIM  HENRY  AND  NEAMATHLA.  [Book  IV. 


120  came  in  and  declared  themselves  friendly.  As  late  as  the  28th  of  June, 
it  was  reported  at  Columbus,  Ga.,  that  the  Creek  war  was  probably  at  an  end, 
“as  far  as  fighting  was  concerned.  Jim  Henry's  party  have  nearly  all  been 
taken.  They  were  confined  at  Fort  Mitchell,  and  all  the  smiths  were  at  work 
making  handcuffs  for  them.”  These  will  doubtless  be  sent  beyond  the  Mis- 
sissippi, “ except  the  chiefs,  five  or  six  in  number,  who  will  be  punished  with 
death,”  as  was  supposed. 

On  the  1st  of  July,  Jim  Henry  fell  into  the  hands  of  a band  of  friendly  In- 
dians, under  a chief  named  Jim  Boy.  For  a few  days  previous  he  was  sup- 
posed to  have  been  on  his  way  for  the  “promised  land;”  but  he  was  found  in 
the  Creek  nation,  a few  miles  from  Tuskegee.  About  the  same  time  old 
Neamathla  gave  himself  up  to  the  whites,  and  was,  on  the  day  of  the  cap- 
ture o t'  Jim  Henry , with  about  1500  others,  sent  off  for  Arkansas.  The  circum- 
stance of  his  falling  in  with  the  whites  is  said  to  be  as  follows: — General 
Jessup  had  left  Tuskegee  with  about  700  men,  intending  to  make  a direct 
march  for  Neamathla's  camp,  which  was  on  Hatchahubbee  River.  As  Jessup 
marched  along,  his  forces  increased  to  2700  men,  of  which  1500  were  In- 
dians, under  the  chiefs  Hopoithleynhola  and  Jim  Boy.  When  he  had  arrived 
within  about  seven  miles  of  Neamathla's  camp,  he  ordered  a halt,  to  refresh 
his  men  and  horses,  at  the  expense  of  the  beautiful  oatfields  of  the  Indians. 
While  the  army  lay  here,  a scout  discovered  Neamathla  on  horseback.  He 
had  concluded  to  surrender,  and  had  a white  cloth  tied  about  his  head,  and 
some  white  garment  for  a flag,  extended  upon  a stick,  and  was  approaching 
towards  them.  They  ordered  him  to  halt,  but  he  gave  no  heed  to  them,  until 
within  a few  paces.  He  was  taken  to  Gen.  Jessup's  camp,  and  made  prisoner. 
With  him  were  his  son  and  daughter,  and  a niece  of  Nea  Mico.  The  two 
females  were  released,  but  his  son  was  confined  with  him  at  Fort  Mitchell. 
On  being  asked  where  he  was  going  when  he  was  taken,  he  said  his  life  had 
been  threatened  by  his  own  people,  and  he  was  hastening  to  Fort  Mitchell,  to 
give  himself  up. 

Nea  Mico  had  some  days  before  given  himself  up.  He  was  considered  a 
great  chief.  David  Hardige,  a half-breed,  was  taken  by  surprise,  with  about 
a hundred  of  his  men,  with  their  women  and  children.  By  the  8th  of  June, 
there  had  been  secured  between  3 and  4000  Indians,  which  were  despatched 
for  the  west  as  fast  as  circumstances  would  admit. 

A party  of  about  60  warriors,  who  were  endeavoring  to  escape  into  Florida, 
were  overtaken  by  Col.  Beal , in  Chickasatchie  Swamp,  Baker  county,  Alabama, 
and  a considerable  skirmish  ensued.  Nine  Indians  were  killed  and  20  wound- 
ed. Of  Col.  BeaVs  men,  two  were  killed  and  seven  wounded.  The  Indians 
were  left  in  possession  of  the  swamp. 

The  following  account  was  published  in  the  Georgia  Herald  of  the  28  June, 
at  Columbus.  It  is  headed,  “Grand  Entree  into  Fort  Mitchell,”  and 
then  proceeds: — “On  the  22  June,  we  witnessed  the  grand  entree  of  a drove 
of  savages  into  the  Fort  [Mitchell]  consisting  of  men,  women  and  children, 
in  all  about  1000 ; among  them  200  warriors ; they  were  brought  in  by  a bat- 
talion of  Alabama  cavalry,  under  the  command  of  Maj.  Gen.  Patterson.  The 
men  were  placed  within  the  walls  of  the  fort,  while  the  women  and  children 
were  encamped  on  the  outside.  It  was  an  assemblage  of  human  beings,  such 
as  we  had  never  before  witnessed,  and  the  sight  filled  us  with  thoughts  and  feel- 
ings to  which  we  shall  not  give  vent  at  this  time.  They  were  of  all  ages,  from  a 
month  old  to  a hundred  years, — of  all  sizes,  from  the  little  papoosie  to  the 
giant  warrior.  The  old  “ Blind  King,"  as  he  is  called,  rode  in  the  centre  of 
the  throng,  and  although  it  has  been  many  years  since  he  beheld  the  light  of 
day,  yet  has  the  feelings  of  hostility  continued  to  rankle  at  his  heart.  The 
names  of  the  hostile  chiefs  who  have  been  taken  and  have  come  in,  are  Nea 
E-Mathla,  Odo  Jlrcho-Emathla , [probably  son  of  Neamathla ,]  Miccocholey , or 
Blind  King , Tustee-Nuggee,  Chopko-Yar-har-Hadjo." 


END  OF  BOOK  FOURTH. 


WANAHTO:*;.'  :i  Yankton  Chief.  METEA.  a Poltowattomie  Chief 


BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY 

I 

OF  THE 

INDIANS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 


BOOK  V. 


/ 


g 

• 

' 

, 

‘ 

. 

BOOK  V 


BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY  OF  THE  IROQUOIS 
OR  FIVE  NATIONS,  AND  OTHER  NEIGHBORING 
TRIBES  OF  THE  WEST. 


Nurslings  of  nature,  I mark  your  bold  bearing, 

Pride  in  each  aspect  and  strength  in  each  form. 

Hearts  of  warm  impulse,  and  souls  of  high  daring, 

Born  in  the  battle  and  reared  in  the  storm. 

The  red  levin  flash  and  the  thunder’s  dread  rattle, 

The  rock-riven  wave  and  the  war  trumpet’s  breath, 

The  din  of  the  tempest,  the  yell  of  the  battle, 

Nerve  your  steeled  bosoms  to  danger  and  death. — J.  R.  Drake. 


CHAPTER  L 

Particulars  in  the  history  of  the  Iroquois  or  Five  Nations — Extent  of  their  domin- 
ions— Antiquities  and  traditions — Destroy  the  Eries — War  icith  the  Aderondaks 
— Specimen  of  their  language — Account  of  the  chiefs — Granguele — Black- 
kettle — His  bloody  wars  with  the  French — Adario — His  singular  stratagem  to 
unite  his  countrymen  against  the  French — Destroys  Montreal  and  near  a thousand 
inhabitants — Dies  in  peace  with  the  French — Dekanisora  a renowned  orator — 
Peiskaret — The  miraculous  stories  concerning  him.  History  of  the  journey  of 
Five  Iroquois  chiefs  to  England. 

The  great  western  confederacy  of  Indian  nations  has  generally  been  styled 
by  the  French,  Iroquois ,*  but  generally  by  the  English,  the  Five  JYations  f 
and  sometimes  the  Six  JYations ; but  either  of  the  two  latter  appellations 
must  be  considered  only  as  such,  because  we  shall  show,  as  we  proceed,  that 
they  are  not  numerically  true  now,  if  they  ever  were.  Five  may  have  been 
the  number  which  originally  leagued  together,  but  when  that  happened,  if 
indeed  it  ever  did,  can  never  be  known.  It  is  a tradition  that  these  people 
came  from  beyond  the  lakes,  a great  while  ago,  and  subdued  or  exterminated 
the  inhabitants  of  the  country  on  this  side.  Even  if  this  were  the  case,  it 


* “ Le  nom  d’lroquois  est  purement  Francis,  et  a ete  forme  du  terme  Hiro,  qui  signifie, 
l’ai  dit : et  par  quel  ces  sauvages  finissent  tous  leurs  discours,  comme  les  Latins  faisoient 
autrefois  par  leur  Dixi ; et  de  Koue,  qui  est  un  cri,  tantdt  de  tristesse,  lorsqu’on  le  prononce 
en  trainant,  et  tantdt  de  joye,  quand  on  le  prononce  plus  court.  Leur  nom  propre  est  Agon- 
nonsionni,  qui  veut  dire  Faiseurs  de  Cabannes ; parcev  qu’ils  les  batissent  beaucoup  plus 
solides,  que  la  plupart  des  autres  sauvages.”  Charlevoix,  i.  270— 1,  (sub  anno  1646,)  also 
Loskiel,  i.  2. — Heckewelder — and  Forster’s  Northern  Voyages. 

f “ Ces  barbares  ne  sont  qu’une  seule  nation,  et  qu’un  seul  intlret  public.  On  pourroit  les 
nommer  pour  la  distribution  du  terrain,  les  Suisses  de  ce  continent.  Les  Iroquois  sont  par- 
tager  en  cinq  cantons,  sqavoir  les  TsonontoUans,  les  Goyogoans,  les  Onnotagues,  les  Onoijouts, 
et  les  Agniis.”  (Lahontan,  i.  35.)  By  the  Agnies  we  are  to  understand  Mohaivks. 


4 COUNTRY  OF  THE  IROQUOIS.  [Book  V. 

proves  nothing  of  their  origin  ; for  there  may  have  been  a time  when  their 
ancestors  went  from  this  side  to  the  country  beyond,  and  so  on.  The  Mo- 
hawks, sometimes  called  tVabingi , are  said  to  have  been  the  oldest  of  the 
confederacy,  and  that  the  “ Onayauts  ” (Oneidas)  were  the  first  that  joined 
them  by  putting  themselves  under  their  protection.  The  Onondagos  were 
the  next,  then  the  “ Teuontowanos,  or  Sinikers,”  (Senecas,)  then  the  “ Cuiuk- 
guos,”  (Cayugas.)  The  Tuscaroras,  from  Carolina,  joined  them  about  1712, 
but  were  not  formally  admitted  into  the  confederacy  until  about  10  years 
after  that.  The  addition  of  this  new  tribe  gained  them  the  name  of  the  Six 
Nation^,  according  to  most  writers,  but  it  will  appear  that  they  were  called 
the  Six  Nations  long  before  the  last-named  period.* * * § 

The  Shawanese  were  not  of  the  confederacy,  but  were  called  brothers  by 
them.  This  nation  came  from  the  south,  at  no  very  remote  period,  and  the 
Iroquois  assigned  them  lands  on  the  west  branch  of  the  Susquehannah,  but 
looked  upon  them  as  inferiors. 

The  dominions  of  this  “ United  People  ” cannot  be  particularly  described, 
for  they  were  never  stationary ; at  one  time  they  extended  beyond  the  St. 
Lawrence  and  the  Mississippi,  and  at  another  they  were  circumscribed 
between  them.  Smith,  the  historian  of  New  York,  says,  “Our  Indians 
universally  concur  in  the  claim  of  all  the  lands  [in  1756]  not  sold  to  the 
English,  from  the  mouth  of  Sorel  River,  on  the  south  side  of  Lakes  Erie  and 
Ontario,  on  both  sides  of  the  Ohio,  till  it  falls  into  the  Mississippi ; and  on 
the  north  side  of  those  lakes,  that  whole  territory  between  the  Outawais 
River,  and  the  Lake  Huron,  and  even  beyond  the  straits  between  that  and 
Lake  Erie.” 

“ When  the  Dutch  began  the  settlement  of  New  York,  all  the  Indians  on 
Long  Island,  and  the  northern  shore  of  the  sound,  on  the  tanks  of  Connecticut, 
Hudson,  Delaware,  and  Susquehannah  Rivers,  were  in  subjection  to  the  Five 
Nations ; and  within  the  memory  of  persons  now  living,  acknowledged  it 
by  the  payment  of  an  annual  tribute.”  As  a proof  of  this  it  is  mentioned  that 
“a  little  tribe,  settled  at.  the  Sugar-loaf  mountain,  in  Orange  county,  to  this 
day,  [1756,]  make  a yearly  payment  of  about  £20  to  the  Mohawks.”  f 

Among  the  many  tribes  or  nations  which  they  wholly  or  partially  destroyed 
were  the  Eries , a powerful  tribe  on  the  southern  shore  of  the  great  lake 
whose  name  they  bore.  In  the  year  1653  they  were  entirely  extirpated,  and 
no  remnant  of  them  has  since  been  heard  of  in  existence.]: 

When  the  French  settled  in  Canada  in  1611,  it  was  upon  the  lands  of  the 
Adirondaks,  above  Three  Rivers.  They  found  them  at  war  with  the  Iro- 
quois, then  mainly  seated  along  the  southern  side  of  Lake  Ontario.  The 
Adirondaks,  by  the  assistance  of  the  French,  were  able  to  defeat  their 
enemies  in  every  battle,  who  at  length  were  in  danger  of  a total  extermina- 
tion. Meanwhile  the  Dutch  had  begun  their  trade  in  the  Hudson  River, 
which  they  profitably  carried  on  in  arms  with  the  Iroquois.  Being  now  able 
to  meet  the  Adirondaks  on  more  equal  footing,  they  continued  the  war,  and 
with  such  success,  that  the  Adirondaks,  in  their  turn,  became  almost  de- 
stroyed. 

The  Six  Nations  did  not  know  themselves  by  such  names  as  the  English 
apply  to  them,  but  the  name  Aquanuschioni,§  which  signified  united  people , 
was  used  by  them.||  This  term,  as  is  the  case  with  most  Indian  words,  is 
defined  by  a knowledge  of  its  etymology.  A knowledge  of  the  Indian  lan- 
guages would  enable  us  to  know  what  almost  every  place  in  the  country  has 


* In  the  British  Empire,  iii.  56,  it  is  said,  “ The  Cowetas  also,  or  Creek  Indians,  are  in  the 
same  friendship  with  them.” 

t Selected  from  the  iee/Z-selected  notes  to  Sears’s  Poem,  entitled  Mineral  Westers. 

j Charlevoix. 

§ Loskiel,  Hist.  Mis.  i.  2.  “ They  say  themselves,  that  they  have  sprung  and  grown  up  in 
that  very  place,  like  the  very  trees  of  the  wilderness.”  William’s  Key.  Another  name  they 
often  gave  themselves  was,  Ongue-honice,  which  signified,  a people  surpassing  all  others. 
Hist.  Brit.  Dominions  in  N.  America.  Book  iii.  55,  (ed.  4to.  Lond.  1773.) 

||  At  a great  assemblage  of  chiefs  and  warriors  at  Albany,  in  August,  1746,  the  chief  speaker 
of  the  Six  Nations  informed  the  English  commissioners  that  they  had  taken  in  the  Messe- 
sagnes  as  a seventh  nation.  Golden , Hist.  F.  Nations,  ii.  175. 


GRANGULA.-DE  LA  BARRE’S  EXPEDITION. 


5 


€hap.  I.] 

been  noted  for ; whether  hill  or  mountain,  brook  or  river.  It  is  said  by 
Qolden that  New  England  was  called  Kinshon,  by  the  Indians,  which,  he 
says,  means  a fish ; f and  that  the  New  England  Indians  sent  to  the  Iroquois 
a “ model  of  a fish,  as  a token  of  their  adhering  to  the  general  covenant.” 
The  waters  of  New  England  are  certainly  abundantly  stored  with  fish ; 
hence  the  name  of  “ the  Fishing  People .” 

We  will  here  present  a specimen  of  the  language  of  the  Six  Nations,  in 
the  Lord’s  Prayer,  all  of  whom,  except  the  Tuscaroras,  “ speak  a language 
radically  the  same.”  So-ung-wau-ne~ha  can- ro - unk-yaw-ga,  teh-see-ta-ro-an, 
sauh-son-e-you-sta,  esa,  saw-an-e-you , o-ket-tauh-se-la , eh-ne-au-wong , na , cau- 
ronunk-yaivga , naugh-wou-shauga , ne-at-te-weh-ne-sa-lauga,  taug-wau-nau-to- 
ro-no-an-tough-sick , to-an-taug-ive-lee-whe-you-staung , che-nee-yeut , cha-qua- 
tau-ta-leh-whe-you-staun-na , tough-sau,  taugh-ivaus-sa-re-neh,  ta-waut-ot-ten-au- 
gal-ough-toung-ga , nas-aw-ne , sa-che-au-taug-was , co-an-teh-sal-oh-aun-za- 
ick-aw , esa , saw-au-ne-you,  esa,  sash-autz-ta,  esa,  soung-wa-soung,  chen-ne- 
auh-a-aug-wa,  au  wen.\ 

Perhaps  we  cannot  present  the  reader  with  a greater  orator  than  Garangula, 
or,  as  he  was  called  by  the  French,  Grand’Gueule  ; though  Lahontan,  who 
knew  him,  wrote  it  Grangula.  He  was  by  nation  an  Onondaga,  and  is 
brought  to  our  notice  by  the  manly  and  magnanimous  speech  which  he 
made  to  a French  general,  who  marched  into  the  country  of  the  Iroquois  to 
subdue  them. 

In  the  year  1684,  Mr.  de  la  Barrt,  governor-general  of  Canada,  com- 
plained to  the  English,  at  Albany,  that  the  Senecas  were  infringing  upon 
their  rights  of  trade  with  some  of  the  other  more  remote  nations.  Governor 
Dongan  acquainted  the  Senecas  with  the  charge  made  by  the  French  gov- 
ernor. They  admitted  the  fact,  but  justified  their  course,  alleging  that  the 
French  supplied  their  enemies  with  arms  and  ammunition,  with  whom  they 
were  then  at  war.  About  the  same  time,  the  French  governor  raised  an 
army  of  1700  men,  and  made  other  “ mighty  preparations  ” for  the  final 
destruction  of  the  Five  Nations.  But  before  he  had  progressed  far  in  his 
great  undertaking,  a mortal  sickness  broke  out  in  his  army,  which  finally 
caused  him  to  give  over  the  expedition.  In  the  mean  time,  the  governor  of 
New  York  was  ordered  to  lay  no  obstacles  in  the  way  of  the  French  expedi- 
tion. Instead  of  regarding  this  order,  which  was  from  his  master,  the  Duke 
of  York,  he  sent  interpreters  to  the  Five  Nations  to  encourage  them,  with 
offers  to  assist  them. 

De  la  Bane,  in  hopes  to  effect  something  by  this  expensive  undertaking, 
crossed  Lake  Ontario,  and  held  a talk  with  such  of  the  Five  Nations  as  would 
meet  him.§  To  keep  up  the  appearance  of  power,  he  made  a high-toned 
speech  to  Grangula,  in  which  he  observed,  that  the  nations  had  often  infringed 
upon  the  peace  ; that  he  wished  now  for  peace ; but  on  the  condition  that  they 
should  make  full  satisfaction  for  all  the  injuries  they  had  done  the  French, 
and  for  the  future  never  to  disturb  them.  That  they,  the  Senecas,  Cayugas, 
Onondagos,  Oneidas,  and  Mohawks,  had  abused  and  robbed  all  their  traders, 
and  unless  they  gave  satisfaction,  he  should  declare  war.  That  they  had 
conducted  the  English  into  their  country  to  get  away  their  trade  heretofore, 
but  the  past  he  would  overlook,  if  they  would  offend  no  more ; yet,  if  ever 
the  like  should  happen  again,  he  had  express  orders  from  the  king,  his  master, 
to  declare  war. 


* Hist.  Five  Nations,  i.  109. 

f Kickons , in  Algonkin  ; Kegonce,  in  Chippeway.  Long's  Voyages , &c.  202,  4to. 

% Smith’s  llist.  N.  York,  40.  (ed.  4to.)  The  above  differs  somewhat  from  a copy  in 
Proud’s  Pa.  ii.  301. 

§ As  it  will  gratify  most  of  our  readers,  we  believe,  to  hear  the  general  in  his  own  words, 
we  will  present  them  with  a paragraph  of  his  speech  to  Grangula  in  his  own  language : — 

“ Le  roi  mon  mailre  informe  que  les  cinq  Nations,  Iroquoises  contrevenoient  depuis  long- 
terns  it  la  paix,  m’aordonne  de  me  transporter  ici  aVec  une  escorte,  et  d’envoier  Akouessan  au 
village  des  Onnatagues,  pour  inviler  les  principaux  chefs  a me  venir  voir.  L’intention  de  ce 
grand  monarque  est  que  nous  fumions  toi  et  moi  ensemble  dans  le  grand  calumet  de  paix; 
pourvu  que  tu  me  promettes  au  nom  des  Tsonontotians,  Goyogoans,  Onnotagues,  Onoyouts 
et  Agnies,  de  donner  une  entiere  satisfaction  et  dedommagement  a ses  sujets,  et  de  ne  rien 
faire  a l’avenir,  qui  puisse  causer  une  facheuse  rupture.”  &c.  Lahontan , i.  58,  59.  , 

1 # , * 


6 


GRANGULA. — HIS  SPEECH  TO  DE  LA  BARRE. 


[Book  V, 


Grangula  listened  to  these  words,  and  many  more  in  the  like  strain,  with 
that  contempt  which  a real  knowledge  of  the  situation  of  the  French  army, 
and  the  rectitude  of  his  own  course,  were  calculated  to  inspire ; and  after 
walking  several  times  round  the  circle,  formed  by  his  people  and  the  French, 
addressing  himself  to  the  governor,  seated  in  his  elbow  chair,  he  began  as 
follows : — * 

“Yonnondio;  f I honor  you,  and  the  warriors  that  are  with  me  likewise 
honor  you.  Your  interpreter  has  finished  your  speech.  I now  begin  mine* 
My  words  make  haste  to  reach  your  ears.  Harken  to  them. 

“Yonnondio;  You  must  have  believed,  when  you  left  Quebeck,  that  the 
sun  had  burnt  up  all  the  forests,  which  render  our  country  inaccessible  to  the 
French,  or  that  the  lakes  had  so  far  overflown  the  banks,  that  they  had  sur- 
rounded our  castles,  and  that  it  was  impossible  for  us  to  get  out  of  them. 
Yes,  surely,  you  must  have  dreamt  so,  and  the  curiosity  of  seeing  so  great 
a wonder  has  brought  you  so  far.  Now  you  are  undeceived,  since  that  I,  and 
the  warriors  here  present,  are  come  to  assure  you,  that  the  Senecas,  Cayugas, 
Onondagas,  Oneidas  and  Mohawks  are  yet  alive.  I thank  you,  in  their  name, 
for  bringing  back  into  their  country  the  calumet,  which  your  predecessor 
received  from  their  hands.  It  was  happy  for  you,  that  you  left  under  ground 
that  murdering  hatchet  that  has  been  so  often  dyed  in  the  blood  of  the 
French. 

“ Hear , Yonnondio  ; I do  not  sleep  ; I have  my  eyes  open ; and  the  sun, 
which  enlightens  me,  discovers  to  me  a great  captain  at  the  head  of  a company 
of  soldiers,  who  speaks  as  if  he  were  dreaming.  He  says,  that  he  only  came 
to  the  lake  to  smoke  on  the  great  calumet  with  the  Onondagas.  But  Gran- 
gula says,  that  he  sees  the  contrary;  that  it  was  to  knock  them  on  the  head, 
if  sickness  had  not  weakened  the  arms  of  the  French.  I see  Yonnondio 
raving  in  a camp  of  sick  men,  whose  lives  the  Great  Spirit  has  saved,  by 
inflicting  this  sickness  on  them. 

“ Hear , Yonnondio  ; our  women  had  taken  their  clubs,  our  children  and  old 
men  had  carried  their  bows  and  arrow's  into  the  heart  of  your  camp,  if  our 
warriors  had  not  disarmed  them,  and  kept  them  back,  when  your  messenger 
Akouessan\  came  to  our  castles.  It  is  done,  and  I have  said  it. 

“Hear,  Yonnondio ; we  plundered  none  of  the  French,  but  those  that  car- 
ried guns,  powder  and  balls  to  the  Twightwies§  and  Chictaghicks,  because 
those  arms  might  have  cost  us  our  lives.  Herein  we  follow  the  example  of 
the  Jesuits,  who  break  all  the  kegs  of  rum  brought  to  our  castles,  lest  the 
drunken  Indians  should  knock  them  on  the  head.  Our  warriors  have  not 
beaver  enough  to  pay  for  all  those  arms  that  they  have  taken,  and  our  old 
men  are  not  afraid  of  the  war.  This  belt  preserves  my  words. 

“We  carried  the  English  into  our  lakes,  to  trade  there  with  the  Utawawas 
and  Quatoghies,  [|  as  the  Adirondaks  brought  the  French  to  our  castles,  to 
carry  on  a trade,  which  the  English  say  is  theirs.  We  are  born  free.  We 
neither  depend  on  Yonnondio  nor  Corlear.  H We  may  go  where  we  please, 
and  carry  with  us  whom  we  please,  and  buy  and  sell  what  we  please.  If 
your  allies  be  your  slaves,  use  them  as  such,  command  them  to  receive  no 
other  but  your  people.  This  belt  preserves  my  words. 

“We  knock  the  Twightwies  and  Chictaghicks  on  the  head,  because  they 
had  cut  down  the  trees  of  peace,  which  were  the  limits  of  our  country. 
They  have  hunted  beaver  on  our  lands.  They  have  acted  contrary  to  the 
customs  of  all  Indians,  for  they  left  none  of  the  beavers  alive,  they  killed  both 
male  and  female.  They  brought  the  Satanas  into  their  country,  to  take  part 
with  them,  after  they  had  concerted  ill  designs  against  us.  We  have  done 


* “ Grangula,  qui  pendant  tout  le  descours  avoit  eu  les  yeux  fixament  attachez  sur  le  bout 
de  sa  pipe,  se  leve,  et  soil  par  une  civilite  bisarre,  ou  pour  se  donner  sans  faxjon  le  terns 
de  mediter  sa  reponse  il  fait  cinq  ou  six  tours  dans  ndtre  cercle  compose  de  sauvages  et  de 
Francis.  Reveim  en  sa  place  il  resta  debout  devant  le  general  assis  dans  un  bon  fautetlily 
et  le  regarant  il  lui  dit.”  Lahontan,  (i.  61,  62.)  who  was  one  of  those  present, 
t The  name  they  gave  the  governors  of  Canada.  Spelt  in  Lahontan,  Onnontio. 
f The  name  they  gave  Mr.  Le  Maine,  which  signified  a partridge. 

$ Iwikties,  Colaen.  ||  Chictaghicks,  Colden. 

IT  The  name  they  gave  the  governors  of  New  York. 


«BA*.  I.]  BLACK-KETTLE. -“HIS  WARS  WITH  THE  FRENCH*  7 

less  than  either  the  English  or  French,  that  have  usurped  the  lands  of  so  many 
Indian  nations,  and  chased  them  from  their  own  country.  This  belt  preserves 
my  words. 

“ Hear , Yonnondio ; what  I say  is  the  voice  of  all  the  Five  Nations.  Hear 
what  they  answer.  Open  your  ears  to  what  they  speak.  The  Senecas, 
Cayugas,  Onondagas,  Oneidas  and  Mohawks  say,  that  when  they  buried  the 
hatchet  at  Cadarackui,  in  the  presence  of  your  predecessor,  in  the  middle  of 
the  fort,  they  planted  the  tree  of  peace  in  the  same  place ; to  be  there  care- 
fully  preserved : that,  in  the  place  of  a retreat  for  soldiers,  that  fort  might  be 
a rendezvous  for  merchants  : that,  in  place  of  arms  and  ammunition  of  war, 
beavers  and  merchandise  should  only  enter  there. 

“ Hear , Yonnondio ; take  care  for  the  future,  that  so  great  a number  of  sol- 
diers as  appear  there  do  not  choke  the  tree  of  peace  planted  in  so  small  a 
fort.  It  will  be  a great  loss,  if,  after  it  had  so  easily  taken  root,  you  should 
stop  its  growth,  and  prevent  its  covering  your  country  and  ours  with  its 
branches.  I assure  you,  in  the  name  of  the  Five  Nations,  that  our  warriors 
shall  dance  to  the  calumet  of  peace  under  its  leaves ; and  shall  remain  quiet 
on  their  mats,  and  shall  never  dig  up  the  hatchet,  till  their  brother  Yonnondio 
or  Corlear  shall,  either  jointly  or  separately,  endeavor  to  attack  the  country 
which  the  Great  Spirit  has  given  to  our  ancestors.  This  belt  preserves  my 
words,  and  tins  other,  the  authority  which  the  Five  Nations  have  given  me.” 

Then,  addressing  himself  to  the  interpreter,  he  said,  “ Take  courage,  you 
have  spirit,  speak,  explain  my  words,  forget  nothing,  tell  all  that  your  brethren 
and  friends  say  to  Yonnondio , your  governor,  by  the  mouth  of  Grangula , who 
loves  you,  and  desires  you  to  accept  of  this  present  of  beaver,  and  take  part 
with  me  in  my  feast,  to  which  I invite  you.  This  present  of  beaver  is  sent 
to  Yonnondio , on  the  part  of  the  Five  Nations.” 

De  la  Barrewas  struck  with  surprise  at  the  wisdom  of  this  chief,  and  equal 
chagrin  at  the  plain  refutation  of  his  own.  He  immediately  returned  to 
Montreal,  and  thus  finished  this  inglorious  expedition  of  the  French  against 
the  Five  Nations. 

Grangula  was  at  this  time  a very  old  man,  and  from  this  valuable  speech 
we  became  acquainted  with  him ; a very  Nestor  of  his  nation,  whose  powers 
of  mind  would  not  suffer  in  comparison  with  those  of  a Roman,  or  a more 
modern  senator.  He  treated  the  French  with  great  civility,  and  feasted  them 
with  the  best  his  country  would  afford,  on  their  departure.  We  next  proceed 
to  notice 

BLACK-KETTLE,  whom  the  French  called  La  Chaudiere  Noire.  A 
war  with  France,  in  1690,  brought  this  chief  upon  the  records  of  history.  In 
the  summer  of  that  year,  Major  Schuyler , of  Albany,  with  a company  of  Mo- 
hawks, fell  upon  the  French  settlements  at  the  north  end  of  Lake  Champlain. 
De  Callieres , governor  of  Montreal,  hastily  collected  about  800  men,  and 
opposed  them,  but,  notwithstanding  jus  force  was  vastly  superior,  yet  they 
were  repulsed  with  great  loss.  About  300  of  the  enemy  were  killed  in  this 
expedition.  The  French  now  took  every  measure  in  their  power  to  retaliate. 
They  sent  presents  to  many  tribes  of  Indians,  to  engage  them  in  their  cause, 
and  in  the  following  winter  a party  of  about  300  men,  under  an  accomplished 
young  gentleman,  marched  to  attack  the  confederate  Indian  nations  at  Niag- 
ara. Their  march  was  long,  and  rendered  almost  insupportable ; being 
obliged  to  carry  their  provisions  on  their  backs  through  deep  snow.  Black- 
kettle  met  them  with  about  80  men,  and  maintained  an  unequal  fight  until 
his  men  were  nearly  all  cut  off ; but  it  was  more  fatal  to  the  French,  who,  far 
from  home,  had  no  means  of  recruiting.  Black-kettle , in  his  turn,  carried  the 
war  into  Canada  during  the  whole  summer  following,  with  immense  loss  and 
damage  to  the  French  inhabitants.  The  governor  was  so  enraged  at  his 
successes,  that  he  caused  a prisoner,  which  had  been  taken  from  the  Five 
Nations,  to  be  burnt  alive.  This  captive  withstood  the  tortures  with  as  much 
firmness  as  his  enemies  showed  cruelty.  He  sung  his  achievements  while 
they  broiled  his  feet,  burnt  his  hands  with  red  hot  irons,  cut  and  wrung  off 
his  joints,  and  pulled  out  the  sinews.  To  close  the  horrid  scene,  his  scalp 
was  torn  off,  and  red  hot  sand  poured  upon  his  head. 

But  this  was  a day  in  which  that  people  were  able  to  contend  successfully 


8 


BLACK-KETTLE.— IIIS  WARS  WITH  THE  FRENCH.  [Book  V,’ 


against  even  European  enemies.  They  had,  in  1691,  laid  a plan  to  prevent 
the  French  from  extending  their  settlements  westward,  for  surprising  those 
already  formed,  and  for  intercepting  the  western  Indians  as  they  brought 
down  their  peltries  to  them. 

Two  armies,  of  350  men  each,  were  to  march  out  on  this  business  about 
November;  the  first  were  to  attack  the  fort  at  the  Falls  of  St.  Louis,  and  the 
other  to  proceed  by  way  of  Lake  Champlain  against  the  settlements.  Before 
they  set  out,  two  Indian  women,  who  had  been  captives  among  them,  made 
their  escape,  and  gave  notice  of  their  object.  This,  in  a great  measure,  de- 
feated the  enterprise.  Governor  De  Callieres  raised  troops,  and  strengthened 
every  place  he  was  able.  The  first  party  was  discovered  as  they  approached 
St.  Louis,  who,  after  skirmishing  some  time  with  the  parties  detached  against 
them,  retired  without  gaining  any  material  advantage.  The  second  did  little 
more,  and  retired,  after  destroying  some  houses,  and  carrying  with  them  some 
prisoners. 

About  the  end  of  November,  34  Mohawks  surprised  some  of  the  French 
Indians  of  St.  Louis,  who  were  carelessly  hunting  about  Mount  Chambly, 
killing  4 and  capturing  8 others.  Some  escaped,  and  informed  their  friends 
of  what  had  happened,  and  a company  immediately  went  in  pursuit.  They 
overtook  them  near  Lake  Champlain,  and  a hard  fight  followed.  The  Catho- 
lic Indians  rushed  upon  them  with  great  fury,  tomahawk  in  hand,  and  although 
the  Mohawks  had  taken  post  behind  rocks,  they  were  routed,  6 being  killed, 
and  five  taken.  They  also  liberated  all  their  friends  taken  at  Mount  Chambly. 

In  the  beginning  of  February,  1692,  De  Callieres  ordered  M.  De  Oruillieres 
to  march,  with  300  men,  into  the  peninsula,  which  terminates  at  the  conflu- 
ence of  the  Ottoway  and  St.  Lawrence  Rivers,  to  surprise  a company  of 
Iroquois  he  had  been  informed  was  there.  It  was  their  hunting-ground- 
during  the  winter,  and  the  pretext  for  attacking  them  was,  that  they  were  now 
there  to  surprise  the  settlements,  and  intercept  such  as  passed  up  and  down 
said  rivers.  While  on  his  inarch,  De  Orvilliers  met  with  an  accident  which 
obliged  him  to  return  to  Montreal,  and  the  command  devolved  upon  Captain 
De  Beaucuurt.  This  officer  marched  to  Isle  Tonihata,  not  far  from  Cataro- 
couy  or  Katarokkui,  where  he  surprised  50  Senecas  in  their  cabins,  killed  24, 
and  took  6 of  them  prisoners. 

Enough  had  passed  before  this  to  arouse  the  spirit  of  vengeance  in  the 
great  chief  of  Onondaga,  Black-kettle  ; but  this  last  act  could  not  be  passed 
without,  at  least,  an  attempt  at  retaliation.  About  100  Senecas  were  near 
the  Sault  de  la  Chaudiere,  on  Ottoway  River,  at  this  time,  and  Black-kettle 
soon  after  joined  them  with  a band  of  his  Onondagos  ; and  they  immediately 
put  themselves  into  an  attitude  for  intercepting  their  enemies. 

Governor  De  Callieres  had  supposed  that  by  the  affair  at  Tonihata,  the  Iroquois 
were  sufficiently  humbled  for  the  present,  and  that  they  were  not  to  be  re- 
garded as  capable  of  any  considerable  undertaking ; but  he  soon  discovered 
the  error  of  his  judgment ; for  60  friendly  Indians,  having  arrived  at  Montreal 
to  trade,  reported  that  the  way  was  clear,  but  requested  a guard  when  they 
returned.  This  was  granted  them.  S.  Michel  volunteered  upon  this  service, 
and  put  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant  De  la  Gemeraye , 30  men.  He  had  for 
his  two  ensigns,  M.  Le  Fresniere , oldest  son  of  the  Sieur  Hertel , and  his  broth- 
er. Having  arrived  at  a place  called  the  Long  Falls,  on  Ottoway  River, 
some  marched  upon  the  side  of  the  river,  while  others  endeavored  to  effect 
the  passage  of  the  falls  in  the  boats.  They  had  no  sooner  entered  upon  this 
business,  when  the  warriors  of  Black-kettle,  from  an  ambush,  fired  upon  them, 
put  the  60  Indians  to  flight,  killing  and  wounding  many  of  the  French.  They 
then  rushed  upon  them  with  such  fury  that  little  time  was  allowed  for  resist- 
ance, and  they  fled  to  their  boats  for  safety ; but  in  their  hurry  they  over- 
turned them,  and  many  were  made  prisoners.  Among  these  were  & Michel 
and  the  two  Hertels.  La  Gemeraye  and  a few  soldiers  only  escaped.*  Black- 
kettle's  force  on  this  occasion  was  computed  at  140  men. 

Some  time  now  passed  without  hearing  from  Black-kettle , but  on  15  July, 
1692,  he  fell  upon  the  Island  of  Montreal,  as  has  already  been  recorded. 


* Colden  says,  (i.  134,)  that  but  four  escaped  in  all. 


Chap.  I.]  DEKANISORA.  9 

Parties  of  soldiers  collected  and  went  in  pursuit,  overtook  the  rear  of  the 
Indians,  killed  10  men,  and  retook  many  prisoners. 

Some  days  after  this,  as  the  Sieur  De  Lusignan  was  passing  near  the  Isles 
of  Richelieu,  Black-kettle  fell  upon  his  party,  killed  him,  and  put  his  men  to 
flight.  We  hear  nothing  more  of  great  moment  of  this  famous  chief,  until 
the  year  1697,  in  which  he  was  treacherously  murdered.  He  appears  at  this 
perfod  to  have  concluded  upon  making  peace  with  the  French,  and  messen- 
gers had  been  despatched  to  Quebec  upon  that  design.  In  the  mean  time 
he  was  hunting  in  the  neighborhood  of  Catarocouy,  where  the  French  had 
a garrison,  which  was  then  commanded  by  Captain  Gemeraye , before  men- 
tioned, to  whom  he  gave  notice  that  negotiations  were  on  foot.  Notwith- 
standing, 34  Algonquins,  in  the  French  interest,  were  suffered  to  go  and 
surprise  Black-kettle  and  his  40  hunters,  who  were  not  far  from  Catarocouy, 
at  a place  named  Qi ante.  They  were  fallen  upon  at  a time  when  they 
thought  not  of  an  enemy,  and  about  half  of  them  were  slain,  among  whom 
was  Black-kettle  ; his  wife  and  many  others  were  taken  prisoners.  * 

Adario,  Kondiaronk,  Sastaretsi,  and  The  Rat,  were  names  of  a chief  of 
great  renown  among  the  Hurons.  The  tribe  to  which  he  originally  belonged 
was  called  the  Dinondadies  or  Tionnontates.  His  character,  as  drawn  by 
Charlevoix , is  as  follows : “ A man  of  a great  mind,  the  bravest  of  the  brave, 
and  possessing  altogether  the  best  qualities  of  any  known  to  the  French  in 
Canada.”  Of  what  we  are  about  to  relate  concerning  him,  we  have  already 
given  a sketch,  which  being  defective  in  some  of  the  main  particulars,  it  was 
thought  best  to  add  another  version  of  it  in  this  place. 

It  was  with  no  small  difficulty  that  the  French  had  engaged  him  in  their 
cause.  While  on  a visit  to  the  governor,  in  1688,  he  had  passed  his  word 
that  he  would  make  war  on  his  detested  enemies,  the  Iroquois,  and  soon 
after  departed  for  Michilimakinak,  with  a chosen  band  of  his  Hurons,  resolv- 
ed to  distinguish  himself  by  some  signal  exploit.  In  his  way  he  passed  by 
Catarocouy.  At  this  place,  he  learned,  to  his  surprise,  that  a negotiation 
was  already  on  foot  between  the  French  and  Iroquois,  and  was  at  the  same 
time  informed  by  the  officer  in  command  there,  that  he  would  infinitely  dis- 
oblige M.  De  Denonville , if  he  should  commit  the  least  hostility  upon  any  of 
the  Iroquois,  who  was  immediately  to  receive  their  ambassadors  at  Montreal, 
together  with  hostages  from  all  the  cantons. 

Kondiaronk  concealed  his  surprise,  and  althoygh  now  convinced  that  the 
French  would  sacrifice  him  and  his  allies,  yet  he  made  no  complaint,  and 
left  the  place  as  though  to  return  to  his  own  country.  But  he  had  no  sooner 
conceived  the  design  of  intercepting  the  Iroquois  ambassadors  and  hostages, 
than  he  set  out  upon  it.  Having  placed  his  men  in  ambush  at  Famine 
Creek,  he  had  waited  but  few  days  when  they  arrived.  As  they  were 
descending  the  creek  in  their  canoes,  Adario’’ s warriors  fired  upon  them, 
killed  several,  and  took  the  rest  prisoners. 

The  celebrated  Dekanisora,  or,  as  the  French  called  him,  Teganisorens , 
of  Onondago,  was  at  the  head  of  this  embassy,  and  was  among  the  prisoners. 
He  demanded  of  Adario , how  it  happened  that  he  could  be  ignorant  that  he 
was  an  ambassador  to  their  common  father,  and  of  his  endeavor  to  bring 
about  a lasting  peace.  The  subtle  chief  completely  subdued  his  irritable 
and  indignant  passions,  by  expressing  far  greater  surprise  than  Dekanisora 
himself;  protesting  that  the  French  were  the  whole  cause  of  what  had 
happened,  for  that  they  had  sent  him  to  surprise  his  party,  and  had  assured 
him  that  he  could  do  it  with  ease,  as  their  numbers  were  small ; and,  to  drive 
suspicions  from  the  mind  of  Dekanisora  and  his  people,  set  them  all  at 
liberty,  but  one,  who  was  to  supply  the  place  of  one  of  the  Hurons  that  was 
killed.  At  parting,  Adario  spoke  to  them  as  follows  : — 

“ Go,  my  brethren,  I untie  your  bonds,  and  send  you  home  again,  though 
our  nations  be  at  war.  The  French  governor  has  made  me  commit  so  black 
an  action,  that  I shall  never  be  easy  after  it,  till  the  Five  Nations  have  taken 
full  revenge.” 

Some  report  that,  after  capturing  Dekanisora , Adario  returned  to  Kad^rak- 


* This  is  according  to  the  text  of  Charlevoix. 


10 


DEKANISORA.— ADARIO. 


[Book  V. 


kui,  or  Catarocouy,  and  that,  being  asked  by  the  French  from  whence  he 
came,  said,  “ From,  preventing  peace.”  * They  did  not  at  first  comprehend  his 
meaning,  but  soon  after,  one  of  his  prisoners,  that  escaped,  gave  them  the 
history  of  the  affair. 

But  for  what  followed,  the  character  of  Mario  would  stand  well  among 
warriors.  He  sacrificed  his  only  prisoner,  which  completed  this  a6t  of  the 
tragedy ; and  it  seemed  necessary  to  carry  out  his  deep-laid  stratagem. 

That  the  Iroquois  should  have  no  chance  to  believe  the  French  innocent 
of  the  blood  at  the  River  Famine,  which  they  had  used  great  endeavors  to 
effect,  by  sending  emissaries  among  them,  Adario  went  with  his  prisoner 
immediately  to  Michilimakinak,  and  delivered  him  to  M.  De  la  Durantaycy 
the  commander  of  that  post,  who  as  yet  had  had  no  knowledge  of  any  nego- 
tiation between  the  Iroquois  and  his  superiors.  Whereupon  he  forthwith 
caused  the  poor  prisoner  to  be  put  to  death.  The  news  of  this  affair,  the 
cunning  chief  caused  to  be  made  known  among  the  cantons,  by  an  old 
captive  he  had  held  a long  time  in  bondage  at  his  village,  whom  he  now  set 
at  liberty  for  this  purpose. 

The  catastrophes  that  befell  the  French  not  long  after,  and  the  suffering 
they  endured,  are  almost  without  a parallel,  f 

About  1200  of  the  chief  warriors  of  the  Five  Nations  landed  upon  the 
Island  of  Montreal,  25  August,  1689,  while  the  French  were  in  perfect  secu- 
rity, burnt  their  houses,  sacked  their  plantations,  and  slew  a vast  number  of 
the  inhabitants.  The  English  accounts  say  a thousand  persons  perished, 
but  this  number  was  no  doubt  far  greater  than  the  truth.  In  October  fol- 
lowing they  attacked  the  island  again  with  nearly  equal  success.  These 
horrid  disasters  threw  the  whole  country  into  the  utmost  consternation,  in 
which  the  fort  at  Lake  Ontario  was  abandoned  by  the  garrison,  and  as  soon 
possessed  by  the  Indians.  Here,  among  other  things  of  great  value  to  them, 
28  barrels  of  gunpowder  fell  into  their  hands.  Nothing  now  saved  the 
French  from  an  entire  extermination  but  the  ignorance  of  their  enemies  in 
the  art  of  attacking  fortified  places. 

Adario  finally  died  at  peace  with  the  French;  and  almost  in  the  act  of  con- 
cluding it.  He  had  accompanied  the  heads  of  several  tribes  to  Montreal,  in 
1701,  to  hold  a treaty,  and,  on  the  1 August,  (that  being  the  first  day  of  public 
councils,)  Adario  found  himself  seized  by  sickness.  Every  thing  was  done 
to  relieve  him,  (“ as  the  goverhor  general,”  says  Charlevoix,  “rested  his  prin- 
cipal hope  of  success  in  the  treaty,  upon  him,”)  but  without  avail ; being 
carried  to  l’Hotel  Dieu,  he  died  at  two  o’clock  on  the  following  night.  At 
his  funeral  J the  greatest  display  was  made,  and  nothing  was  omitted  which 
could  inspire  the  Indians  present  with  a conviction  of  the  great  respect  in 
which  he  was  held.  On  his  tomb-stone  were  engraved  these  words, 


* “ 11  repondit  qiftl  venoit  de  teur  la  paix ; et  qu'il  ajouta,  nous  verrons  comment  Ononthio 
sc  tirera  de  cette  affaire.” 

f Few  would  wish  to  read,  in  English,  the  cruelties  at  the  sacking  of  Montreal : the  ac- 
count of  them,  we  agree  with  Dr.  Holmes,  “is  too  horrid  to  translate.” — 11  Us  trouverent 
tout  le  mond  endormi,  et  ils  commencerent  -par  massacrer  tous  les  hommes ; ensuite  ils  mirent 
le  feu  aux  maisons.  Par-Id  tous  ceux,  qrn  y etoient  restis,  tomberent  entre  mains  de  ces  sau- 
vages,  et  essuyerent  tout  ce  que  la  fureur  pent  inspirer  a des  barbares.  Ils  la  pousserent  meme 
a des  exc$s,  dont  on  ne  les  avoit  pas  encore  cru  capables.  Ils  ouvrirent  le  sein  des  femmes 
enceintes,  pour  en  arraclier  le  fruit,  qu’elles  portoient,  ils  mirent  des  enfans  tout  vivans  d la 
troche,  et  contraignirent  les  meres  de  les  tourner  pour  les  faire  rotir.  Ils  inventerent  quantity 
d'autres  supplices  inouis,  et  200  personnes  de  tout  Age  et  de  tout  scxe  perirent  ainsi  en  mains 
d’une  heure  dans  les  plus  affreux  tourmens.  Cela  fait,  Uennemi  s’aprocha  jusqu'a  une  liuM  de 
la  ville,  faisant  par  tout  les  memes  ravages,  et  exerqant  les  memes  cruautes,  et  quand  ils  furent 
las  de  ces  horreurs ; ils  firent  200  prisonniers,  qu’ils  emmenerent  dans  leur  villages,  oil  ils 
les  brdlerent." 

$ “ Le  lendemain  on  fit  ses  funerailles,  qui  eurent  quelque  chose  de  magnifique  et  de  sin- 
gulier.  M.  de  St.  Ours,  premier  capitaine,  marchoit  d’abord  a la  t£te  de  60  soldats  sous  les 
armcs.  Seize  guerriers  Hurons,  vetus  de  longues  robes  de  castor,  le  visage  peint  en  noir, 
et  le  fusil  sous  le  bras,  suivoient,  marchant  quatre  a quatre.  Le  clerge  venoit  apr&s,  et  six 
chefs  de  guerre  portoient  le  cercueil,  qui  etoit  couvert  d’un  poele  seme  de  fleurs,  sur  lecjuel 
il  y avoit  un  chapeau  avec  un  plumet,  un  hausse-col  et  une  epee.  Les  freres  et  les  enfans 
du  defunt  etoient  derriere,  acgompagn^s  de  tous  les  chefs  des  nations,  et  M.  de  Vaudreuif 
gouverneur  de  la  ville,  qui  menoit  madame  de  Cliampigny,  fermoit  la  marche.” 


Chap.  I.] 


PE1SKARET. 


11 


“ CY  GIT  LE  RAT,  CHEF  HURON.” 

Which  in  English  is,  “ Here  lies  the  Rat , Chief  of  the  Hurons .”  The  encomi- 
ums passed  by  the  French  upon  him  that  was  once  their  most  dreaded 
enemy,  are  only  equalled  by  those  of  their  countrymen,  Fontenelle  and  La- 
harpe,  upon  their  favorite  characters. 

His  body  was  a short  time  exposed  before  it  was  interred,  dressed  in  the 
uniform  of  an  officer,  with  his  arms  by  his  side,  because  he  ranked  as  a 
captain,  at  the  time  of  his  death,  in  the  French  service. 

The  intercourse  of  Dekanisora  with  the  French  and  English  was  long,  and 
from  the  fact  he  was  able,  for  much  of  the  time  during  then-  wars,  to  be  on 
good  terms  with  both  nations,  we  are  to  suppose  that  he  possessed  some 
skill  in  the  arts  of  duplicity.  He  is  first  mentioned  by  Charlevoix  in  1682, 
at  which  time  he,  with  four  other  ambassadors,  visited  Montreal  upon  a 
peace  expedition.  He  was  suspected  of  insincerity  by  the  French,  and  no 
reliance  appears  to  have  been  put  upon  his  pretensions.  Twelve  years  after, 
Colden  saw  him,  and  thus  speaks  of  him : “ Decanesora  had  for  many  years 
the  greatest  reputation  among  the  Five  Nations  for  speaking,  and  was  gener- 
ally employed  as  their  speakeV,  in  their  negotiations  with  both  French  and 
English : he  was  grown  old  when  I saw  him,  and  heard  him  speak ; he  had 
a great  fluency  in  speaking,  and  a graceful  elocution,  that  would  have  pleased 
in  any  part  of  the  world.  His  person  was  tall  and  well  made,  and  his  features, 
to  my  thinking,  resembled  much  the  bustos  of  Cicero .”  * 

If  he  were  an  old  sachem  in  1694,  he  must  have  been  very  old  in  1726,  for 
in  this  year  he  was  at  Albany  with  six  other  ambassadors,  where,  on  the  14 
September,  they  executed  an  agreement  with  the  English ; the  conditions  of 
which  were  that  they  should  surrender  all  their  hunting-grounds  into  the 
hands  of  Coorakhoo,  as  they  called  the  King  of  England,  “ to  be  protected 
and  defended  by  his  said  majesty,  his  heirs  and  successors,  to  and  for  the 
use  of  us,  our  heirs,  and  the  said  three  Nations.”  These  had  before  been 
enumerated,  as  follows : “ Kanakarighton  and  Shanintsaronwe , Sinneke 
sachems  ; Ottsoghkoree , Dekanisoree  and  Aenjeucratt , Cavouge  sachems ; Racly- 
akalovodon  and  Sadageenaghtie , Onondago  sachems.”  f 

Charlevoix  was  unable  to  ascertain  the  time  of  Dekanisora' s death,  although 
he  learned  that  it  happened  at  the  Falls  of  St.  Louis.  Under  date  1693,  he 
speaks  in  high  terms  of  him,  OureouharS  and  GarakonthU , Iroquois  Christians, 
whom  Dekanisora  had  employed  secretly  to  bring  about  a peace  with  that 
nation  ; but  knew  not,  as  to  his  Christianity,  he  said,  at  that  time  ; but  was 
certain  that  he  had  professed  it.  He  probably  died  about  1730. 

We  will  go  a little  back  in  this  place,  to  notice  a chief  of  the  Adirondaks, 
of  whom  the  most  extraordinary  stories  are  told  ; even  those  of  Jack-the- giant- 
killer  are  but  little  more  incredible.  And  even  though  Father  Charlevoix 
was  familiar  with  them,  yet  he  deemed  them  as  fiction,  it  will  be  imagined, 
from  his  not  relating  them  in  his  minute  history.  The  name  of  PEIS KA RET 
was,  for  sundry  years  previous  to  1646,  terrible  to  the  enemies  of  the  Adiron- 
daks. This  nation,  when  Canada  was  settled  by  the  French,  in  1603,  resided 
about  300  miles  to  the  westward  of  Three  Rivers.  How  long  they  had  been 
at  war  with  the  Iroquois  at  this  time,  is  not  mentioned,  but  it  was  continued 
until  the  death  of  Peiskaret  in  1646,  though  with  interruption  and  various 
success;  but  with  this  chief  perished  all  opposition,  and  the  Adirondaks 
figured  no  more  as  a nation. 

As  we  have  put  the  reader  upon  his  guard,  about  receiving  the  huge  stories 
about  Peiskaret  with  too  much  confidence,  it  will  be  expected  at  our  hands, 
perhaps,  that  we  give  a sample  of  them,  as  it  may  be  said,  “ possibly  they 
are  true.”  We  might  have  done  this  without  thus  premising,  as  others  have 
done,  upon  the  authority  of  Colden , (an  author  of  small  value,  comparatively 
speaking.)  His  relation  proceeds : — 

“ An  Indian  named  Piskaret  was  at  this  time  J one  of  the  captains  of 

* Hist.  Five  Nations,  i.  156. 

t Governor  Thomas  Pownal,  Administration  of  the  British  Colonies,  i.  238,  239. 

\ He  mentions  no  particular  time,  but  that  of  the  settlement  of  Canada,  in  1603  j but  some 
fiime  during  the  war  of  which  we  have  spoken  must  be  understood. 


12 


PEJSKARET. 


[Book  V. 


greatest  fame  among  the  Adirondacks ; this  bold  man,  with  four  other  cap- 
tains, set  out  for  Trois  Rivieres  in  one  canoe,  each  of  them  being  pro- 
vided with  three  muskets,  which  they  loaded  with  two  bullets  apiece,  joined 
with  a small  chain  ten  inches  long.  They  met  with  five  canoes  in  Sorel 
River,  each  having  10  men  of  the  Five  Nations  on  board.  Piskaret  and  his 
captains,  as  soon  as  those  of  the  Five  Nations  drew  near,  pretended  to  give 
themselves  up  [or  lost,  and  sung  their  death-song,  then  suddenly  fired  upon 
the  canoes,  which  they  repeated  with  the  arms  that  lay  ready  loaded,  and 
tore  those  birch  vessels  betwixt  wind  and  water.*  The  men  of  die  Five 
Nations  were  so  surprised,  that  they  tumbled  out  of  their  canoes,  and  gave 
Piskaret  and  his  companions  the  opportunity  of  knocking  as  many  of  them 
on  the  head  as  they  pleased,  and  saving  the  others,  to  feed  their  revenge, 
which  they  did  by  burning  them  alive  with  the  most  cruel  torments.  This, 
however,  was  so  far  from  glutting  Piskaret'1  s revenge,  that  it  seemed  rather  to 
give  a keener  edge  to  it ; for  he  soon  after  undertook  another  enterprise,  in 
which  none  of  his  countrymen  durst  accompany  him.  He  was  well  acquainted 
with  the  country  of  the  Five  Nations,  and  set  out  about  the  time  the  snow  be- 
gan to  melt,  with  the  precaution  of  putting  the  hinder  part  of  his  snow-shoes 
forward,  that  if  any  should  happen  upon  his  footsteps,  they  might  think  he  was 
gone  the  contrary  way  ; and  for  further  security,  went  along  the  ridges  and 
high  grounds,  where  the  snow  was  melted,  that  his  track  might  be  often  lost. 
When  he  came  near  one  of  the  villages  of  the  Five  Nations,  he  hid  himself 
till  night,  and  then  entered  a cabin,  while  every  body  was  fast  asleep  murdered 
the  whole  family,  and  carried  their  scalps  into  his  lurking-place.  The  next  day 
the  people  of  the  village  searched  for  the  murderer  in  vain.  The  following 
night  he  murdered  all  he  found  in  another  cabin.  The  inhabitants  next  day 
searched  likewise  in  vain  for  the  murderer : but  the  third  night  a watch  was 
kept  in  every  house.  Piskaret , in  the  night,  bundled  up  the  scalps  he  had 
taken  the  two  former  nights,  to  carry,  as  the  proof  of  his  victory,  and  then 
stole  privately  from  house  to  house,,  till  at  last  he  found  an  Indian  nodding, 
who  was  upon  the  watch  in  one  of  the  houses : he  knocked  this  man  on  the 
head ; but  as  this  alarmed  the  rest,  he  was  forced  immediately  to  fly.  He  was, 
however,  under  no  great  concern  from  the  pursuit,  being  more  swift  of  foot 
than  any  Indian  then  living.  He  let  his  pursuers  come  near  him  from  time 
to  time,  and  then  would  dart  from  them.  This  he  did  with  design  to  tire  them 
out,  with  the  hopes  of  overtaking  him.  As  it  began  to  grow  dark,  he  hid  him- 
self and  his  pursuers  stopped  to  rest.  They  not  being  apprehensive  of  any 
danger  from  a single  man,  soon  fell  asleep ; and  the  bold  Piskaret  observing 
this,  knocked  them  all  on  the  head,  and  carried  away  their  scalps  with  the 
rest.  Such  stories  as  these,”  continues  Colden,  “ are  told  among  the  Indians, 
as  extraordinary  instances  of  the  courage  and  conduct  of  their  captains.” 

Belbre  this,  as  we  apprehend,  though  related  afterwards  by  this  author, 
were  the  great  expeditions  of  the  Iroquois  against  the  Adirondaks.  The 
French  took  part  with  the  latter  from  the  beginning,  and  when  Champlain 
visited  the  country,  he  joined  a party  of  them,  and  went  against  the  Iroquois, 
and,  with  the  aid  of  his  fire-arms,  overcame  them  in  a battle  near  Lake  Cor- 
lar,  which  was  henceforth  called  Lake  Champlain.  Two  hundred  Iroquois 
were  in  this  fight,  and  the  French  kept  themselves  concealed,  until  it  began, 
then  rushed  forward,  and  immediately  put  the  Iroquois  to  flight.  This  was 
th/e  first  time  they  had  seen  the  effects  of  guns.  This  affair  was  in  1611. 

Finally,  the  Loquois,  having  grown  conscious  of  their  strength,  felt  con- 
fident that,  if  they  could  prevent  the  French  from  assisting  them,  they  could 
withstand  them.  Therefore,  they  pretended  to  be  well  affected  towards 
their  religion,  and  requested  that  missionaries  should  be  sent  among  them. 
This  was  done  without  delay.  Their  real  object  was  soon  apparent;  for 
they  treated  the  Jesuit  missionaries  only  as  hostages,  and  this  was  the  means 
of  making  them  stand  neutral  while  they  carried  on  their  war  with  the  Adi- 
rondaks and  Quatoghies  or  Hurons,  whom  they  soon  after  defeated  “in  a 
dreadful  battle  fought  within  two  leagues  of  Quebeck.” 

This  expedition  turned  out  so  much  to  their  advantage,  u the  Five  Nations 

* The  author  of  Indian  Tales  has  copied  this  closely,  but  gives  no  credit.  Tales,  In, 
36,  &c. 


Chap.  I.] 


FIVE  IROQUOIS  CHIEFS  VISIT  ENGLAND. 


13 


gave  out,  that  they  intended  next  winter  # to  visit  the  governor  of  Canada : 
these  visits  are  always  made  with  much  show.  Under  this  pretence  they 
gathered  together  1000  or  1200  men.  Their  outscouts  met  with  Piskaret  near 
Nicolet  River,  and  still  pretending  a friendly  visit  to  the  governor  of  Canada, 
as  their  only  design,  he  told  them,  that  the  Adirondack^  were  divided  into 
two  bodies,  one  of  which  hunted  on  the  north  side  of  St.  Lawrence  River  at 
Wabmake,  three  leagues  above  Trois  Rivieres,  and  the  other  at  Nicolet.  As 
soon  as  they  had  gained  this  information,  they  killed  him,  and  returned 
with  his  head  to  the  army.  The  Five  Nations  divided  likewise  into  two 
bodies : they  surprised  the  Adirondacks,  in  both  places,  and  in  both  cut  them 
in  pieces.” 

This  account  is  more  circumstantial  than  that  given  by  Charlevoix , but,  as 
we  have  seen,  would  have  been  without  any  value,  but  for  his  chronology. 
He  states  that,  by  their  previous  conduct,  the  Mohawks  had  reason  to  expect, 
that  all  the  neighboring  nations  would  join  to  oppose  them,  and  that  they 
sent  out  parties  to  observe  what  was  passing  among  them ; that  one  of  these 
scouts  met  Peiskaret  alone,  but  dared  not  attack  him ; being  persuaded  he 
would  kill  at  least  half  of  them,  as  he  had  often  done  before.  They  there- 
fore accosted  him  as  a friend,  while  some  came  up  behind  him,  and  stabbed 
him  to  the  heart. 

But  for  the  French,  the  Iroquois  had  now  been  complete  masters  of 
all  the  northern  and  western  regions ; and  some  have  observed,  that  had 
they  known  the  weakness  of  those  white  neighbors,  at  the  time  they  over- 
came the  Algonquins,  near  Quebec,  they  might  easily  have  cleared  vthe 
country  of  them  also. 

We  will  close  this  chapter  with  an  account  of  the  visit  of  five  Iroquois 
chiefs  to  England.  The  English  in  America  had  supposed  that  if  they 
could  convince  the  Indian  nations  of  the  power  and  greatness  of  their 
mother  country,  they  should  be  able  to  detach  them  forever  from  the  in- 
fluence of  the  French.  To  accomplish  this  object,  these  chiefs  were  pre- 
vailed upon  to  make  the  voyage.  They  visited  the  court  of  Queen  Anne  in 
the  year  1710.  None  of  the  American  historians  seem  to  have  known  the 
names  of  these  chiefs,  or,  if  they  did,  have  not  thought  it  proper  to  transmit 
them.  Smith , in  his  history  of  New  York,  mentions  the  fact  of  their  having 
visited  England,  and  gives  the  speech  which  they  made  to  the  queen,  and 
says  it  is  preserved  “in  Oldmixon ,”  perhaps  in  the  2d  edition  of  his  British 
Empire  in  America, f as  nothing  of  the  kind  is  found  in  his  history  of  Eng- 
land, although  he  records  the  circumstance,  and  ill-naturedly  enough  too. 
We  think  he  would  hardly  have  done  even  this,  but  for  the  purpose  of  ridi- 
culing the  friends  of  the  queen.  The  following  is  all  that  he  says  of  them:| 
“ Three  weeks  after  the  battle  of  Sarragossa  was  fought  by  General  Stanhope , 
whose  victory  made  way  for  the  march  to  Madrid,  the  news  of  the  victory 
was  brought  to  the  queen  by  Colonel  Harrison,  the  15  September,  O.  S.,  at 
which  time  the  High-church  rabble  were  pelting  General  Stanhope's  proxy, 
and  knocking  down  his  friends  at  the  Westminster  election.  However,  for 
the  successes  in  Spain,  and  for  the  taking  of  Doway,  Bethune  and  Aire,  by 
the  duke  of  Marlborough  in  Flanders,  there  was  a thanksgiving-day  appointed, 
which  the  queen  solemnized  in  St.  James’s  chapel.  To  have  gone  as  usual 
to  St.  Paul’s,  and  there  to  have  had  Te  Deum  sung  on  that  occasion,  would 
have  shown  too  much  countenance  to  those  brave  and  victorious  English 
generals,  who  were  fighting  her  battles  abroad,  while  High-church  was  plot- 
ting, and  railing,  and  addressing  against  them  at  home.  The  carrying  of 
four  § Indian  Casaques  about  in  the  queen’s  coaches,  was  all  the  triumph  of 
the  Harleian  administration;  they  were  called  kings,  and  clothed,  by  the 


* No  one  can  tell  when  next  winter  was,  that  is,  what  year  it  was  in,  by  any  connection  in 
Colden’s  text ; he  is  so  exceedingly  loose  with  regard  to  dates  ; but,  according  to  Charlevoix, 
it  was  in  1 6445. 

f The  first  edition  (which  I possess)  was  printed  in  1708. 

j:  Hist.  England,  ii.  452.  (Fol.  London,  1735.) 

§ He  saysjiue,  a few  lines  onward,  in  his  usual  random  mode  of  expression,  supposing  it  all 
the  same,  doubtless,  as  he  was  only  considering  Indians  ! It  will  be  seen  that  five  was  the  real 
number. 

2 


14 


FIVE  IROQUOIS  CHIEFS  VISIT  ENGLAND. 


[Book  V. 


play-house  tailor,  like  other  kings  of  the  theatre ; they  were  conducted  to 
audience  by  Sir  Charles  Cotterel ; there  was  a speech  made  lor  them,  and 
nothing  omitted  to  do  honor  to  these  five  monarchs,  whose  presence  did  so 
much  honor  to  the  new  ministry ; which  the  latter  seemed  to  be  extremely 
fond  of,  and  defrayed  all  their  expenses  during  their  stay  here.  They  were 
the  captains  of  the  four  nations,  [Five  Nations,]  in  league  with  the  English 
at  New  York  and  New  England,  and  came  in  person  to  treat  of  matters 
concerning  trade  with  the  lords  commissioners  of  plantations;  as  also  of  an 
enterprise  against  the  French,  and  their  confederate  Indians  in  those  parts.” 

Sir  Richard  Steele  mentions  thesa  chiefs  in  his  Tatler  of  May  13,  1710, 
and  Addison  makes  them  the  subject  of  a number  of  the  Spectator  the 
next  year,  at  a suggestion  of  Dean  Swift* * * *  Neither  of  these  papers,  how- 
ever, contain  many  facts  respecting  them.  In  the  former  it  is  mentioned 
that  one  of  them  was  taken  sickf  at  the  house  where  they  were  accommo- 
dated during  their  stay  in  London,  and  they  all  received  great  kindness  and 
attention  from  their  host,  which,  on  their  departure,  was  the  cause  of  their 
honoring  him  with  a name  of  distinction  ; which  was  Qadaroque , and  sig- 
nified “ the  strongest  fort  in  their  country .”  In  speaking  of  their  residence, 
Mr.  Steele  says,  “ They  were  placed  in  a handsome  apartment  at  an  uphol- 
ster’s  in  King-street,  Covent-garden.”  There  were  fine  portraits  of  each  of 
them  painted  at  the  time,  and  are  still  to  be  seen  in  the  British  Museum,  j: 

The  best  and  most  methodical  account  of  these  chiefs  was  published  in 
the  great  annual  history  by  Mr.  Boyer , § and  from  which  we  extract  as  follows : 
“ On  the  19  April  Te  Yee  JVeen  Ho  Ga  Prow , and  Sa  Ga  Yean  Qua  Prah 
Ton,  of  the  Maquas  ; Blow  Oh  Koam,  and  Oh  Nee  Yeath  Ton  No  Prow,  ||  of 
the  river  sachem, IT  and  the  Ganajoh-hore  sachem,** * * §§  four  kings,  or  chiefs  of  the 
Six  Nations  ff  in  the  West  Indies,  ft  which  lie  between  New  England,  and 
New  France,  or  Canada:  who  lately  came  over  with  the  West  India  fleet, 
and  were  cloathed  and  entertained  at  the  queen’s  expense,  had  a public 
audience  of  her  majesty  at  the  palace  of  St.  James , being  conducted  thither 
in  two  of  her  majesty’s  coaches,  by  Sir  Charles  Cotterel,  master  of  the  cere- 
monies, and  introduced  by  the  duke  of  Shrewsbury,  lord  chamberlain.  They 
made  a speech  by  their  intrepreter,  which  Major  Pidgeon,  who  was  one  of 
the  officers  that  came  with  them,  read  in  English  to  her  majesty,  being  as 
follows  : — 

“ Great  Queen — We  have  undertaken  a long  and  tedious  voyage,  which 
none  of  our  predecessors  §§  could  be  prevailed  upon  to  undertake.  The 
motive  that  induced  us  was,  that  we  might  see  our  great  queen,  and  relate 
to  her  those  things  we  thought  absolutely  necessary,  for  the  good  of  her,  and 
us,  her  allies,  on  the  other  side  the  great  water.  We  doubt  not  but  our  great 


* “ I intended  to  have  written  a book  on  that  subject.  I believe  he  [ Addison ] has  spen't  it 
all  in  one  paper,  and  all  the  under  hints  there  are  mine  too.”  Swift’s  Letter  to  Mrs.  Johnson, 
dated  London,  28  April,  1711. 

f This  was  probably  the  one  that  died,  of  whom  Kalm , in  his  travels  in  America,  i.  210, 
makes  mention ; though  I do  not  find  a record  of  it  in  any  periodical  of  that  day. 

f Notes  to  the  Spectator,  ed.  in  8 vols.  8vo.  London,  1789. 

9 ‘*The  Annals  of  Queen  Anne’s  Reign,  Year  the  IX.  for  1710,”  189 — 191.  This  is  a 
work  containing  a most  valuable  fund  of  information,  and  is,  with  its  continuation,  a lasting 
monument  to  ns  learned  publisher ; his  being  dragged  into  the  Dunciad  in  one  of  Pope's 
freaks  notwithstanding. 

||  We  have  these  names  in  the  Tatler,  spelt  Tee  Yee  Neen  Ho  Ga  Row,  Sa  Ga  Yeath  Rua 
Geth  Ton,  E Tow  Oh  Koam,  and  Ho  Nec  Yeth  Taw  No  Row. 

IT  It  is  difficult  to  conceive  what  is  meant  by  River  Indians  from  many  of  our  authors.  In 
the  Appendix  to  Jefferson's  Notes,  308,  they  are  called  River  Indians,  or  Mohickanders, 
“ who  had  their  dwellings  between  the  west  branch  of  Delaware  and  Hudson’s  river,  from  ihe 
Kittatinny  ridge  down  to  the  Rariton.”  The  “ Mohiccons  ” were  another  tribe  about  the 
islands  and  mouth  of  the  Hudson. 

**  Probably  the  chief  of  Canajohara. 

ft  Query.  If,  according  to  Golden  and  others,  the  Tuscaroras  did  not  join  the  Iroquois 
until  1712,  and  until  that  time  these  were  called  the  Five  Nations,  how  comes  it  that  they  were 
known  in  England  by  the  name  of  Six  Nations  in  1710? 

ff  No  one  can  be  misled  by  this  error,  any  more  than  an  Englishman  would  be  by  being 
told  that  London  is  situated  at  the  foot  of  the  Rocky  Mountains. 

§§  None  of  the  Six  Nations,  must  be  understood. 


Chap.  I.] 


FIVE  IROQUOIS  CHIEFS  VISIT  ENGLAND. 


15 


queen  has  been  acquainted  with  our  long  and  tedious  war,  in  conjunction 
with  her  children,  against  her  enemies  the  French : and  that  we  have  b :en 
as  a strong  wall  for  their  security,  even  to  the  loss  of  our  best  men.  The 
truth  of  which  our  broiler  Queder,  Colonel  [Peter]  Schuyler , and  Anadagar- 
jaux, Colonel  Nicholson,  can  testily  ; they  having  all  our  proposals  in  writing. 
We  were  mightily  rejoiced  when  we  heard  by  Anadagarjaux,  that  our  great 
queen  had  resolved  to  send  an  army  to  reduce  Canada ; from  whose  mouth 
we  readily  embraced  our  great  queeii’s  instructions : and  in  token  of  our 
friendship,  we  hung  up  the  kettle,  and  took  up  the  hatchet ; and  with  one 
consent  joined  our  brother  Queder,  and  Anadagarjaux,  in  making  prepara- 
tions on  this  side  the  lake,  by  building  forts,  store-houses,  canoes  and  bat- 
teaux ; whilst  Aundiasia,  Colonel  Fetch,  at  the  same  time,  raised  an  army  at 
Boston,  of  which  we  were  informed  by  our  ambassadors,  whom  we  sent 
thither  for  that  purpose.  We  waited  long  in  expectation  of  the  fleet  from 
England,  to  join  Anadiasia,  to  go  against  Quebec  by  sea,  whilst  Anadagar- 
jaux, Queder,  and  we,  went  to  Port  Royal  by  land ; but  at  last  we  were  told, 
that  our  great  queen,  by  some  important  affair,  was  prevented  in  her  design 
for  that  season.  This  made  us  extreme  sorrowful,  lest  the  French,  who 
hitherto  had  dreaded  us,  should  now  think  us  unable  to  make  war  against 
them.  The  reduction  of  Canada  is  of  such  weight,  that  alter  the  effecting 
thereof,  we  should  have  free  hunting,  and  a great  trade  with  our  great 
queen’s  children  ; and  as  a token  of  the  sincerity  of  the  Six  Nations^  we  do 
here,  in  the  name  of  all,  present  our  great  queen  with  the  belts  of  wampum. 
We  need  not  urge  to  our  great  queen,  more  than  the  necessity  we  really  labor 
under  obliges  us,  that  in  case  our  great  queen  should  not  be  mindful  of  us, 
we  must,  with  our  families,  forsake  our  country,  and  seek  other  habitations, 
or  stand  neuter ; either  of  which  will  be  much  against  our  inclinations. 
Since  we  have  been  in  alliance  with  our  great  queen’s  children,  we  have  had 
some  knowledge  of  the  Savior  of  the  world ; and  have  often  been  impor- 
tuned by  the  French,  both  by  the  insinuations  of  their  priests,  and  by 
presents,  to  come  over  to  their  interest,  but  have  always  esteemed  them  men 
of  falsehood ; but  if  our  great  queen  will  be  pleased  to  send  over  some 
persons  to  instruct  us,  they  shall  find  a most  hearty  welcome.  We  now 
close,  with  hopes  of  our  great  queen’s  favor,  and  leave  it  to  her  most  gracious 
consideration.” 

We  cannot  but  respond  amen  to  Mr.  Oldmixon's  opinion  of  this  speech, 
namely,  that  it  was  made  for  instead  of  by  the  chiefs ; still  we  thought  it 
proper  to  print  it,  and  that  by  so  doing  we  should  give  satisfaction  to  more 
than  by  withholding  it.  Our  account  next  proceeds : “ On  Friday,  the  21 
April,  the  four  Indian  princes  went  to  see  Dr.  Flamstead's  house,  and  mathe- 
matical instruments,  in  Greenwich  Park  ; after  which  they  wtere  noblv 
treated  by  some  of  the  lords  commissioners  of  the  admiralty,  in  one  of  her 
majesty’s  yachts.  They  staid  about  a fortnight  longer  in  London,  where  they 
were  entertained  by  several  persons  of  distinction,  particularly  by  the  duke 
of  Ormond,  who  regaled  them  likewise  with  a review  * of  the  four  troops  of 
life-guards  ; and  having  seen  all  the  curiosities  in  and  about  this  metropolis, 
they  went  down  to  Portsmouth,  through  Hampton  Court  and  Windsor,  and 
embarked  on  board  the  Dragon,  one  of  her  majesty’s  ships,  Captain  Martin , 
commodore,  together  with  Colonel  Francis  Nicholson , commander-in-chief 
of  the  forces  designed  for  an  expedition  in  America.  On  the  8 May, 
the  Dragon  and  Falmouth  sailed  from  Spithead,  having  under  convoy  about 
18  sail,  consisting  of  merchantmen,  a bomb-ship  and  tender,  and  several 
transports,  with  British  officers,  a regiment  of  marines,  provisions  and  stores 
of  war  ; and  on  the  15  July  arrived  at  Boston  in  New  England.” 

Little  is  to  be  gathered  from  Smith's  history  of  New  York  relative  to 
those  sachems.  He  gives  a speech  which  they  made  to  the  queen,  but 
it  is  a meagre  abridgment  of  less  than  half  of  the  one  above,  and  the 


* And  the  chiefs  made  a speech  in  return,  but  our  author  makes  this  note  upon  it : 
dt  N.  B.  The  speech  which  was  said  to  have  been  made  by  them,  on  that  occasion,  to  the 
duke  of  Ormond,  is  spurious.” 


16 


TAM  ANY. 


[Cook  V. 


rest  is  omitted  entirely.  “ The  arrival  of  the  five  sachems  in  England 
made  a great  bruit  throughout  the  whole  kingdom.  The  mob  followed 
wherever  they  went,  and  small  cuts  of  them  were  sold  among  the  people.”  * 

The  main  object  of  their  visit  to  England  was  not,  nor,  in  the  nature  of 
things,  could  it  be  effected.  I mean  the  introduction  of  Christianity  among 
them.  Even  these  very  sachems,  who,  according  to  the  stories  of  that  day, 
requested  to  have  missionaries  sent  among  them,  were  among  the  first  to 
neglect  them  when  settled  among  them.f  “ It  might  have  been  imagined,” 
says  the  author  just  cited,  “ the  sachems,  those  petty  kings,  who  were  in 
England  in  the  late  Queen’s  time,  should  have  been  so  strongly  affected  with 
seeing  the  grandeur,  pleasure,  and  plenty  of  this  nation,  that  when  they  came 
to  their  own  countries,  they  would  have  tried  to  reduce  their  people  to  a 
polite  life;  woidd  have  employed  their  whole  power  to  expel  that  rude  bar- 
barism, and  introduce  arts,  manners,  and  religion : but  the  contrary  happen- 
ed ; they  sunk  themselves  into  their  old  brutal  life,  and  though  they  had 
seen  this  great  city,  [London,]  when  they  came  to  their  own  woods,  they 
were  all  savages  again.” 

There  cannot  be  a wider  difference  than  the  two  nations,  English  and 
French,  make  in  their  accounts  of  the  original  condition,  manners  and  cus- 
toms of  the  Iroquois.  While  the  writers  of  the  former  described  them  as 
the  most  barbarous,  cruel,  and  bloody,  those  of  the  latter  portray  them  in 
enviable  colors.  This  difference  seems  to  have  entirely  arisen  from  the 
different  relation  of  the  two  nations  to  them.  That  they  were  cruel  and 
barbarous  to  their  enemies  is  agreed  by  both,  and  it  unfortunately  happened 
that  the  English  were  generally  their  enemies,  until  the  reduction  of  Canada, 
in  1760. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Tamany,  a famous  ancient  Delaware — His  history — Shikellimus — Favors  the  Moravi- 
an Brethren — His  reception  of  Count  Zinzendorf — His  death — Canassatego — Visits 
Philadelphia. — His  speech  to  the  Delawares — Anecdotes  of  him — Glikhikan — His 
speech  to  Half -king — His  attachment  to  the  Christian  Indians — Meets  with  much 
trouble  from  Captain  Pipe — Conduct  of  Half-king — Of  Pipe — Glikhikan  perishes 
in  the  massacre  at  Gnadenhuetten — Pakanke — His  history — Netawatwees — 
Becomes  a Christian — His  speech  to  Pakanke — His  death — Paxnous — Tadeuskund 
— His  history  and  death — White-eyes — His  transactions  with  the  missionaries — 
Skenando — His  celebrated  speech — Curious  anecdote  of  him — His  death. 

Tamany  was  a name  much  in  print,  fifty  years  since,  but  of  what  nation 
or  country,  or  whether  applied  to  an  imaginary  or  real  personage,  by  any  ac- 
count accompanying  it,  no  one  could  determine.  The  truth  respecting  this 
has  at  length  come  to  light. 

He  was  a Delaware  chief,  of  similar  renown  to  the  Basheba  of  Kennebeck, 
and  JVanepashemet  of  Massachusetts  ; and  we  infer  from  Gabriel  Thomas, \ 
that  possibly  he  might  have  been  alive  as  late  as  1680  or  1690.  He  wrote 
the  name  Temeny.  , 

Mr.  Heckewelder , in  his  Historical  Account  of  the  Indian  Nations,  de- 
votes a chapter  to  this  chief  and  Tadeuskund.  He  spells  the  name  Tamaned. 
The  difficulty  of  gaining  information  of  deceased  individuals  among  the 
Indians  is  well  known  to  those  conversant  with  their  history.  Mr.  Hecke- 
welder says,  “No  white  man  who  regards  their  feelings,  will  introduce  such 
subjects  in  conversation  with  them.”  This  reluctance  to  speak  of  the  de- 


* Hist.  New  York,  122.  ed.  4to.  London,  1757.  Beautiful  full-length  portraits  of  four  of 
these  chiefs  were  done  in  mezzotinto  at  the  time  they  were  in  England,  but  they  were  long 
since  of  very  rare  occurrence.  I possess  the  best  set  of  them  which  I have  ever  seen.  They 
are  usually  found  in  black  frames,  and  are  about  20  inches  in  height  by  12  in  breadth.  The 
portrait  of  the  one  that  died  was  not  probably  taken,  which  accounts  for  our  having  but  four, 
f Humphrey’s  Historical  Account  Soc.  for  Prop.  Gospel,  309,  310. 

t “ Who  resided  there  [in  Pennsylvania]  about  15  years, " and  who  published  u An  Historic- 
al and  Geographical  Account  of  Pa.  and  W.  Jersey/’  12mu.  London , 1698. 


Chap.  II.] 


TAMANY. — SHIKELLIMUS. 


17 


parted  he  attributes  to  “the  misfortunes  which  have  befallen  some  of  the 
most  beloved  and  esteemed  personages  among  them,  since  the  Europeans 
came  among  them.”  It  is  bdieved,  however,  that  it  had  a more  remote  ori- 
gin. The  same  author  continues,  “ All  we  know  of  Tamened  is,  that  he  was 
an  ancient  Delaware  chief,  who  never  had  his  equal.”  * 

It  is  said  that  when,  about  1776,  Colonel  George  Morgan , of  Princeton,  New 
Jersey,  visited  the  western  Indians  by  direction  of  congress,  the  Delawares  con- 
ferred on  him  the  name  of  Tamany,  “ in  honor  and  remembrance  of  their 
ancient  chief,  and  as  the  greatest  mark  of  respect  which  they  could  show  to 
that  gentleman,  who  they  said  had  the  same  address,  affability  and  meekness 
as  their  honored  chief.”  f 

“ The  fame  of  this  great  man  extended  even  among  the  whites,  who  fabri- 
cated numerous  legends  respecting  him,  which  I never  heard,  however, 
from  the  mouth  of  an  Indian,  and  therefore  believe  to  be  fabulous.  In  the 
revolutionary  war,  his  enthusiastic  admirers  dubbed  him  a saint,  and  he  was 
established  under  the  name  of  St.  Tammany , the  patron  saint  of  America. 
His  name  was  inserted  in  some  calendars,  and  his  festival  celebrated  on  the 
first  day  of  May  in  every  year.  On  that  clay  a numerous  society  of  his  vota- 
ries walked  together  in  procession  through  the  streets  of  Philadelphia,  their 
hats  decorated  with  bucks’  tails,  and  proceeded  to  a handsome  rural  place 
out  of  town,  which  they  called  the  wigivam  ; where,  after  a long  talk  or 
Indian  speech  had  been  delivered,,  and  the  calumet  of  peace  and  friendship 
had  been  duly  smoked,  they  spent  the  day  in  festivity  and  mirth.  After  din- 
ner, Indian  dances  were  performed  on  the  green  in  front  of  the  wigwam,  the 
calumet  was  again  smoked,  and  the  company  separated.” 

It  was  not  till  some  years  after  the  peace  that  these  yearly  doings  were 
broken  up,  which  would  doubtless  have  lasted  longer  but  for  the  misfortune 
of  the  owner  of  the  ground  where  they  were  held.  Since  that  time  Phila- 
delphia, New  York,  and  perhaps  other  places,  have  had  their  Tamany  socie- 
ties, Tamany  halls,  &c.  &c.  Jn  their  meetings  these  societies  make  but 
an  odd  figure  in  imitating  the  Indian  manner  of  doing  business,  as  well  as  in 
appropriating  their  names  upon  one  another. 

Among  the  multitude  of  poems  and  odes  to  Tamany , the  following  is 
selected  to  give  the  reader  an  idea  of  the  acts  said  to  have  been  achieved  by 
him: — 

11  Immortal  Tamany,  of  Indian  race, 

Great  in  the  field  and  foremost  in  the  chase  ! 

No  puny  saint  was  he,  with  fasting-  pale  ; 

He  climbed  the  mountain,  and  he  swept  the  vale, 

Rushed  through  the  torrent  with  unequalled  might ; 

Your  ancient  saints  would  tremble  at  the  sight  j 
Caught  the  swift  boar  and  swifter  deer  with  ease, 

And  worked  a thousand  miracles  like  these. 

To  public  views  he  added  private  ends, 

And  loved  his  country  most,  and  next  his  friends ; 

With  courage  long  he  strove  to  ward  the  blow  $ 

(Courage  we  all  respect  ev’n  in  a foe  ;) 

And  when  each  effort  he  in  vain  had  tried, 

Kindled  the  flame  in  which  he  bravely  died  ! 

To  Tamany  let  the  full  horn  go  round  ; 

His  fame  let  every  honest  tongue  resound  5 
With  him  let  every  gen'rous  patriot  vie, 

To  live  in  freedom  or  with  honor  die.”i 
✓ r 

We  are  next  to  speak  of  a chief,  concerning  whom  much  inquiry  has  been 
made  from  several  considerations.  We  mean 

Shikellimus,  the  father  of  the  celebrated  Logan.  He  was  a Cayuga  sachem, 
and  styled  by  Mr.  Loskiel ,§  “first  magistrate  and  head  chief  of  all  the  Iroquois 
Indians  living  on  the  banks  of  the  Susquehaunah,  as  far  as  Onondago. 

He  is  the  same  often  mentioned  by  Colden,\\  under  the  names  Shickcalamy. 
Shicalamy,  and  Shick  Calamy , and  occupies  a place  next  the  famous  Canassa- 


* Some  will  doubtless  imagine  that  this  was  knowing  a good  deal. 

f Heckewelder,  ut  supra.  \ Careys  Museum,  v.  104.  6 Hist.  Missions,  ii.  119. 

I!  Hist.  Five  Nations,  ii.  57,  69,  75,  77,  85. 

2* 


18 


CANASSATEGO. 


[Book  V. 

(ego.  His  residence  was  at  Conestoga  in  Pennsylvania.  He  was  present  at  a 
great  council  held  in  Philadelphia  in  1742,  with  91  other  chiels,  counsellors 
and  warriors  of  the  Six  Nations,  to  consult  about  the  encroachments  of  some 
of  the  Delawares  upon  the  people  of  Pennsylvania,  as  will  be  found  mentioned 
in  the  history  of  Canassatego.  That  he  was  a man  of  much  consequence 
among  the  Five  Nations  will  appear  from  the  fact,  that  Canassatego  repeated  a 
speech  of  his  to  Governor  Thomas,  when  the  assault  upon  William  Webb 
was  inquired  into,  “ whereby  his  [the  said  Webb's ] jaw-bone  was  broke,  and 
his  life  greatly  endangered  by  an  unknown  Indian.”  This  took  place  upon 
the  disputed  lands  in  the  forks  of  the  Delaware.  “ Canassatego  repeating  the 
message  delivered  to  the  Six  Nations  by  Shickcalamy , in  the  year  1740,  with  a 
string  of  wampum,  said  in  answer : ‘ The  Six  Nations  had  made  diligent 
inquiry  into  the  affair,  and  had  found  out  the  Indian  who  had  committed  the 
fact ; he  lived  near  Asopus,  [iEsopus,]  and  had  been  examined  and  severely 
reproved ; and  they  hoped,  as  William  Webb  was  recovered,  the  governor 
would  not  expect  any  lurther  punishment,  and  therefore  they  returned  the 
string  of  wampum  received  from  their  brethren,  by  the  hand  of  Shickcalamy , 
in  token  that  they  had  fully  complied  with  their  request.’  ” 

When  Count  Zinzendorf  founder  of  the  sect  called  Moravians,  visited  this 
country,  in  1742,  he  had  an  interview  with  this  chief  at  Shamokin.  Conrad 
Wciser  was  present,  and  Shikellimus  inquired  with  great  anxiety  the  cause  of 
the  count’s  visit.  Weiser  told  him  “ that  he  was  a messenger  of  the  living 
God,  sent  to  preach  grace  and  mercy;”  to  which  he  answered,  “he  was  glad 
that  such  a messenger  came  to  instruct  his  nation.” 

While  in  the  exercise  of  his  pious  labors,  Zinzendorf  very  narrowly  escaped 
assassination  ; and,  to  illustrate  the  force  of  superstition  upon  untutored  minds, 
it  will  be  proper  to  relate  the  circumstance.  Having  arrived  on  the  banks 
of  the  Wyoming,  the  Indians  could  not  believe  that  he  had  come  solely  for 
their  benefit,  but  had  come  to  the  conclusion  that  his  real  object  was  the  ac- 
quisition of  land  ; and  they  therefore  resolved  to  put  him  to  death.  On  a cool 
evening  in  September,  as  he  sat  alone  in  his  tent,  upon  a bundle  of  weeds, 
which v was  his  bi  d,  the  appointed  assassins  approached  his  frail  mansion. 
He  had  a small  fire,  and  was  writing  at  the  time  ; and  nothing  prevented  the 
easy  execution  of  their  commission.  A blanket,  suspended  by  the  corners, 
formed  the  door  of  his  tent,  and  as  the  Indians  drew  this  a little  aside,  they 
beheld  a large  rattlesnake  which  the  fire  had  driven  from  his  covert,  laying 
near  the  venerable  man,  but  was  not  seen  by  him  ; being  too  deeply  engaged 
in  his  subject  to  notice  him  or  the  more  dangerous  Indians!  The  rattle- 
snake being  an  animal  they  feared  and  respected  as  a kind  of  Manito,  and 
seeing  it  in  company  with  the  stranger,  they  doubted  not  of  his  divine  origin 
also,  and  at  once  shrunk  from  their  object,  and  returned  to  report  w hat  they 
had  seen  to  their  brethren  in  their  village.*  He  was  now  received  by  the 
Shawanese,  and  a mission  was  begun  among  them. 

Shikellimus  was  a great  friend  of  the  missionaries,  and  his  death  was  a 
severe  loss  to  them.  He  died  at  his  own  residence  in  Shamokin,  in  1749, 
We  have  already  named  the  chief  proper  to  be  proceeded  with,  on  finishing 
our  account  of  Shikellimus. 

CANASSATEGO,  a chief  of  the  Six  Nations,  was  of  the  tribe  of  Onondago. 
bn  1742,  there  arose  a dispute  between  the  Delawares  and  the  government 
of  Pennsylvania,  relative  to  a tract  of  land  in  the  forks  of  the  Delaware.  The 
English  claimed  it  by  right  of  prior  purchase,  and  the  Delawares  persisted  in 
their  claim,  and  threatened  to  use  force  unless  it  should  be  given  up  by  the 
whiles.  This  tribe  of  the  Delawares  were  subject  to  the  Six  Nations,  and 
the  governor  of  Pennsylvania  sent  deputies  to  them  to  notify  them  of  the 
trouble,  that  they  might  interfere  and  prevent  war.  It  was  on  this  occasion 
that  Canassatego  appeared  in  Philadelphia  with  230  warriors.  He  observed 
to  the  governor,  “ that  they  saw  the  Delawares  had  been  an  unruly  people, 
and  were  altogether  in  the  wrong;  that  they  had  concluded  to  remove  them, 
and  oblige  them  to  go  over  the  river  Delaware,  and  quit  all  claim  to  any 
lands  on  this  side  for  the  future,  since  they  had  received  pay  for  them,  and 


* Chapman’s  Hist.  Wyoming,  20  to  22. 


CANASSATEGO, 


Chap,  II.] 


id 


iit  is  gone  through  tlieir  guts  long  ago.  They  deserved,  he  said,  to  be  taken 
by  the  hair  of  the  head,  and  shaken  severely,  till  they  recovered  their  senses, 
and  became  sober ; that  he  had  seen  with  his  own  eyes  a deed  signed  by  nine 
of  tlieir  ancestors,  above  fifty  years  ago,  for  this  very  land,  and  a release 
signed  not  many  years  since,  by  some  of  themselves,  and  chiefs  yet  living, 
(and  then  present,)  to  the  number  of  15  and  upwards;  but  how  came  you 
(addressing  himself  to  the  Delawares  present)  to  take  upon  you  to  sell  land 
at  all  ? We  conquered  you ; we  made  women  of  you ; you  know  you  are 
women ; and  can  no  more  sell  land  than  women ; nor  is  it  fit  you  should  have 
the  power  of  selling  lands,  since  you  would  abuse  it.  This  land  you  claim 
is  gone  through  your  guts ; you  have  been  furnished  with  clothes,  meat  and 
drink,  by  the  goods  paid  you  for  it,  and  now  you  want  it  again,  like  children 
as  you  are.  But  what  makes  you  sell  lands  in  the  dark  ? Did  you  ever  tell 
us  that  you  had  sold  this  land  ? Did  we  ever  receive  any  part,  even  the  value 
of  a pipe  shank,  from  you  for  it?  You  have  told  us  a blind  story,  that  you 
sent  a messenger  to  us,  to  inform  us  of  the  sale ; but  he  never  came  amongst 
us,  nor  did  we  ever  hear  anything  about  it.  This  is  acting  in  the  dark,  and 
very  different  from  the  conduct  our  Six  Nations  observe  in  the  sales  of  land. 
On  such  occasions  they  give  public  notice,  and  invite  all  the  Indians  of  their 
united  nations,  and  give  them  all  a share  of  the  presents  they  receive  for 
their  lands. 

“ This  is  the  behavior  of  the  wise  united  nations.  But  we  find  you  are 
none  of  our  blood ; you  act  a dishonest  part,  not  only  in  this,  but  in  other 
matters ; your  ears  are  ever  open  to  slanderous  reports  about  your  brethren. 
F or  all  these  reasons,  we  charge  you  to  remove  instantly  ; we  don't  give  you  liberty 
to  think  about  it.  You  are  women.”  They  dared  not  disobey  this  command, 
«nd  soon  after  removed,  some  to  Wyoming  and  Shamokin,  and  some  to  the 
Ohio.* 

When  Canassatego  was  at  Lancaster,  in  Pennsylvania,  in  1744,  holding  a 
talk  f about  their  affairs  with  the  governor,  he  was  informed  that  the  English 
had  beaten  the  French  in  some  important  battle.  “Well,”  said  he,  “if  that 
be  the  case,  you  must  have  taken  a great  deal  of  rum  from  them,  and  can 
afford  to  give  us  some,  that  we  may  rejoice  with  you.”  Accordingly,  a glass 
was  served  round  to  each,  which  they  called  a French  glass.  \ 

Dr.  Franklin  tells  us  a very  interesting  story  of  Canassatego , and  at  the  same 
time  makes  the  old  chief  tell  another.  In  speaking  of  the  manners  and  cu®* 
toms  of  the  Indians,  the  doctor  says,  “ The  same  hospitality,  esteemed  among 
them  as  a principal  virtue,  is  practised  by  private  persons  ; of  which  Conrad 
JFeistr,  our  interpreter,  gave  me  the  following  instances.  He  had  been  natu- 
ralized among  the  Six  Nations,  and  spoke  well  the  Mohawk  language.  In 
going  through  the  Indian  country,  to  carry  a message  from  our  governor  to 
the  council  at  Onondago,  he  called  at  the  habitation  of  Canassatego , an  old 
acquaintance,  who  embraced  him,  spread  furs  for  him  to  sit  on,  placed  before 
him  some  boiled  beans,  and  venison,  and  mixed  some  rum  and  water  for  his 
drink.  When  he  was  well  refreshed,  and  had  lit  his  pipe,  Canassatego  began 
to  converse  with  him ; asked  how  he  had  fared  the  many  years  since  they 
had  seen  each  other ; whence  he  then  came  ; what  occasioned  the  journey* 
&c.  Conrad  answered  all  his  questions ; and  when  the  discourse  began  to 
flag,  the  Indian,  to  continue  it,  said,  ‘ Conrad , you  have  lived  long  among  the 
white  people,  and  know  something  of  their  customs : I have  been  sometimes 
at  Albany,  and  have  observed,  that  once  in  seven  days  they  shut  up  their 
shops,  and  assemble  in  the  great  house  ; tell  me  what  that  is  for ; what  do 
they  do  there  ? ’ ‘ They  meet  there,’  says  Conrad , ‘ to  hear  and  learn  good 
things.’  ‘I  do  not  doubt,’  says  the  Indian,  ‘that  they  tell  you  so;  they  have 
told  me  the  same ; but  I doubt  the  truth  of  what  they  say,  and  I will  tell  you 
my  reasons.  I went  lately  to  Albany,  to  sell  my  skins,  and  buy  blankets* 
knives,  powder,  rum,  &c.  You  know  I used  generally  to  deal  with  Hans 


* Colden  and  Gordon’s  Histories.  c 

f The  minutes  of  the  conference  taken  at  the  time  by  Witham  Marshe,  occupies  30  pages  in 
the  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  vii.  vol. 

$ Golden’s  Hist.  Five  Nations,  ii.  142. 


20 


CANASSATEGO. 


[Boos.  V. 


Hanson ; but  I was  a little  inclined  this  time  to  try  some  other  merchants. 
However,  I called  first  upon  Hans,  and  asked  him  what  he  would  give  for 
beaver.  He  said  he  could  not  give  more  than  four  shillings  a pound ; but, 
says  he,  I cannot  talk  on  business  now ; this  is  the  day  when  we  meet  together 
to  learn  good  things,  and  I am  going  to  the  meeting.  So  I thought  to  my  self  j 
since  1 cannot  do  any  business  to-day,  I may  as  well  go  to  the  meeting  too, 
and  I went  with  him.  There  stood  up  a man  in  black,  and  began  to  talk 
to  the  people  very  angrily ; I did  not  understand  what  he  said,  but  perceiving 
that  he  looked  much  at  me,  and  at  Hanson,  I imagined  that  he  was  angry  at 
seeing  me  there ; so  I went  out,  sat  down  near  the  house,  struck  fire,  and  lit 
my  pipe,  waiting  till  the  meeting  should  break  up.  I thought  too  that  the 
man  had  mentioned  something  of  beaver,  and  suspected  it  might  be  the  sub- 
ject of  their  meeting.  So  when  they  came  out,  I accosted  my  merchant. 
‘Well,  Hans,'  says  I,  ‘1  hope  you  have  agreed  to  give  more  than  4s.  a 
pound.’  ‘ No,’  says  he,  ‘ I cannot  give  so  much,  I cannot  give  more  than  three 
shillings  and  sixpence.’  I then  spoke  to  several  other  dealers,  but  they  all  sung 
the  same  song, — three  and  sixpence , three  and  sixpence.  This  made  it  clear  to 
me  that  my  suspicion  was  right;  and  that  whatever  they  pretended  of  meet- 
ing to  learn  good  things,  the  purpose  was  to  consult  how  to  cheat  Indians  in  the 
price  of  beaver.  Consider  but  a little,  Conrad,  and  you  must  be  of  my  opinion. 
If  they  met  so  often  to  learn  good  things,  they  would  certainly  have  learned 
some  before  this  time.  But  they  are  still  ignorant.  You  know  our  practice. 
If  a white  man,  in  travelling  through  our  country,  enters  one  of  our  cabins, 
we  all  treat  him  as  I do  you;  we  dry  him  if  he  is  wet;  we  warm  him  if  he  is 
cold,  and  give  him  meat  and  drink,  that  he  may  allay  his  thirst  and  hunger; 
and  we  spread  soft  furs  for  him  to  rest  and  sleep  on;  we  demand  nothing  in 
return.  But  if  I go  into  a white  man’s  house  at  Albany,  and  ask  for  victuals  and 
drink,  they  say,  Get  out,  you  Indian  dog.  You  see  they  have  not  yet  le  arned 
those  little  good  things  that  we  need  no  meetings  to  be  instructed  in,  because 
our  mothers  taught  them  to  us  when'  we  were  children ; and  therefore  it  is 
impossible  their  meetings  should  be,  as  they  say,  for  any  such  purpose,  or  have 
any  such  effect:  they  are  only  to  contrive  the  cheating  of  Indians  in  the  price 
of  beaver.’ 

The  missionary  Frederic  Post,  in  his  journal  of  an  embassy  to  the  Indians 
on  the  Ohio,  in  1758,  mentions  a son  of  Canassatego,  whom  he  calls  Plans 
Jacob. 

We  are  not  to  look  into  the  history  of  Pennsylvania  for  a succession  of 
Indian  wars,  although  there  have  been  some  horrid  murders  and  enormities 
committed  among  the  whites  and  Indians.  For  about  70  years,  their  historic 
page  is  very  clear  of  such  records,  namely,  from  1682,  the  arrival  of  William 
Penn,  until  the  French  war  of  1755. 

And  we  will  here  record  the  proceedings  of  W illiam  Penn , on  his  taking 
possession  of  his  lands  upon  the  Delaware,  so  far  as  they  are  connected  with 
our  Indian  history. 

Humanity  being  a prominent  feature  in  every  Quaker  who  lives  up  to  his 
profession,  we  are  to  expect  a display  of  it  in  that  of  Penn ; and  happily  we 
do  not  find  ourselves  disappointed.  The  force  of  his  example  was  such,  that, 
for  many  years,  his  followers  practised  the  art  of  peacemaking  ; and  hence  no 
wars  occurred,  as  we  have  already  observed ; but  as  the  enlightened  mind 
of  Penn  carried  his  acts  more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  years  in  advance 
of  his  contemporaries,  they  acting  without  the  true  principle  which  governed 
him,  soon  forgot  its  importance,  and  pursued  a different  course,  which  brought 
the  evils  of  war  and  dissolution. 

JVUliam  Penn  had  confirmed  to  him  the  country  since  bearing  his  name, 
by  a royal  charter,  and  having  sent  over  a small  colony  to  take  possession 
of  it  in  1681,  followed  himself  the  next  year.  His  first  care  on  his  arrival  was 
to  establish  a lasting  friendship  with  the  Indians.  This  he  effected  by  the 
greatest  possible  care  in  rendering  them  strict  justice  and  great  kindness,  and 
above  all  by  purchasing  the  country  of  them,  and  paying  them  to  their  con- 


* The  editors  of  the  valuable  Encyclopedia  Perthensis  have  thought  this  auecdptc  \\oitby  a 
place  in  that  work,  (i.  652.) 


Chap.  II.] 


PENN’S  TREATY.— GLIKHIKAN. 


21 


tent  for  it.  Penn  landed  at  what  is  now  Newcastle,  24  October,  and  soon  began 
to  exchange  goods  for  lands  with  the  Indians.  By  this  intercourse  he  learned 
their  language,*  and  thus  qualified  himself  to  render  them  justice  in  all  cases. 

The  first  formed  treaty  entered  into  between  Penn  and  the  Indians  bears 
date  23  June,  1683,  and  took  place  almost  two  miles  above  what  is  now 
Chestnut  Street,  on  the  same  side  of  the  Delaware,  in  the  present  township 
of  Kensington,  under  the  wide-spreading  branches  of  an  elm-tree,  aged  at  that 
time  155  years,  as  since  ascertained.f  A small  cubical  marble  monument 
now  marks  the  spot,  which,  with  the  adjacent  neighborhood,  in  the  days  of 
Penn,  was  called  Shakamaxon.  A street  perpetuates  this  name,  not  far  dis- 
tant, which  runs  at  right  angles  to  the  river.  The  little  monument  of  which 
we  have  made  mention,  was  almost  invisible  from  piles  of  rubbish,  when 
visited  by  the  writer  in  April,  18344 

In  reference  to  Penn’s  Treaty,  so  often  the  subject  of  prose  in  both  hemi- 
spheres, Voltaire  has  in  his  peculiar  vein  observed,  that  it  was  the  only  one 
made  without  an  oath,  and  the  only  one  which  had  not  been  broken.§ 

An  admirable  painting  of  this  treaty,  by  Sir  Benjamin  West , has  often  been 
sketched  upon  copper,  and  impressions  circulated  in  various  works ; there  is, 
however,  in  most  of  them,  a very  glaring  want  of  taste  or  judgment,  arising 
probably  from  the  ignorance  of  the  engraver,  which  is  the  appearance  of 
handsome  houses  in  the  back-ground.  There  is  one  of  the  best  sketches  of 
an  Indian  treaty  painted  upon  the  sign  of  an  inn  in  Beach  Street,  near  the  old 
treaty  ground,  which  I have  seen. 

It  is  no  wonder  the  Indians  remembered  Penn  so  long,  and  so  affection- 
ately, for  it  was  not  uncommon  for  him  to  perform  the  engagements  of  others, 
who  purposely  set  out  upon  wronging  them.  In  a speech  which  a chief  of 
the  Six  Nations  made  at  a conference,  at  Lancaster,  in  June,  1744,  he  gives 
the  following  narrative  of  one  of  Penn's  generous  acts  in  these  words: — 

“ When  our  brother  Onas , a great  while  ago,  came  to  Albany  to  buy  the 
Susquehannah  lands  of  us,  our  brother  the  governor  of  N.  York,  who,  as  we 
suppose,  had  not  a good  understanding  with  our  brother  Onas,  advised  us 
not  to  s 11  him  any  land,  for  he  would  make  a bad  use  of  it,  and  pretending 
to  be  our  friend,  lie  advised  us,  in  order  to  prevent  Onas's,  or  any  other  per- 
sons, imposing  on  us,  and  that  we  might  always  have  our  land  when  we 
wanted  it,  to  put  it  into  his  hands  ; and  he  told  us  he  would  keep  it  for  our 
use,  and  never  open  his  hands,  but  keep  them  close  shut,  and  not  part  with 
any  of  it,  but  at  our  request.  Accordingly  we  trusted  him,  and  put  our  lands 
into  his  hands,  and  charged  him  to  keep  them  safe  for  our  use.  But  some 
time  after  he  went  to  England,  and  carried  our  land  with  him,  and  there  sold 
it  to  our  brother  Onas  for  a large  sum  of  money.  And  when  at  the  instance 
of  our  brother  Onas  we  were  minded  to  sell  him  some  lands,  he  told  us  we  had 
sold  the  Susquehannah  lands  already  to  the  governor  of  N.  York,  and  that 
he  had  bought  them  from  him  in  England ; though  when  he  came  to  under- 
stand how  the  governor  of  N.  York  had  deceived  us,  he  very  generously  paid 
us  for  our  lands  over  again.”  |J 

There  were  several  chiefs  very  noted  about  this  period,  on  account  of 
their  connection  with  the  Moravian  Brethren.  Among  the  most  noted  was 

GLIKHIKAN, H or  Glikhickan ,**  “an  eminent  captain  and  warrior,  counsel- 
lor and  speaker  of  the  Delaware  chief  [ Pakanke ] in  Kaskaskunk.”  It  is  said 
that  he  had  disputed  with  the  French  Catholic  priests  in  Canada,  and  con- 


* His  own  letter,  dated  the  year  following,  giving  an  account  of  the  country,  its  products, 
inhabitants,  &.c.  &c.  dated  16  August,  1683,  and  printed  in  Blome’s  America,  96. 

t Holmes’s  Annals,  i.  405.  The  old  elm  was  blown  down  by  a tempest  in  1810,  and  was 
then  283  years  old.  lb.  Pieces  of  its  stump  are  preserved  in  the  cabinets  of  the  curious,  along 
with  fragments  of  the  Plymouth  Rock,  &c. 

1 I was  lately  informed  by  Mr.  Duponceau  of  Philadelphia,  that  some  important  errors  existed 
in  the  printed  accounts  of  Penn’s  Treaty,  and  he  showed  me  some  manuscripts  concerning  it 
which  he  had  lately  discovered,  and  was  preparing  to  have  them  printed  in  the  Hist.  Colls,  of 
Pennsylvania. 

^ C’est  le  seul  traite  entre  ces  peuples  et  les  Chretiens  qui  n’ait  point  ete  jure  et  qui  n’ait 
point  ete  rompu.  CEuvres,  vol.  liv.  415,  ed.  of  1785,  in  91  vols.  12mo. 

||  An  Enquiry  into  the  Causes,  &c.  of  the  Alienation  of  the  Shawanese  and  Delawares,  51. 

*T  Loskiel. . **  Heckeivelder . 


22 


GLIKHIKAN. — HIS  SiTECII  TO  HALF-KING. 


[Book  Y 


founded  them,  and  now  (1769)  made  his  appearance  among  the  United 
Brethren  for  the  purpose  of  achieving  a like  victory;  but  as  the  Brethren’s 
account  has  it,  his  heart  failed  him,  and  he  became  a convict  to  their  doctrines. 
In  1770,  he  quitted  Kaskaskunk,  to  live  with  the  Brethren,  greatly  against  the 
minds  of  his  friends  and  his  chief.  This  occasioned  great  trouble,  and  some 
endeavored  to  take  his  life.  Pakanke’s  speech  to  him  upon  the  occasion  will 
be  seen  when  we  come  to  the  account  of  that  chief.  At  the  time  of  his  bap- 
tism, Glikhikan  received  the  name  of  Isaac. 

The  period  of  the  revolutionary  war  was  a distressing  time  for  the  Brethren 
and  those  Indians  who  had  adhered  to  their  cause.  War  parties  from  the 
hostile  tribes  were  continually  passing  and  repassing  their  settlements,  an5 
often  in  the  most  suspicious  manner.  It  was  to  the  famous  chief  Glikhikan 
that  they  owed  their  preservation  on  more  than  one  occasion.  The  Indians 
about  the  lakes  sent  deputi  s to  draw  the  Delawares  into  the  war  against  the 
Americans,  but  they  were  not  received  by  them.  Shortly  after,  in  the  year 
1777,  200  Huron  warriors,  with  Half-king  at  their  head,  approached  the  Mo- 
ravian settlement  of  Lichtenau,  in  their  way  to  attack  the  settlements  upon 
the  frontiers,  and  caused  great  consternation  among  the  Brethren  ; but  resolv- 
ing to  show  no  signs  of  fear,  victuals  were  prepared  for  them,  and  sent  out 
by  some  of  the  Christian  Indians  to  meet  them.  The  reception  of  those  sent 
out  was  far  more  promising  than  was  anticipated,  and  soon  after  was  “ sent 
a solemn  embassy  to  the  Half-king  and  other  chiefs  of  the  Hurons.”  Glikhi- 
kan was  at  the  head  of  this  embassy,  and  the  following  is  his  speech  to 
Half -king : — “Uncle!  We,  your  cousins,  the  congregation  of  believing 
Indians  at  Lichtenau  and  Gnadenhuetten,  rejoice  at  this  opportunity  to  see 
and  speak  with  you.  We  cleanse  your  eyes  from  all  the  dust,  and  whatever 
the  wind  may  have  carried  into  them,  that  you  may  see  your  cousin  with 
clear  eyes  and  a serene  countenance.  We  cleanse  your  ears  and  hearts  from 
all  evil  reports  which  an  evil  wind  may  have  conveyed  into  your  ears  and 
even  into  your  hearts  on  the  journey,  that  our  words  may  find  entrance  into 
your  ears  and  a place  in  your  hearts.  [Here  a string  of  wampum  was  pre- 
sented by  Glikhikan.]  Uncle ! hear  the  words  of  the  believing  Indians,  your 
cousins,  at  Lichtenau  and  Gnadenhuetten.  We  would  have  you  know,  that 
we  have  received  and  believed  in  the  word  of  God  for  30  years  and  upwards, 
and  meet  daily  to  hear  it,  morning  and  evening.  You  must  also  know,  that 
we  have  our  teachers  dwelling  amongst  us,  who  instruct  us  and  our  children. 
By  this  word  of  God,  preached  to  us  by  our  teachers,  we  are  taught  to  keep 
peace  with  all  men,  and  to  consider  them  as  friends ; for  thus  God  has  com- 
manded us,  and  therefore  we  are  lovers  of  peace.  These  our  treachers  are 
not  only  our  friends,  but  we  consider  and  love  them  as  our  own  flesh  and 
blood.  Now  as  we  are  your  cousin,  we  most  earnestly  beg  of  you,  uncle, 
that  you  also  would  consider  them  as  your  own  body,  and  as  your  cousin. 
We  and  they  make  but  one  body,  and  therefore  cannot  be  separated,  and 
whatever  you  do  unto  them,  you  do  unto  us,  whether  it  be  good  or  evil.” 
Then  several  fathoms  of  wampum  were  delivered.  Hnlf-king  received  this 
speech  with  attention,  and  said  it  had  penetrated  his  heart,  and  after  he  had 
consulted  with  his  captains,  he  spoke  as  follows  in  answer: — “Cousins!  I 
am  very  glad  and  feel  great  satisfaction  that  you  have  cleans  d my  eyes,  ears 
and  heart  from  all  evil,  conveyed  into  me  by  the  wind  on  this  journey.  I am 
upon  an  expedition  of  an  unusual  kind ; for  I am  a warrior  and  am  going  to 
war,  and  therefore  many  evil  things  and  evil  thoughts  enter  into  my  head, 
and  even  into  my  heart.  But  thanks  to  my  cousin,  my  eyes  are  now  clear, 
so  that  I can  behold  my  cousin  with  a serene  countenance.  I rejoice,  that  I 
can  hear  my  cousins  with  open  ears,  and  take  their  words  to  heart.”  He  then 
delivered  a string  of  wampum,  and  after  repeating  the  part  of  Glikhikan's 
speech  relating  to  the  missionaries,  proceeded  : “ Go  on  as  hitherto,  and  suff  r no 
one  to  molest  you.  Obey  your  teachers,  who  speak  nothing  but  good  unto 
you,  and  instruct  you  in  the  w avs  of  God,  and  be  not  afraid  that  any  harm 
shall  be  done  unto  them.  No  creature  shall  hurt  them.  Attend  to  your 
worship,  and  never  mind  other  affairs.  Indeed,  you  see  us  going  to  war ; 
but  you  may  remain  easy  and  quiet,  and  need  not  think  much  about  it,  &e.” 
This  was  rather  odd  talk  for  a savage  warrior,  and  verily  it  seems  more  like 


Chap.  II.]  GLIKHIKAN  —TROUBLES  OF  THE  MISSIONARIES.  23 

that  of  one  of  the  European  Brethren,  but  the  veracity  of  Loskiel  will  not  be 
questioned. 

Some  time  after  this,  a circumstance  occurred  which  threw  Glikhikan  into 
much  trouble  and  danger.  A band  of  Huron  warriors  seized  upon  the  mis- 
sionaries at  Salem  and  Gnadenhuetten,  and  confined  them,  and  did  much 
mischief  Michael  Jung , David  Zeisberger  and  John  Heckewelder  were  the 
Brethren  confined  at  this  time.  The  savagfes  next  pillaged  Schoenbrunn, 
from  whence  they  led  captive  the  missionary  Jungman  and  wife,  and  the 
sisters  Zeisberger  and  Senseman ; and,  singing  the  death-song,  arrived  with 
them  at  Gnadenhuetten,  where  were  the  rest  of  the  prisoners.  This  was 
September  4, 1781.  It  appears  that  the  famous  Captain  Pipe  was  among  these 
warriors,  from  what  follows.  A young  Indian  woman,  who  accompanied  the 
warriors,  was  much  moved  by  the  hard  treatment  of  the  Brethren,  and  in  the 
night  “found  means  to  get  Capt.  Pipe's  best  horse,  and  rode  off  full  speed  to 
Pittsburgh,  where  she  gave  an  account  of  the  situation  of  the  missionaries 
and  their  congregations.”  This  woman  was  related  to  Glikhikan ; on  him, 
therefore,  they" determined  to  vent  their  wrath.  A party  of  warriors  seized 
him  at  Salem,  and  brought  him  bound  to  Gnadenhuetten,  singing  the  death- 
song.  When  he  was  brought  into  the  presence  of  the  warriors,  great  commo- 
tion followed,  and  many  were  clamorous  that  he  should  be  at  once  cut  to 
pieces ; especially  the  Delawares,  who  could  not  forget  his  having  renounced 
his  nation  and  manner  of  living ; here,  however,  Half-king  interfered,  and 
prevented  his  being  killed.  They  now  held  an  inquisitorial  examination 
upon  him,  which  terminated  in  a proof  of  his  innocence,  and,  after  giving 
vent  to  their  spleen  in  loading  him  with  the  worst  of  epithets  and  much  op- 
probrious language,  set  him  at  liberty. 

The  missionaries  and  their  congregations  were  soon  at  liberty,  but  were 
obliged  to  emigrate,  as  they  could  have  no  rest  upon  the  Muskingum  any 
longer ; war  parties  continually  hovering  about  them,  robbing  and  troubling 
them  in  various  ways.  They  went  through  the  wilderness  125  miles,  and 
settled  at  Sandusky,  leaving  their  beautiful  cornfields  just  ready  to  harvest. 
Their  losses  and  privations  were  immense.  Above  200  cattle  and  400  hogs, 
much  corn  in  store,  beside  300  acres  just  ripening,  were  among  the  spoils. 
“ A troop  of  savages  commanded  by  English  officers  escorted  them,  enclos- 
ing them  at  the  distance  of  some  miles  on  all  sides.”  They  arrived  at  their 
place  of  destination  October  11,  and  here  were  left  by  Half -king  and  his 
warriors  without  any  instructions  or  orders. 

Many  believing  Indians  had  returned  to  Gnadenhuetten  and  the  adjacent 
places  in  1782.  Here,  on  8th  March  of  this  year,  happened  the  most  dreadful 
massacre,  and  Glikhikan  was  among  the  victims.  Ninety-six  persons  were 
scalped  and  then  cut  to  pieces.  Besides  women,  there  were  34  children 
murdered  in  cold  blood.*  This  was  done  by  white  men  ! 

Of  this  horrid  and  diabolical  murder  it  behoves  us  to  give  the  facts  more 
in  detail.  The  month  of  February  of  the  y§ar  1782,  having  been  very  favor- 
able to  war  parties,  it  was  improved  by  some  Sandusky  warriors,  and  some 
murders  were  committed  in  an  unlooked  for  moment  upon  the  frontiers  of  the 
whites.  The  family  of  a William  Wallace , consisting  of  his  wife  and  five  or 
six  children,  were  killed,  and  one  John  Carpenter  f was  taken  prisoner.  These 
early  movements  of  the  Indians  led  the  whites  to  conclude  that  they  were 
either  done  by  the  Moravians  at  Muskingum,  or  that  the  warriors  that  com- 
mitted the  murders  were  quartered  among  them.];  Therefore,  without  further 
information,  a band  of  about  80  or  90  men  suddenly  collected  upon  the  fron- 
tier of  Pennsylvania,  and  each  man  having  provided  himself  with  his  own 
arms,  ammunition  and  provisions,  mostly  mounted  upon  horses,  set  out  under 
one  Colonel  David  Williamson  for  the  devoted  congregation  at  Gnadenhuetten. 
They  rendezvoused  and  encamped  the  first  night  on  the  Mingo  Bottom,  on 
the  west  side  of  the  Ohio  River.§ 


* I have  been  particular  in  noticing  this  affair,  as  it  is  not  found  in  such  extensively  circu- 
lated works  as  the  American  Annals. 

f He  afterwards  made  his  escape  at  great  peril. 

\ Doddridge's  Notes  on  the  Indian  Wars,  248,  249.  § Ibid. 


24 


MASSACRE  AT  GNADENHUETTEN. 


[Book  V 


Meanwhile  Colonel  Gibson , at  Pittsburgh,  understanding  the  object  of  the 
crew  who  had  gone  forth  under  Williamson,  despatched  messengers  to  alarm 
the  Christian  Indians,  but  they  arrived  too  late.  However,  they  received 
timely  notice  from  another  quarter,  but  their  trusting  to  their  innocence  to 
protect  them,  did  in  this  case  prove  a fatal  error : a white  man,  who  had 
narrowly  escaped  from  the  hands  of  some  warriors,  warned  them  with  great 
earnestness  to  fly  for  their  lives.  These  warriors,  who  had  “ murdered  and 
impaled  a woman  and  a child,  not  far  from  the  Ohio,  arrived  soon  after  at 
Gnadenhuetten,”  where  they  expressed  their  well-grounded  feat's  to  the  Chris- 
tians, that  a party  of  white  people,  who  were  pursuing  them,  would  surely 
kill  them  all.*  All  these  warnings  were  not  enough  to  shake  their  faith  in 
the  protecting  arm  of  their  own  innocence. 

The  second  day’s  march  of  the  band  of  murderers,  brought  them  within 
one  mile  of  the  middle  Moravian  town,  where  they  again  encamped  for  the 
night.  This  was  on  the  6th  day  of  March.  The  next  morning  the  party 
was  divided  into  three  equal  divisions,  “ one  of  which  was  to  cross  the  river 
about  a mile  above  the  town ; their  videttes  having  reported  that  there  were 
Indians  on  both  sides  of  the  river.  The  other  party  was  divided  into  three 
divisions,  one  of  which  was  to  take  a circuit  in  the  woods,  and  reach  the  river 
a little  distance  below  the  town,  on  the  west  side.  Another  division  was  to 
fall  into  the  middle  of  the  town,  and  the  third  upon  its  upper  end.  When 
the  party  designed  to  make  the  attack  on  the  west  side,  had  reached  the  river, 
they  found  no  boats  to  take  them  over ; but  something  like  a canoe  was  seen 
on  the  opposite  bank.  The  river  was  high,  with  some  floating  ice.  A young 
man  of  the  name  of  Sloughter  swam  the  river,  and  brought  over,  not  a canoe,  but 
a trough  designed  for  holding  sugar  water.  This  trough  could  carry  but  two 
men  at  a time.  In  order  to  expedite  their  passage,  a number  of  men  stripped 
off  their  clothes,  put  them  into  the  trough,  together  with  their  guns,  and 
swam  by  its  sides,  holding  its  edges  with  their  hands.  When  about  16  had 
crossed  the  river, the  two  centinels, who' had  been  posted  in  advance,”!  “met 
young  Schebosch  in  the  woods,  fired  at  and  wounded  him  so  much  that  he 
could  not  escape.  He  then,  according  to  the  account  of  the  murderers 
themselves,  begged  for  his  life,  representing  that  he  was  Schebosch,  the  son  of 
a white  Christian  man  : But  they  paid  no  attention  to  his  entreaties,  and  cut 
him  in  pieces  with  their  hatchets.”  “ One  of  them  broke  one  of  his  arms  by 
a shot.  A shot  from  the  other  centinel  killed  him.  These  heroes  l then  scalped 
and  tomahawked  him. 

“By  this  time,  about  16  men  had  got  over  the  river,  and  supposing  the  firing 
of  the  guns,  which  killed  Shabosh,  would  lead  to  an  instant  discovery,  they 
sent  word  to  the  party  designed  to  attack  the  town  on  the  east  side  of  the 
river,  to  move  on  instantly,  which  they  did. 

“ In  the  mean  time,  the  small  party  which  had  crossed  the  river,  marched 
with  all  speed,  to  the  main  town  on  the  west  side  of  the  river.  Here  they  found 
a large  company  of  Indians  gathering  the  corn,  which  they  had  left  in 
their  fields  the  preceding  fall,  when  they  removed  to  Sandusky.  On  the 
arrival  of  the  men  at  the  town,  they  professed  peace  and  good  will  to  the 
Moravians,  and  informed  them  that  they  had  come  to  take  them  to  fort  Pitt, 
for  their  safety.  The  Indians  surrendered,  delivered  up  their  arms,  and  ap- 
peared highly  delighted  with  the  prospect  of  their  removal,  and  began  with 
all  speed  to  prepare  food  for  the  white  men,  and  for  themselves  on  their 
journey. 

“ A party  of  white  men  and  Indians  was  immediately  despatched  to  Salem, 
a short  distance  from  Gnadenhuetten,  where  the  Indians  were  gathering  in 
their  corn,  to  bring  them  in  to  Gnadenhuetten.  The  party  soon  arrived  with 
the  whole  number  of  the  Indians  from  Salem.  In  the  mean  time  the  Indians  at 
Gnadenhuetten  were  confined  in  two  houses  some  distance  apart,  and  placed 


* Loskiel,  Hist.  Moravians,  iii.  176. 

t I am  following  Doddridge's  Narrative,  but  the  next  quotation  is  from  Loskiel,  iii.  177, 
and  then  continues  Doddridge  without  any  omission. 

X My  author  does  not  italicize  this  word,  but  he  doubtless  would,  if  he  were  to  give  us  a 
new  edition  of  his  book,  if  he  did  not  add  at  least  a half  a dozen  exclamations  to  it. 


Chap.  II.]  PAKANKE. — NETAWATVVEES.  25 

under  guards ; and  when  those  from  Salem  arrived,  they  were  divided,  and 
placed  in  the  same  houses,  with  their  brethren  of  Gnadenhuetten. 

“The  prisoners  being  thus  secured,  a council  of  war  was  held  to  decide 
on  their  fate.  The  officers,  unwilling  to  take  on  themselves  the  whole  re- 
sponsibility of  the  awful  decision,  agreed  to  refer  the  question  to  the  whole 
number  of  the  men.  The  men  were  accordingly  drawn  up  in  a line.  The 
commandant  of  the  party,  Colonel  David,  Williamson,  then  put  the  question 
to  them  in  form,  ‘whether  the  Moravian  Indians  should  be  taken  prisoners  to 
Pittsburgh,  or  put  to  death  ? ’ requesting  all  who  were  in  favor  of  saving  their 
lives  to  step  out  of  the  line,  and  form  a second  rank.  On  this,  16,  some  say 
18,  stepped  out  of  the  rank,  and  formed  themselves  into  a second  line  ; but 
alas ! this  line  of  mercy  was  far  too  short  for  that  of  vengeance.”  Thus  was 
the  fate  of  the  Moravian  Indians  decided  on,  and  they  were  ordered  to  pre- 
pare for  death. 

“ From  the  time  they  were  placed  in  the  guard-houses,  the  prisoners  fore- 
saw their  fate,  and  begun  their  devotions  of  singing  hymns,  praying  and  ex- 
horting each  other  to  place  a firm  reliance  in  the  mercy  of  the  Savior  of 
men.”  “The  particulars  of  this  dreadful  catastrophe  are  too  horrid  to 
relate.  Suffice  it  to  say,  that  in  a few  minutes  these  two  slaughter-houses, 
as  they  were  then  called,  exhibited  in  their  ghastly  interior,  the  mangled, 
bleeding  remains,  of  those  poor  unfortunate  people,  of  all  ages  and  sexes ; 
from  the  aged  grey-headed,  down  to  the  helpless  infant  at  its  mother’s  breast ; 
dishonored  by  the  fatal  wounds  of  the  tomahawk,  mallet,  war-club,  spear  and 
scalping-knife ! ” Thus  was  the  8th  day  of  March  spent  at  Gnadeilhuetten, 
in  the  year  1782 ! 

Only  two,  who  were  young  persons,  escaped  this  dreadful  day’s  slaughter. 
One  of  whom  had  been  knocked  down  and  scalped,  and  by  counterfeiting 
himself  dead,  while  the  murderers  had  left  the  place,  was  enabled  to  save 
his  life.  The  other  crept  unobserved  into  a cellar,  and  in  the  night  escaped 
to  the  woods. 

Whether  any  of  the  murderers  were  called  (p  an  account  for  whqt  they  did 
I do  not  learn,  though  they  probably  were  not,  owing  to  the  state  of  anarchy 
occasioned  by  the  revolutionary  war. 

PAKANKE  was  a powerful  Delaware  chief,  whose  residence,  in  1770,  was 
at  a place  called  Kaskaskunk,  about  40  miles  north  of  Pittsburgh.  He  is 
brought  to  our  notice  by  the  agency  of  the  missionary  Loskiel,  from  whom 
it  appears  that  he  was  very  friendly  to  the  Brethren  at  first,  and  invited  them  into 
his  country,  but  when  Glikhikan , his  chief  captain  and  speaker,  forsook  him, 
and  went  to  live  with  them,  he  was  so  disconcerted,  that  he  turned  against 
them,  and  for  a time  caused  them  much  difficulty.  Meeting  with  Glik- 
hikan afterward  in  public,  he  spoke  to  him  in  an  angry  tone  as  follows : 
“And  even  you  have  gone  over  from  this  council  to  them.  I suppose  you 
mean  to  get  a white  skin  ! But  I tell  you,  not  even  one  of  your  feet  will  turn 
white,  much  less  your  body.  Was  you  not  a brave  and  honored  man,  sitting 
next  to  me  in  council,  when  we  spread  the  blanket  and  considered  the  belts 
of  wampum  lying  before  us?  Now  you  pretend  to  despise  all  this,  and 
think  to  have  found  something  better.  Some  time  or  other  you  will  find 
yourself  deceived.”  To  which  Glikhikan  made  but  a short  and  meek  reply. 
Some  epidemic  disease  carried  off  many  of  the  Indians  about  this  time,  and 
they  attributed  its  cause  to  their  obstinacy  in  not  receiving  the  gospel.  Pa- 
kanke  was  among  the  number  at  last  who  accepted  it  as  a remedy.  He  ap- 
pears not  to  have  been  so  credulous  as  many  of  his  neighbors ; for  when  the 
acknowledgment  of  Christianity  was  concluded  upon  by  many,  he  remained 
incredulous;  and  when  a belt  of  wampum  was  sent  him,  accompanied  with 
a message,  declaring  that  “ whosoever  refused  to  accept  it  would  be  considered 
a murderer  of  his  countrymen,”  he  affected  not  to  understand  its  import,  and 
doubtless  would  not  have  acknowledged  it,  but  for  the  impending  danger 
which  he  saw  threatening  him.  When  he  went  to  hear  the  Brethren  preach, 
he  declared  his  conviction,  and  recommended  his  children  to  receive  the 
gospel.  A son  of  his  was  baptized  in  1775. 

NETAWATWEES  was  head  chief  of  the  Delawares,  and  if  we  are  to 

3 


26 


NETAWATWEE3.— WHITE-EYES. 


[Hook  V- 


judge  of  him  f\’om  our  scanty  records,  he  will  appear  to  the  best,  advantage. 
“He  used  to  lay  all  affairs  of  state  before  his  counsellors  for  their  considera- 
tion, without  telling  them  his  own  sentiments.  When  they  gave  him  their 
opinion,  he  either  approved  of  it,  or  stated  his  objections  and  amendments, 
always  alleging  the  reasons  of  his  disapprobation.”  Before  the  revolution,  it  was 
said  that  he  had  amazingly  increased  the  reputation  of  the  Delawares-,  and  he 
spared  no  pains  to  conciliate  all  his  neighbors,  and  reconcile  them  one  to  anoth- 
er. His  residence,  in  1773,  was  at  Gekelemukpechuenk.  The  Moravian  mis- 
sionaries sent  messengers  to  him,  with  information  of  the  arrival  of  another  mis- 
sionary, in  July  of  this  year,  requesting  a renewal  of  friendship  and  a confirma- 
tion of  his  former  promise  of  protection.  When  this  was  laid  before  him  and  his 
council,  they  were  not  much  pleased  with  the  information,  and  the  old  chief 
JYetawatwees,  said,  “ They  have  teachers  enough  already,  for  a new  one  can  teach 
nothing  but  the  same  doctrine ."  He  was,  however,  prevailed  upon  to  give  his 
consent  to  their  request,  and  afterwards  became  a convert  to  their  religion. 
After  he 'had  set  out  in  this  course,  he  sent  the  following  speech  to  his  old 
friend  Pakanke : “ You  and  I are  both  old,  and  know  not  how  long  we  shall  live. 
Therefore  let  us  do  a good  work,  before  we  depart,  and  leave  a testimony  to  our 
children  and  posterity,  that  we  have  received  the  word  of  God.  Let  this  be  our 
last  will  and  testament ."  Pakanke  consented,  and  was  at  great  pains  to  send 
solemn  embassies  to  all  such  tribes  as  he  thought  proper  to  communicate 
his  determination.  JYetawatwees  died  at  Pittsburgh  near  the  close  of  1776. 

JYetawatwees  had  been  a signer  to  the  treaty  of  Conestoga  in  the  year  1718, 
being  then  young,  probably  about  25  years  of  age.  The  Turtle  tribe  was 
the  first  among  the  Delawares,  and  of  tliis  he  became,  by  their  usages,  chief. 
To  him  was  committed  all  the  tokens  of  contracts  ; such  as  belts  of  wam- 
pum, writings  obligatory,  with  the  sign  manual  of  William  Penn,  and  others 
since,  down  to  the  time  himself)  with  his  tribe,  was  forced  to  leave  their 
iands  and  retire  into  Ohio. 

After  having  been  seated  upon  the  Ohio,  at  a place  convenient  for  com- 
munication with  the  Wyandots  and  other  warlike  nations  of  the  west,  he 
made  known  to  them  the  wrongs  which  he  and  his  people  had  suffered. 
By  advice  of  the  Wyandot  chiefs,  he  settled  finally  upon  Cayahaga  River, 
leaving  open  the  Rivers  Muskingum  and  Big  Beaver  for  any  of  his  nation 
that  were  there  already,  and  should  afterwards  come  to  settle  there.  And  this 
was  the  occasion  of  King  Beaver's  building  a town  and  settling  the  Turkey 
tribe  at  the  mouth  of  Nemoschilli  Creek,  since  called  Tuscarawas.  Of  this 
distinguished  chief  we  shall  speak  more  at  large  in  another  place. 

When  Colonels  Bouquet  and  Bradstreet,  in  1763,  were  penetrating  into  the 
Indian  country,  JYetawatwees,  not  without  reason,  became  alarmed  for  his 
safety,  and  could  not  be  prevailed  upon  to  attend  the  treaty  with  Colonel 
Bouquet,  after  the  battle  of  Bushy  Rum,  notwithstanding  the  other  chiefs 
did.  His  residence  being  in  range  of  the  march  of  Bouquet's  army,  he  too 
late  attempted  to  escape  down  the  Muskingum  in  a canoe ; but  being  inter- 
cepted by  some  of  Bouquet's  Indian  spies,  was  brought  before  the  colonel, 
who,  because  he  did  not  appear  at  the  treaty,  publicly  deposed  him,  and  put 
another  at  the  head  of  his  tribe.  Upon  the  conclusion  of  a peace,  however, 
the  first  act  of  importance  performed  by  the  Delaware  nation  was  to  rein- 
state JYetawatwees.  He  continued  in  the  undisturbed  possession  of  the  office 
until  his  death,  which  happened  in  the  second  year  of  the  revolution,  1776, 
at  Pittsburgh,  when  he  had  attained  the  age  of  near  99  years.* 

The  missionaries,  especially,  felt  his  loss  with  great  severity,  for  his  coun- 
cil was  of  the  greatest  benefit  to  them  on  all  trying  occasions. 

WHITE-EYES,  or,  as  some  write,  White-eye,  was  “the  first  captain  among 
the  Delawares.”  There  was  always  great  opposition  among  the  Indians 
against  missionaries  settling  in  their  country  ; who,  in  the  language  of  one 
of  the  Moravians,  “ were  a stone  of  offence  to  many  of  the  chiefs  and  to  a 
great  part  of  the  council  at  Gekelemukpechuenk,  and  it  was  several  times 
proposed  to  expel  them  by  force.”  But  “ this  man  [Captain  White-eyes]  kept 


Hecknoeldcr’s  Biographies,  &c.,  in  Philos.  Trans. 


Chap.  II.] 


WHITE-EYES. 


27 


the  chiefs  and  council  in  awe,  and  would  not  suffer  them  to  injure  the  mis- 
sionaries, being  in  his  own  Jieart  convinced  of  the  truths  of  the  gospel. 
This  was  evident  in  all  his  speeches,  held  before  the  chiefs  and  council  in 
behalf  of  the  Indian  congregation  and  their  teachers.”  * 

Upon  the  death  of  Netawatwees , in  1776,  Captain  White-eyes  became  chief 
sachem,  to  which  place  his  former  situation  of  first  counsellor  to  that  chief 
rendered  him  highly  qualified.  But  as  he  was  not  chief  by  regular  descent, 
he  only  accepted  the  office  until  a young  chief  should  be  of  age,  who,  it 
seems,  was  heir  apparent.  It  is  said  he  had  long  looked  forward  with  anxiety 
to  the  time  when  his  countrymen  should  become  Christians,  and  enjoy  the 
benefits  of  civilization  ; “ but  he  did  not  live  to  see  that  time,  for  while  ac- 
companying Gen.  Mackintosh  with  his  army,  to  Muskingum,  in  1778,  or  ’9,  he 
took  the  small-pox  and  died.”  f 

The  old  chief  Netawatwees  used  every  art  to  thwart  the  endeavors  of  White- 
eyes , and,  as  they  were  rather  in  a strain  bordering  upon  persecution,  were 
only  sure  to  make  the  latter  more  strenuous.  He  therefore  declared  “ that 
no  prosperity  would  attend  the  Indian  affairs,  unless  they  received  and 
believed  the  saving  gospel,”  &c.  White-eyes  was  forced  about  this  time  to 
separate  himself  from  the  other  chiefs.  “This  occasioned  great  and  general 
surprise,  and  his  presence  being  considered  both  by  the  chiefs  and  the  people 
as  indispensably  necessary,  a negotiation  commenced,  and  some  Indian  breth- 
ren were  appointed  arbitrators.  The  event  was  beyond  expectation  success- 
ful, for  chief  Netawatwees  not  only  acknowledged  the  injustice  done  to  Cap- 
tain White-eye , but  changed  his  mind  with  respect  to  the  believing  Indians 
and  their  teachers,  and  remained  their  constant  friend  to  his  death.”  | 

At  the  breaking  out  of  the  revolutionary  war,  the  American  congress 
endeavored  to  treat  with  the  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  accordingly 
invited  the  Delawares  to  send  deputies.  White-eyes  attended  on  the  part  of 
the  Brethren,  and  his  conduct  before  the  commissioners  was  highly  approved 
by  the  missionaries. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  year  1776,  the  Hurons  sent  a message  to  the 
Delawares,  “that  they  must  keep  their  shoes  in  readiness  to  join  the  warriors.” 
Nettawalwees  being  their  head  chief,  to  him,  consequently,  was  the  talk 
delivered.  He  would  not  accept  the  message,  but  sent  belts  to  the  Hurons, 
with  an  admonition  for  their  rash  resolution,  and  reminding  them  of  the 
misery  they  had  already  brought  upon  themselves.  Captain  White-eyes  was 
a bearer  of  the  belts,  who  in  his  turn  was  as  unsuccessful  as  the  Huron  am- 
bassadors ; for  when  they  were  delivered  to  the  chiefs  in  Fort  Detroit,  in 
presence  of  the  Fmglish  governor,  he  cut  them  in  pieces,  and  threw  them  at 
the  feet  of  the  bearers,  ordering  them,  at  the  same  time,  to  depart  in  half  an 
hour.  He  accused  White-eyes  of  a connection  with  the  Americans,  and  told 
him  his  head  was  in  danger. 

It  is  not  strange  that  White-eyes  was  treated  in  this  manner,  if  he  took  the 
stand  at  the  commencement  of  the  war,  which  we  suppose  from  the  follow- 
ing circumstance  that  he  did : The  Iroquois,  being  chiefly  in  the  English 
interest,  and  considering  the  Delawares  bound  to  operate  with  them,  ordered 
them  to  be  in  readiness,  as  has  been  just  related.  Upon  this  occasion,  White- 
eyes  said  “he  should  do  as  he  pleased;  that  he  wore  no  petticoats,  as  they 
falsely  pretended ; he  was  no  woman,  but  a man,  and  they  should  find  him  to 
act  as  such.”§ 

We  hear  nothing  more  of  importance  of  this  chief  until  1780,  which  was 
the  year  of  his  death.  He  died  at  Pittsburgh,  in  Pennsylvania,  of  the  small- 
pox. Many  others  died  about  this  time,  among  whom  was  a man  who  must 
have  been  very  old,  perhaps  near  120,  as  he  could  well  remember  when  the 
first  house  was  built  in  Philadelphia,  in  1682,  being  then  a boy. 

Although  White-eyes  was  so  friendly  to  the  Brethren,  yet*  he  never  fully 
joined  them,  stating  his  political  station  as  a reason. 

The  Delaware  nation  perpetuated  his  name ; a chief  signed  a treaty  in 


* Loskiel,  iii.  101 — 2. 
1 Loskiel,  iii.  101 — 2. 


f Heckewelders  Biographies,  &c.,  in  Philos.  Trans. 

$ Heckewelder,  Hist.  22, 


28 


PAXNOUS.— TADEUSKUND. 


[Book  V. 


1814,  at  Greenville,  in  Ohio,  bearing  it.*  White-eyes9  town  is  frequently  men- 
tioned in  history.  It  was  the  place  of  his  residence,  which  was  near  the  falls 
of  the  Muskingum. 

PAXNOUS  was  head  chief  of  the  Shawanese  in  1754.  At  this  time,  the 
Christian  Indians  of  the  Moravian  settlement,  Gnadenhuettcn,  were  oppress- 
ed by  a tribute  to  the  Hurons.  This  year,  Paxnous  and  Gideon  Tadeuskund, 
who  had  become  dissenters,  came  to  them,  and  delivered  the  lollowing 
message  : “ The  great  head,  that  is,  the  council  of  the  Iroquois  in  Onondago, 
speak  the  truth  and  lie  not:  they  rejoice  that  some  of  the  believing  Indians 
have  moved  to  Wajomick,  [near  Wilksburg  and  the  Susquehanna!),]  but  now 
th^y  lift  up  the  remaining  Mahikans  anrl  Delawares,  and  set  them  also  down 
in  Wajomick  ; for  there  a fire  is  kindled  for  them,  and  there  they  may  plant 
and  think  of  God.  But  if  they  will  not  hear,  the  great  head,  or  council, 
will  come  and  clean  their  ears  with  a red-hot  iron  that  is,  set  their  houses 
on  fire,  and  send  bullets  through  their  heads.  The  next  year,  Paxnous  and 
13  others  came  again,  and  in  the  name  of  the  Hurons  demanded  an  answer 
to  the  summons  he  had  delivered  last  year.  His  wife  attended  him,  and  for 
whom  he  had  great  affection,  having  then  lived  with  her  38  years.  She, 
being  touched  by  the  preaching  of  the  Brethren,  was  no  doubt  the  cause  of 
softening  the  heart  of  Paxnous,  and  causing  him  thenceforth  to  do  much  for 
them.  This  answer  was  returned  to  him  to  bear  to  the  Hurons : “ The 
Brethren  will  confer  with  the  Iroquois  themselves,  concerning  the  intended 
removal  of  the  Indians  from  Gnadenhuetten  to  Wajomick.”  Paxnous,  “ being 
only  an  ambassador  in  this  business,  was  satisfyed,  and  even  formed  a closer 
acquaintance  with  the  Brethren.”  This  is  sufficient  to  explain  Paxnous ’ par- 
tiality for  the  Brethren.  Before  they  departed,  his  wife  was  baptized,  and 
all  present,  among  whom  was  her  husband,  were  much  affected.  She 
declared,  as  she  returned  home,  “ that  she  felt  as  happy  as  a child  new  born.” 
Paxnous  also  had  two  sons,  who  did  much  for  the  Brethren. 

TADEUSKUND,  a noted  chief  among  the  Delawares,  may  be  considered 
next  in  importance  to  those  above  named.  He  was  known  among  the 
English,  previous  to  1750,  by  the  name  Honest-John.  About  this  time,  he 
was  received  into  the  Moravian  community,  and  after  some  delay,  “ owing 
to  his  wavering  disposition,”  was  baptized,  and  received  into  fellowship.  His 
baptismal  name  was  Gideon . He  adhered  to  the  missionari  s just  as  long  as 
his  condition  appeared  to  be  better,  but  when  any  thing  more  favorable  offer- 
ed, he  stood  ready  to  embark  in  it. 

The  Christian  Indians  at  Gnadenhuetten  were  desirous  of  removing  to 
Wajomick,  which  offered  more  advantages  than  that  place,  and  this  was  a 
secret  desire  of  the  wild  Indians ; for  they,  intending  to  join  the  French  of 
Canada,  wished  to  have  them  out  of  the  way  of  their  excursions,  that  they 
might  with  more  secrecy  fall  upon  the  English  frontiers.  It  was  now  1754. 

Meanwhile  Tadeuskund  had  had  the  offer  of  leading  the  Delawares  in  the 
war,  and  hence  he  had  been  a chief  promoter  of  a removal  to  Wajomick. 
The  missionaries  saw  through  the  plot,  and  refused  to  move ; but  quite  a 
company  of  their  followers,  to  the  number  of  about  70,  went  thither,  agree- 
ably to  the  wishes  of  Tadeuskund  and  his  party,  and  some  went  off  to  other 
places. 

Tadeuskund  was  now  in  his  element,  marching  to  and  from  the  French  in 
warlike  style.  When  Paxnous , as  has  been  related,  summoned  the  remain- 
ing believers  at  Gnadenhuetten  to  remove  to  Wajomick,  Tadeuskund  accom- 
panied him.  As  the  interest  of  the  French  began  to  decline,  Tadeuskund 
began  to  think  about  making  a shift  again.  Having  lived  a considerable 
part  of  the  year  1758  not  far  from  Bethlehem,  with  about  100  of  his  follow- 
ers, he  gave  the  Brethren  there  intimations  that  he  wished  again  to  join 
them  ; and  even  requested  that  some  one  would  preach  on  his  side  of  the 
Lehigh.  But  the  hopes  of  his  reclaim  were  soon  after  dissipated.  And  u he 
now  even  endeavored  to  destroy  the  peace  and  comfort  of  the  Indian  con- 
gregation.” From  the  discouraging  nature  of  the  affairs  of  the  French,  ten 
Indian  nations  were  induced  to  send  deputies  to  treat  with  the  English  at 


* See  Hist.  Second  War,  by  S.  R.  Brown,  Appendix,  105. 


29 


Chap.  II.]  MASSACRE  AT  GNADENHUETTEN.— SKENANDO. 

Easton,  which  eventuated  in  a treaty  of  peace.  Tadeuskund  pretended  that 
this  treaty  had  been  agreed  to  on  condition  that  government,  should  build  a 
town  on  the  Susquehannah  for  the  Indians,  and  cause  those  living  with  the 
Brethren  to  remove  to  it.  This  his  enemies  denied.  There  was  some  foun- 
dation, from  their  own  account,  for  Tadeuskund's  pretending  to  have  received 
full  commission  to  conduct  all  the  Indians  within  certain  limits,  which 
included  those  of  Bethlehem,  to  Wajomlck ; and  therefore  demanded  their 
compliance  with  his  commands.  He  was  liberal  in  his  promises,  provided 
they  would  comply ; saying,  the'/  should  have  fields  cleared  and  ploughed, 
houses  built,  and  provisions  provided : not  only  so,  but  their  teachers  should 
attend  them,  to  live  there  unmolested,  and  the  believers  entirely  by  them- 
selves. But,  through  the  influence  of  their  priests,  they  would  not  comply, 
which  occasioned  some  threats  from  Tadeuskund , and  he  immediately  set 
off*  for  Philadelphia,  considerably  irritated. 

Tadeuskund  went  to  Philadelphia  in  consequence  of  an  intended  general 
congress  of  the  Indians  and  English,  including  all  those  who  did  not  attend 
at  Easton.  When  he  returned,  he  demanded  a positive  answer,  and  they 
replied  that  they  would  not  remove  unless  the  governor  and  all  the  chiefs  so 
determined,  for  that  they  could  not  without  the  greatest  inconvenience.  This 
seemed  to  satisfy  him,  and  he  left  them. 

The  great  council  or  congress  of  English  and  Indians  at  Easton  above 
referred  to,  being  of  much  importance  in  Indian  history,  as  also  illustrative 
of  other  eminent  characters  as  well  as  that  of  Tadeuskund , we  will  refer  its 
details  to  a separate  chapter. 

Tadeuskund  was  burnt  to  death  in  his  own  house  at  Wajomick  in  April, 
1763. 

Of  an  execrable  murder  at  Gnadenhuetten  we  have  not  spoken,  as  we  have 
not  learned  the  name  of  the  leaders  in  or  instigators  of  it ; however,  it  will 
not  be  proper  to  pass  it  over  in  detailing  the  events  of  our  history.  It  hap-  - 
pened  in  the  time  of  the  French  and  Indian  wars,  in  1755.  Although  it  is 
generally  spoken  of  as  the  massacre  of  Gnadenhuetten,  yet  it  did  not  happen 
in  that  town,  but  in  a small  village  on  Mahony  Creek,  about  a half  a mile 
from  it.  On  the  24  November,  a band  of  Indians,  (their  numbers  unknown,) 
who  came  from  the  French,  fell  suddenly  upon  the  place,  while  the  Brethren 
were  at  supper,  and  killed  eleven  persons  ; namely,  seven  men,  three  women, 
and  one  child  15  months  old.  Only  two  men,  one  woman,  and  a boy, 
escaped.  The  slaughter  would  have  been  far  greater,  if  the  Christian  Indians 
had  not  been  away  at  that  time  upon  a hunting  excursion.  Had  not  a dog 
given  the  alarm,  as  the  Indians  approached,  they  would  probably  have  taken 
all  the  whites  prisoners ; but  the  moment  the  dog  gave  the  alarm,  those 
within  the  house  sprung  to  the  doors  and  windows  to  secure  them,  which 
being  open,  the  Indians  fired  into  them,  killing  one  man  and  wounding 
several  other  persons.  The  poor  people  succeeded  in  securing  the  doors 
and  windows,  and  then  retreated  into  the  garret  of  the  house.  This,  as  they 
must  have  expected,  they  found  a wretched  retreat ! the  roof  over  their 
heads  was  soon  in  flames,  mid  the  only  persons  that  escaped  were  a man 
and  his  wife,  and  a boy,  which  they  effected  through  the  burning  roof!  Ora; 
more,  a man  who  had  been  confined  in  an  out-house  by  sickness,  escaped 
from  a window.  All  the  buildings  in  the  village,  the  cattle  and  other  animals 
in  the  barns,  were  consumed  in  the  flames ! * 

The  leader  of  this  party,  whose  name  it  is  as  well  I cannot  give,  soon  met 
with  a requital  for  his  murders.  By  the  influence  of  the  Governor  of  Penn- 
sylvania, and  Mr.  George  Croghan , the  hostile  Indians  were  prevailed  upon 
to  meet  the  whites  in  a council  at  Easton,  the  next  year,  viz.  1756.  This 
Indian  captain  set  out  to  attend  the  council,  and  in  the  w^ay,  it  seems,  he  fell 
in  company  with  Tadeuskund.  With  this  chief  he  contrived,  some  how  oi 
other,  to  get  up  a quarrel,  in  which  Tadeuskund  killed  him.f 

SKENANDO,  though  belonging  to  a later  age,  may  very  properly  be 
noticed  here.  He  was  an  Oneida  chief,  contemporary  with  the  missionary 
Kirldand,  to  whom  he  became  a convert,  and  lived  many  years  of  the  latter 


* Heckewslder’s  Narrative,  44. 

3* 


f Ibid.  51,52. 


30 


SKENANDO.— MEMORABLE  SPEECH. 


[Book  V. 


part  of  his  life  a believer  in  Christianity.  Mr.  Kirkland  died  at  Paris,  N 
York,  in  1808,  and  was  buried  near  Oneida.  Skcnando  desired  to  be  buried 
near  him  at  Lis  death,  which  was  granted.  He  lived  to  be  110  years  old, 
and  was  often  visited  by  strangers  out  of  curiosity.  He  said  to  one  who 
visited  him  but  a little  time  before  his  death,  “/  am  an  aged  hemlock ; the 
winds  of  an  hundred  winters  have  ivhistled  through  my  branches ; I am  dead  at 
the  top.  The  generation  to  which  I belonged  has  run  away  and  left  me.” 

In  early  lile,  he  was,  like  nearly  all  of  his  race,  given  to  intoxication.  In 
1775,  he  was  at  Albany  to  settle  some  affairs  of  his  tribe  with  the  govern- 
ment of  New  York.  One  night  he  became  drunk,  and  in  the  morning  found 
himself  in  the  street,  nearly  naked,  every  thing  of  worth  stripped  from  him, 
even  the  sign  of  his  chieftainship.  This  brought  him  to  a sense  of  his 
duty,  and  he  was  never  more  known  to  be  intoxicated.  He  was  a powerful 
chief,  and  the  Americans  did  not  fail  to  engage  him  on  their  side  in  the  rev- 
olution. This  was  congenial  to  his  mind,  lor  he  always  urged  the  rights  of 
the  prior  occupants  of  the  soil,  and  once  opposed  the  Americans  on  the 
same  principle,  for  encroachments  upon  the  red  men.  He  rendered  his 
adopted  Anglo  brethren  important  services. 

From  the  “ Annals  of  Tryon  County,”  * we  learn  that  Skenctndo  died  on 
the  11  March,  1816.  He  left  an  only  son.  And  the  same  author  observes 
that  “ his  person  was  tall,  well  made,  and  robust.  His  countenance  was 
intelligent,  and  displayed  all  the  peculiar  dignity  of  an  Indian  chief.  In  his 
youth  he  was  a brave  and  intrepid  warrior,  and  in  his  riper  years,  one  of 
the  noblest  counsellors  among  the  North  American  tribes and  that,  in  the 
revolutionary  war,  by  his  vigilance  he  preserved  the  settlement  of  German 
Flats  from  being  destroyed. 

We  will  close  the  present  chapter  with  some  of  the  land  transactions  with 
the  Indians  in  Pennsylvania. 

By  his  last  will,  Governor  Penn  devised  to  his  grandson,  William  Penn , 
and  his  heirs,  10,000  acres  of  land  to  be  laid  out  “ in  proper  and  beneficial 
places  in  this  province,  by  his  trustees.”  William  Penn , the  grandson,  sold 
out  this  land  to  a gentleman,  Mr.  William  Allen , a great  land-jobber.  By  a 
little  management  Allen  got  this  land  located,  generally,  where  he  desired. 
One  considerable  tract  included  part  of  Minisink,  and  no  previous  arrange- 
ment had  been  made  with  those  Indians.  It  would  be  very  charitable  to 
suppose,  that  the  trustees  intended,  and  that  perhaps  they  did  not  doubt,  but 
the  same  course  would  be  pursued  in  purchasing  of  the  Indians  as  had  been 
before,  by  others  ; but  no  sooner  had  the  new  proprietor  got  the  lands  sur- 
veyed to  him,  than  he  began  to.  sell  it  to  those  that  would  go  on  at  once  and 
settle  it. 

Hence  we  clearly  see  the  road  opened  for  all  difficulties.  About  the  same 
time  proposals  were  published  for  a land  lottery,  and  by  the  conditions  of 
these  proposals,  not  the  least  notice  was  taken,  or  the  least  reserve  made,  of' 
the  rights  of  the  Indians.  But  on  the  contrary,  such  persons  as  had  settled 
upon  lands  that  did  not  belong  to  them,  were,  in  case  they  drew  prizes,  to 
remain  unmolested  upon  the  lands  of  the  Indians.  By  this  means  much  of 
the  land  in  the  Forks  of  the  Delaware,  since  Easton  and  vicinity,  as  well  as 
other  places,  became  taken  up,  by  this  kind  of  gambling,  and  the  Indians 
were  thus  crowded  from  it.  They  for  some  time  complained,  and  at  length 
began  to  threaten,  but  the  event  was  war  and  bloodshed. 

To  still  the  clamors  of  these  injured  people,  recourse  was  had  to  as  great 
abuses  as  had  already  been  practised : crimes  were  sought  to  be  clouded 
by  bold  stratagem.  The  Iroquois  were  connived  with,  and  they  came  for- 
ward, confirmed  the  doings  of  the  land-jobbers,  and  ordered  the  Delawares 
to  leave  their  country.  They  were  to  choose  one  of  two  horns  of  a wretched 
dilemma.  The  power  of  the  Iroquois  could  not  be  withstood,  backed  as  it 
was  by  the  English.  They  ordered  the  poor  Delawares  to  remove,  or  they 
would  destroy  them,  as  in  the  life  of  CanascUego  will  be  found  related. 

A.  sort  of  claim  was  obtained  to  some  of  the  disputed  lands,  in  a simi- 
lar a manner  as  Georgia  got  hers  of  some  of  the  Creek  country  not  many 


By  W.  XV.  Campbell 


FRAUDS  OF  THE  WHITES, 


3i 


€hap.  II.] 

years  since.  At  one  time,  a party  of  a deputation  having  remained  upon 
the  ground  eleven  days  alter  the  others  had  gone  home,  were  by  kind- 
nesses prevailed  upon  to  sign  a writing,  relinquishing  all  their  right  to  lands 
upon  Delaware.  These  were  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  had  deeded 
lands  on  the  Susquehannah  just  belore,  with  those  who  had  gone  home. 
Why  the  proprietors  did  not  include  the  lands  on  Delaware  in  their  first 
deed,  when  the  deputation  were  all  together,  is  a good  deal  singular,  but 
requires  no  explanation.  Yet  certain  it  is,  those  who  remained  and  gave  a 
writing  quit-claiming  lands  on  Delaware,  had  no  consideration  for  so  doing. 
This  writing  expresses  only  that  they  intended  in  the  former  deed  to  in- 
clude said  lands. 

That  the  Delawares  or  Chihohockies  (which  was  their  real  name)  were, 
until  some  time  subsequent  to  1736,  entirely  independent  of  the  Iroquois,  is 
beyond  a doubt  true,  although,  from  sinister  motives,  there  were  those  who 
maintained  that' they  were  always  subject  to  them.  It  is  true,  that,  when  by 
a long  intercourse  with  the  whites  they  had  lost  much  of  their  energy  and 
character  as  a nation,  the  haughty  Six  Nations  found  little  difficulty  in  sedu- 
cing some  tribes  of  them  to  join  them,  and  of  forcing  others  to  obey  them.  A 
circumstance  which  clearly  proves  this,  is,  that  in  the  first  treaties  of  sales 
of  land  by  the  Six  Nations  to  the  Pennsylvanians,  they  did  not  presume  to 
convey  any  lands  to  the  east  of  the  sources  of  the  streams  that  were  trib- 
utary to  the  Susquehannah  ; the  assertions  of  some  of  the  speech-makers 
among  the  Six  Nations,  to  the  contrary,  however.* 

The  celebrated  chief  Tadeuskund,  of  whom  we  have  already  spoken  in 
detail,  gave  the  following  very  pointed  account  of  the  manner  in  which  the 
whites  had  conducted  in  getting  his  people’s  lands  fraudulently.  It  was  at  the 
conference  in  Easton,  in  November,  1756.  Tadeuskund  was  present  as  the 
representative  of  “four  nations,”  viz.  the  Chihohockies,  the  Wanamies,  the 
Munseys  and  Wapingers.  Governor  Denny  requested  the  Indians  to  state 
the  reasons  for  their  late  hostile  movements.  Tadeuskund : “ I have  not  far  to 
go  for  an  instance.  This  very  ground  that  is  under  me  (striking  it  with  his  ' 
foot)  was  my  land  and  inheritance,  and  it  is  taken  from  me  by  fraud.  [This  was 
in  the  Forks  of  the  Delaware.]  When  I say  this  ground,  I mean  all  the  land 
lying  between  Tohiccon  Creek  and  Wyoming,  on  the  River  Susquehannah. 
i have  not  only  been  served  so  in  this  government,  but  the,  same  thing  has 
been  done  to  me,  as  to  several  tracts  in  New  Jersey,  over  the  river,”  On 
the  governor’s  asking  him  what  he  meant  by  fraud,  he  answered : “ When 
one  man  had  formerly  liberty  to  purchase  lands,  and  he  took  the  deed  from 
the  Indians  for  it,  and  then  dies;  after  his  death  his  children  forge  a deed 
like  the  true  one,  with  the  same  Indian  names  to  it,  and  thereby  take  lands 
from  the  Indians  which  they  never  sold  ; this  is  fraud.  Also  when  one  king 
has  land  beyond  the  river,  and  another  king  has  land  on  this  side,  both 
bounded  by  rivers,  mountains  and  springs  which  cannot  be  moved ; and  the 
proprietaries,  greedy  to  purchase  lands,  buy  of  one  king  what  belongs  to 
another ; this  likewise  is  fraud” 

Then  the  governor  asked  Tadeuskund  whether  he  had  been  served  so  ? 
He  said,  “ Yes.  I have  been  served  so  in  this  province  ; all  the  land  extend- 
ing from  Tohiccon,  over  the  great  mountain,  to  Wyoming,  has  been  taken 
from  mer  by  fraud  ; for  when  I had  agreed  to  sell  land  to  the  old  proprietary, 
by  the  course  of  the  river,  the  young  proprietaries  came  and  got  it  run  by  a 
straight  course , by  the  compass,  and  by  that  means  took  in  double  the  quantity 
intended  to  be  sold.”  f 

The  meaning  of  Tadeuskund  will  be  fully  explained  in  what  we  are  about 
to  lay  before  the  reader.  The  lands  above  the  Kittatinny  Mountains  were 
not  intended  to  be  sold  by  the  Delawares,  but  the  whites  found  means  to  en- 
croach upon  them,  and  by  the  aid  of  the  Iroquois,  as  before  noted,  were  able 
not  only  to  maintain  but  to  extend  their  encroachments.  It  will  be  well  to 
bear  in  mind  that  the  lands  conveyed  to  William  Penn  in  1685,  included  the 
country  from  Duck  Creek,  or  Quingquingus  to  the  Kittatinny  Hills ; and  to 
bear  in  mind,  also,  how  purchases  were  made,  so  as  to  admit  of  contention ; 


* See  Proud’s  Pa.,  ii.  334. 


f Ibid.  ii.  333. 


32 


INDIAN  DEED/fO  WILLIAM  PENN. 


[Book  V- 


sometimes,  doubtless,  for  the  secret  intention  of  taking  advantage,  and  at 
others  from  inability  to  fill  certain  blanks  in  the  deeds  at  the  time  they  were 
given.  As  for  example,  when  a tract  of  land  was  to  extend  in  a certain 
direction  upon  a straight  line,  or  by  a river,  “as  far  as  a man  can  walk  in  a 
day,”  the  point  to  bo  arrived  at  must  necessarily  be  left  blank,  until  at  some 
future  time  it  should  be  walked.  This  manner  of  giving  and  receiving  deeds, 
it  is  easy  to  see,  threw  into  the  hands  of  sordid  purchasers,  every  advantage 
over  the  Indians.  In  one  instance  they  complain  that  the  “ walker  ” run ; in 
another,  that  “he  walked  after  it  was  night,”  and  so  on. 

The  Indians  had  deeded  lands  in  this  way  to  JVilliam  Penn , and  no  advan- 
tage was  taken  on  his  part ; but  when  he  was  dead,  and  others  became  pro- 
prietors, the  difficulties  arose,  of  which  Tadeuskund  reminded  the  whites  at 
Easton  ; and  this  will  illustrate  what  has  just  been  given  from  his  speech  to 
Governor  Denny  at  that  time. 

The  deed  to  JVilliam  Penn , to  which  we  in  particular  refer,  was  given  in 
1685,  and  ran  thus  : — 

“ This  Indenture  witnesseth,  that,  We,  Packenah,  Jarckhan , Sikals,  Part - 
quesott , Jervis  Essepenavk , Felktroy , Hekellappan , Econus , Machloha,  Metthconga, 
JVissa  Powey , Indian  Kings,  Sachemakers,  right  owners  of  all  lands,  from 
Quingquingus,  called  Duck  Creek,  unto  Upland  called  Chester  Creek,  all 
along  by  the  west  side  of  Delaware  river,  and  so  between  the  said  creeks 
backwards  as  far  as  a man  can  ride  in  two  days  with  a horse , for  and  in  con- 
sideration of  these  following  goods  to  us  in  hand  paid,  and  secured  to  be 
paid,  by  JVilliam  Penn , proprietary  and  governor  of  the  province  of  Penn- 
sylvania and  territories  thereof,  viz.  20  guns,  20  fathoms  match-coat,  20 
fathoms  Stroudwater,  20  blankets,  20  kettles,  20  pounds  powder,  100  bars  of 
lead,  40  tomahawks,  100  knives,  40  pairs  of  stockings,  1 barrel  of  beer, 
20  pounds  red  lead,  100  fathoms  wampum,  30  glass  bottles,  30  pewter  spoons, 
100  awl-blades,  300  tobacco  pipes,  100  hands  of  tobacco,  20  tobacco  tongs, 
20  steels,  300  flints,  30  pair  of  scissors,  30  combs,  60  looking-glasses,  200 
needles,  one  skipple  of  salt,  30  pounds  sugar,  5 gallons  molasses,  20  tobacco 
boxes,  100  jews-harps,  20  hoes,  30  gimblets,  30  wooden  screw  boxes,  100 
string  of  beads. — Do  hereby  acknowledge,  &c.  given  under  our  hands,  &c. 
at  New  Castle,  second  day  of  the  eighth  month,  1685.” 

We  will  now  proceed  to  take  further  notice  of  Tadeuskund's  charges  at 
the  Easton  conference,  before  spoken  of.  The  manner  of  JVilliam  Alien's 
becoming  proprietor  has  been  stated.  In  1736,  deputies  from  the  Six 
Nations  sold  the  proprietor  all  the  “lands  lying  between  the  mouth  of  Sus- 
quehannah  and  Kittatinny  Hills,  extending  eastward  as  far  as  the  heads  of 
the  branches  or  springs  which  run  into  the  said  Susquehannah.”  Hence 
this  grant  did  not  interfere  at  all  with  the  lands  of  the  Delawares,  and  may 
be  urged  as  an  evidence,  that  the  Six  Nations  had  no  right  to  them  ; for,  if 
they  had,  why  were  they  not  urged  to  sell  them  before  the  breaking  up  of 
the  conference  ? and  not,  as  we  have  before  mentioned,  Waited  eleven  days, 
until  all  the  head  men  had  gone,  and  then  to  have  got  a release  from  the  few 
that  remained  ! It  is  therefore  very  evident  that  this  could  not  be  done  when 
all  were  present,  or  the  latter  course  would  not  have  been  resorted  to.  Not- 
withstanding the  proprietor  had  grasped  at  the  lands  on  Delaware,  by  a 
partial  transaction  with  a few  of  a deputation,  he,  nevertheless,  soon  man- 
ifested that  he  considered  his  right  as  not  beyond  question,  by  his  assembling 
the  Delaware  chiefs  the  next  year,  1737,  to  treat  further  upon  it.  The  names 
of  these  chiefs  were  Monokykickan , Lappaivinzoe , Tishekunk  and  JVutimus.* 
At  this  conference  a release  was  obtained  from  them,  the  preamble  of  which 
set  forth, 

“That  Tishekunk  and  JVutimus  had,  about  three  years  before,  begun  a 
treaty  at  Durham  with  John  and  Thomas  Penn ; that  from  thence  another 


* His  name  signified,  a striker  of  fish  with  a spear.  Heekewelder.  He  was  generally 
calleu  Pontius  Nutamaeus — an  excellent  man,  who  never  drank  liquor.  He  was  born  on  the 
spot  where  Philadelphia  now  stands,  removed  to  Ohio  about  1745,  died  on  the  Muskingum  in 
1780,  aged  about  100  years.  He  had  a brother  who  was  called  Isaac  Nutimus,  and  like  him 
was  a very  amiable  man,  and  died  about  the  same  time.  Ib. 


Chap.  II.] 


TITLES  TO  INDIAN  LANDS. 


33 


meeting  was  appointed  to  be  at  Pennsbury  the  next  spring,  to  which  they 
repaired  with  Lappawinzoe , and  several  others  of  the  Delaware  Indians ; 
that,  at  this  meeting,  several  deeds  were  shown  to  them  for  several  tracts  of 
land  which  their  forefathers  had  more  than  50  years  ago  sold  to  William  Penn ; 
and,  in  particular,  one  deed,  from  Maykeerikkisho , Sayhoppey  and  Taugh- 
haughsey,  the  chiefs  or  kings  of  the  Northern  Indians  on  Delaware,  who  lor  a 
certain  quantity  of  goods,  had  granted  to  William  Penn  a tract  of  land,  begin- 
ning on  a line  drawn  from  a certain  spruce-tree  on  the  River  Delaware,  by 
a west-north- west  course  to  Neshameny  Creek,  from  thence  back  into  the 
woods  as  far  as  a man  could  go  in  a day  and  a half  and  bounded  on  the  west 
by  Neshameny,  or  the  most  westerly  branch  thereof,  so  far  as  the  said  branch 
doth  extend,  and  from  thence  by  a line  [blank]  to  the  utmost  extent  of  the 
day  and  half’s  walk,  and  from  thence  [blank]  to  the  aforesaid  River  Delaware, 
and  so  down  the  courses  of  the  river  to  the  first  mentioned  spruce  tree ; and 
that  this  appeared  to  be  true  by  William  Biles  and  Joseph  Wood , who,  upon 
their  affirmation,  did  declare,  that  they  well  remembered  the  treaty  held  by 
the  agents  of  William  Penn  and  those  Indians “ that  they  were  now  come  to 
Philadelphia  with  their  chief  Monokyhickan,  and  several  other  old  men,  and 
upon  a former  treaty  held  upon  the  same  subject,  acknowledge  themselves 
satisfied  that  the  above  described  tract  was  granted  by  the  persons  above 
mentioned,  for  which  reason,  they  the  said  Monokyhickan , Lappawinzoe , Ti- 
shekunk  and  Nutimus , agree  to  release  to  the  proprietors  all  right  to  that  tract, 
and  desire  that  it  may  be  walked,  travelled,  or  gone  over  by  persons  ap- 
pointed for  that  purpose.” 

Now  it  must  be  borne  in  mind,  that  by  former  treaties  the  Lechay  Hills, 
which  I take  to  mean  the  Lehigh  Mountains,  were  to  be  the  boundaries,  in 
all  time  to  come,  on  the  north : meanwhile  we  will  proceed  to  describe  the 
manner  the  land  was  ivalked  out,  of  which  we  have  been  speaking. 

The  relation  which  Thornes  Furniss,  sadler,  gives  concerning  the  day  and 
a half's  walk , made  between  the  proprietors  of  Pennsylvania  and  the  Delaware 
Indians,  by  James  Yeates  and  Edward  Marshall .” 

“ At  the  time  of  the  walk  I was  a dweller  at  Newton,  and  a near  neighbor 
to  James  Yeates.  My  situation  gave  him  an  easy  opportunity  of  acquainting 
me  with  the  time  of  setting  out,  as  it  did  me  of  hearing  the  different  senti- 
ments of  the  neighborhood  concerning  the  walk ; some  alleging  it  was  to  be 
made  by  the  river,  others  that  it  was  to  be  gone  upon  a straight  line  from 
somewhere  in  Wright’s-town,  opposite  to  a spruce-tree  upon  the  river’s  bank, 
said  to  be  a boundary  to  a former  purchase.  When  the  walkers  started  I 
was  a little  behind,  but  was  informed  they  proceeded  from  a chestnut-tree 
near  the  turning  out  of  the  road  from  Durham  road  to  John  Chapman's,  and 
being  on  horseback,  overtook  them  before  they  reached  Buckingham,  and  kept 
company  for  some  distance  beyond  the  Blue  Mountains,  though  not  quite  to 
the  end  of  the  journey.  Two  Indians  attended,  whom  I considered  as  depu- 
ties appointed  by  the  Delaware  nation,  to  see  the  walk  honestly  performed. 
One  of  them  repeatedly  expressed  his  dissatisfaction  therewith.  The  first 
day  of  the  walk,  before  we  reached  Durham  creek,  where  we  dined  in  the 
meadows  of  one  Wilson , an  Indian  trader,  the  Indian  said  the  walk  was  to 
have  been  made  up  the  river,  and  complaining  of  the  unfitness  of  his  shoe- 
packs  for  travelling  said  he  expected  Thomas  Penn  would  have  made  him  a 
present  of  some  shoes.  After  this  some  of  us  that  had  horses,  walked,  and 
let  the  Indians  ride  by  turns ; yet  in  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day,  and  some 
hours  before  sunset,  the  Indians  left  us,  having  often  called  to  Marshall  that 
afternoon  and  forbid  him  to  run.  At  parting  they  appeared  dissatisfied,  and 
said  they  would  go  no  farther  with  us ; for  as  they  saw  the  walkers  would 
pass  all  the  good  land,  they  did  not  care  how  far  or  where  we  went  to.  It 
was  said  we  traveled  12  hours  the  first  day,  and  it  being  in  the  latter  end  of 
September,  or  beginning  of  October,  to  complete  the  time,  were  obliged 
to  walk,  in  the  twilight.  Timothy  Smith,  then  sheriff  of  Bucks,  held  his, 
watch  for  some  minutes  before  we  stopped,  and  the  walkers  having  a piece 
of  rising  ground  to  ascend,  he  called  out  to  them,  telling  the  minutes  behind, 
and  bid  them  pull  up,  which  they  did  so  briskly,  that,  immediately  upon  his 
saying  the  time  was  out,  Marshall  clasped  his  arms  about  a saplin  to  support 


34 


THE  WALKING  PURCHASE. 


[Book  V. 


himself,  and  thereupon  the  sheriff  asking  him  what  was  the  matter,  he  said 
he  was  almost  gone,  and  that,  if  he  had  proceeded  a few  poles  further,  he 
must  have  fallen.  We  lodged  in  the  woods  that  night,  and  heard  the  shout- 
ing of  the  Indians  at  a cantico,  which  they  were  said  to  hold  that  evening  in 
a town  hard  by.  Next  morning  the  Indians  were  sent  to,  to  know  if  they 
would  accompany  us  any  farther,  but  they  declined  it,  although  I believe 
some  of  them  came  to  us  before  we  started,  and  drank  a dram  in  the  com- 
pany, and  then  straggled  off  about  their  hunting  or  some  other  amusement.  In 
our  return  we  came  through  this  Indian  town  or  plantation,  Timothy  Smith  and 
myself  riding  forty  yards  more  or  less  before  the  company,  and  as  we  ap- 
proached within  about  150  paces  of  the  town,  the  woods  being  open,  we  saw 
an  Indian  take  a gun  in  his  hand,  and  advancing  towards  us  some  distance, 
placed  himself  behind  a log  that  laid  by  our  way.  Timothy  observing  his 
motions,  and  being  somewhat  surprised,  as  I apprehended,  looked  at  me,  and 
asked  what  I thought  that  Indian  meant.  I said,  I hoped  no  harm,  and  that 
I thought  it  best  to  keep  on,  which  the  Indian  seeing,  arose  and  walked  before 
us  to  the  settlement.  I think  Smith  was  surprised,  as  I well  remember  I was, 
through  a consciousness  that  the  Indians  were  dissatisfied  with  the  walk,  a 
thing  the  whole  company  seemed  to  be  sensible  of,  and  upon  the  way,  in 
our  return  home,  frequently  expressed  themselves  to  that  purpose.  And 
indeed  the  unfairness  practised  in  the  walk,  both  in  regard  to  the  way  where, 
and  the  manner  how,  it  was  performed,  and  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  Indians 
concerning  it,  were  the  common  subjects  of  conversation  in  our  neighbor- 
hood, for  some  considerable  time  after  it  was  done.  When  the  walk  was 
performed  I was  a young  man  in  the  prime  of  life.  The  novelty  of  the  thing 
inclined  me  to  be  a spectator,  and  as  I had  been  brought  up  most  of  my 
time  in  Burlington,  the  whole  transaction  to  me  was  a series  of  occurrences 
almost  entirely  new,  and  which  therefore,  I apprehend,  made  the  more  strong 
and  lasting  impression  on  my  memory. 

Thomas  Fumiss * 

As  we  have  already  observed,  the  end  of  these  affairs  was  war.  The 
Delawares  were  driven  back,  and  they  joined  the  French  against  the 
English. 


CHAPTER  HI. 

Of  several  chiefs  spoken  of  by  Washington,  in  his  journal  of  an  embassy  to  the  French 
of  Ohio — Battle  near  Great  Meadows,  and  death  of  Jumonville — Shingis — Mona- 
catoocha — Half-King  — Juskakaka — White-Thunder  — Alliquipa — Cap- 
tain Jacobs — Hendrick — His  history — Curious  anecdote  of — Logan — Cresap's 
War — Battle  of  Point  Pleasant — Logan' s famous  speech — Cornstock — His  history 
— Red-hawk — Ellinipsico — The  barbarous  murder  of  these  three — Melancholy 
death  of  Logan — Pontiac — A renowned  warrior — Colonel  Rogers's  account  of  him 
— His  policy — Fall  of  Michilimakinuk — Menehwehna — Siege  of  Detroit — Ponti- 
ac's stratagem  to  surprise  it — Is  discovered — Official  account  of  the  affair  at  Bloody 
Bridge — Pontiac  abandons  the  siege — Becomes  the  friend  of  the  English — Is  assas- 
sinated. 

The  expedition  of  Washington  to  the  French  on  the  Ohio,  in  1753,  brings 
to  our  records  information  of  several  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations,  of  the  most 
interesting  kind.  He  was  commissioned  and  sent  as  an  ambassador  to  the 
French,  by  Governor  Dinwidlie  of  Virginia.  He  kept  an  accurate  journal 
of  his  travels,  which,  on  his  return  to  Virginia,  was  published,  and,  not  long 
after,  the  same  was  republished  in  London,  with  a map ; the  substance 
of  this  journal  was  copied  into  almost  every  periodical  of  importance  of' 
that  day. 


* Causes  of  the  Alienation  of  the  Delaware  and  Shawanese  Indians,  &c.,  8vo.  Lou- 
don, 1759. 


35 


Chap.  III.]  WASHINGTON’S  JOURNEY  AMONG  THE  INDIANS. 

SHINGIS  was  the  first  chief  he  visited,  who  lived  in  the  forks  of  the 
Alleghany  and  Monongahela  Rivers,  where  Pittsburgh  now  stands.  He  intend- 
ed holding  a council  with  the  celebrated  Half-king ,*  already  mentioned,  at 
Loggstown,  and  such  others  as  could  be  assembled  at  short  notice,  to  strengthen 
them  in  the  English  interest.  He  therefore  invited  Shingis  to  attend  the 
council,  and  he  accordingly  accompanied  him  to  Loggstown.  “ As  soon  as 
I came  into  town,”  says  Washington , “I  went  to  Monakatoocha,  (as  the  Half- 
king  was  out  at  his  hunting  cabin,  on  Little  Beaver  Creek,  about  15  miles  off,) 
and  informed  him  by  John  Davidson , my  Indian  interpreter,  that  I was  sent  a 
messenger  to  the  French  general,  and  was  ordered  to  call  upon  the  sachems 
of  the  Six  Nations  to  acquaint  them  with  it.  I gave  him  a string  of  wampum 
and  a twist  of  tobacco,  and  desired  him  to  send  for  the  half-king,  which  he 
promised  to  do  by  a runner  in  the  morning,  and  for  other  sachems.  I in- 
vited him  and  the  other  great  men  present  to  my  tent,  where  they  stayed 
about  an  hour,  and  returned.”  This  place  was  about  140  miles,  “as  we  went, 
and  computed  it,”  says  the  great  writer,  “from  our  back  settlements,  where 
we  arrived  between  sunsetting  and  dark,  the  twenty-fifth  day  after  I left 
Williams  burgh.” 

Half-king , it  seems,  had,  not  long  before,  visited  the  same  place  to  which 
Washington  was  now  destined ; for  as  soon  as  he  returned  to  his  town,  Wash- 
ington invited  him  privately  to  his  tent,  “and  desired  him  to  relate  some  of 
the  particulars  of  his  journey  to  the  French  commandant,”  the  best  way  for 
him  to  go,  and  the  distance  from  that  place.  “He  told  me,”  says  Washington , 
“that  the  nearest  and  levelest  way  was  now  impassable,  by  reason  of 
many  large  miry  savannas;  that  we  must  be  obliged  to  go  by  Venango,  and 
should  not  get  to  the  near  fort  in  less  than  five  or  six  nights’  sleep,  good 
travelling.”  Half-king  further  informed  him  that  he  met  with  a cold  recep- 
tion ; that  the  French  officer  sternly  ordered  him  to  declare  his  business, 
which  he  did,  he  said,  in  the  following  speech : — 

“ Fathers,  I am  come  to  tell  you  your  own  speeches ; what  your  own  mouths 
have  declared.  You,  in  former  days,  set  a silver  basin  before  us,  wherein 
there  was  the  leg  of  a beaver,  and  desired  all  the  nations  to  come  and  eat  of 
it ; to  eat  in  peace  and  plenty,  and  not  to  be  churlish  to  one  another : and  that 
if  any  such  person  should  be  found  to  be  a disturber,  I here  lay  down  by  the 
edge  of  the  dish  a rod,  which  you  must  scourge  them  with;  and  if  your  father 
should  get  foolish,  in  my  old  days,  I desire  you  may  use  it  upon  me  as  well 
as  others. — Now,  fathers,  it  is  you  who  are  the  disturbers  in  this  land,  by 
coming  and  building  your  towns ; and  taking  it  away  unknown  to  us,  and  by 
force. — We  kindled  a fire,  a long  time  ago,  at  a place  called  Montreal,  where 
we  desired  you  to  stay,  and  not  to  come  and  intrude  upon  our  land.  I now 
desire  you  may  despatch  to  that  place ; for,  be  it  known  to  you,  fathers,  that 
this  is  our  land,  and  not  yours. — I desire  you  may  hear  me  in  civilness ; if 
not,  we  must  handle  that  rod  which  was  laid  down  for  the  use  of  the  obstrep- 
erous. If  you  had  come  in  a peaceable  manner,  like  our  brothers  the  English, 
we  would  not  have  been  against  your  trading  with  us,  as  they  do;  but  to 
come,  fathers,  and  build  houses  upon  our  land,  and  to  take  it  by  force,  is 
what  we  cannot  submit  to.” 

Half-king  then  repeated  what  was  said  to  him  in  reply  by  the  French, 
which,  when  he  had  done,  Washington  made  a speech  to  him  and  his  council. 
He  acquainted  them  with  the  reason  of  his  visit,  and  told  them  he  was  in- 
structed to  call  upon  them  by  the  governor  of  Virginia,  to  advise  with  them, 
to  assure  them  of  the  love  of  the  English,  and  to  ask  the  assistance  of  some 
of  their  young  men,  to  conduct  him  through  the  wilderness,  to  the  French, 
to  whom  he  had  a letter  from  his  governor.  Half-king  made  this  reply : — 

“In  regard  to  what  my  brother  the  governor  had  desired  of  me,  I return 


* He  is  called  a Huron  by  Loskiel,  Hist.  Missions,  iii.  123.  He  was  called  by  the  Dela- 
wares Pomoacan,  which  in  English  means  Sweet-house.  Heckewelder,  Nar.  235.  In  the 
letter,  or  speech,  as  Washington  called  it,  which  this  chief  sent  to  the  governors  of  Virginia 
and  Pennsylvania,  in  1754,  his  name  is  set  down  Seruniyatllia.  See  1 Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 
vi.  143. — I will  here  note,  that  my  friend,  Jarkd  Sparks,  Esq.,  verbally  informs  me,  that  he 
is  of  opinion,  that  this  is  not  the  same  Half-king  mentioned  in  Loskiel.  I am  now  of  the 
same  belief,  although  it  is  possible. 


36 


HALF  KING.— BATTLE  NEAR  GREAT  MEADOWS.  [Book  y. 


you  this  answer.”  “I  rely  upon  you  as  a brother  ought  to  do,  as  you  say  we 
are  brothers,  and  one  people.”  “ Brother,  as  you  have  asked  my  advice,  I 
hope  you  will  be  ruled  by  it,  and  stay  until  I can  provide  a company  to  go 
with  you.  The  French  speech  belt  is  not  here ; I have  it  to  go  lor  to  my 
hunting  cabin.  Likewise  the  people,  whom  I have  ordered  in,  are  not  yet 
come,  and  cannot  until  the  third  night  from  this;  until  which  time,  brother, 
1 must  beg  you  to  stay.” 

When  Washington  told  him  that  his  business  would  not  admit  of  so  much 
delay,  the  chief  seemed  displeased,  and  said  it  was  “ a matter  of  no  small  mo - 
ment,  and  must  not  be  entered  ivithout  due  consideration Perhaps  it  will  not 
be  too  much,  to  give  this  Indian  chief  credit  for  some  of  that  character  which 
was  so  well  exemplified  by  Washington  in  all  his  after-life.  And  “as  I found 
it  impossible,”  says  the  narrator,  “to  get  off,  without  affronting  them  in  the 
most  egregious  manner,  I consented  to  stay.”  Accordingly,  Half-king  gave 
orders  to  King  Shingis,  who  was  present,  to  attend  on  Wednesday  niglit  with 
the  wampum,  and  two  men  of  their  nation,  to  be  in  readiness  to  set  out  with 
us  next  morning.”  There  was  still  a delay  of  another  day,  as  the  chiefs 
could  not  get  in  their  wampum  and  young  men  which  were  to  be  sent ; and, 
after  all,  but  three  chiefs  and  one?  hunter  accompanied.  “ We  set  out,”  says 
Washington , “ about  9 o’clock,  with  the  Half-king , Juskakakaf  White-thunder , 
and  the  hunter;  and  travelled  on  the  road  to  Venango,  where  we  arrived  the 
4th  of  December”  This  place  is  situated  at  the  junction  of  French  Creek 
with  the  Ohio.  Here  the  French  had  a garrison,  and  another  a short  distance 
above  it,  which  was  the  extent  of  our  discoverer’s  peregrinations  northward. 
The  commanders  of  these  posts  used  all  means  to  entice  Half-king  to  desert 
the  English,  and  it  was  with  great  difficulty  that  Washington  succeeded  in 
preventing  them.  They  endeavored  to  weary  him  out  by  making  the  chiefs 
delay  their  departure  from  day  to  day,  by  means  of  liquor,  so  that  they  should 
be  left  behind.  At  length,  having  out-generalled  his  complotters,  and  “ got 
things  ready  to  set  off’  I sent  for  the  Half-king ,”  continues  the  narrator,  “ to 
know  whether  he  intended  to  go  with  us,  or  by  water.  He  told  me  that 
White-thunder  had  hurt  himself  much,  and  was  sick,  and  unable  to  walk ; 
therefore  he  was  obliged  to  carry  him  dow  n in  a canoe  ; ” so,  notwithstanding 
the  delays,  Washington  wras  obliged  to  go  without  him ; but  he  cautioned  him 
strongly  against  believing  Monsieur  Joncaire's  pretensions  of  friendship,  and 
representations  against  the  English.  Hero  ends  Washington's  account  of 
Half-king. 

And  before  closing  our  account  of  the  termination  of  Washington’s  journey, 
we  will  close  our  account  of  this  chief  also.  In  1754  he  accompanied  Wash- 
ington in  his  excursion  to  dislodge  the  French  from  the  disputed  territory 
upon  the  Ohio,  and  was  his  constant  counsellor,  until  after  the  surrender  of 
Fort  Necessity  at  the  Great  Meadows,  on  the  4 July.  At  the  surprise  of  M. 
de  Jumonville , on  the  28  May  previous,  he  led  a company  of  his  warriors, 
and  piloted  the  English  under  Washington  to  the  place  where  he  was  encamped, 
which  was  but  a few  miles  from  Great  Meadows.  Jumonville's  force  was 
small,  consisting  of  but  about  33  men.  The  night  previous  to  the  attack, 
Half-king,  who  was  encamped  six  miles  from  Great  Meadow's,  having  made 
a discovery  of  the  approach  of  the  French  force,  sent  an  express  to  Washing- 
ton, to  inform  him  that  the  French  were  discovered  in  an  obscure  retreat. 
The  colonel  immediately  marched  out  with  40  men  and  reached  Half-king's 
quarters  a little  before  sunrise.  A council  was  now  held  by  the  chiefs  of  the 
parties,  and  it  was  agreed  that  the  English  and  Indians  should  march  together 
and  attack  the  French.  They  marched  in  single  file  through  the  woods,  in 
the  Indian  manner,  in  a most  dismal  storm  of  rain ; and  following  the  track 
just  explored  by  Half -king's  spies,  soon  found  themselves  near  the  party. 
Jumonville  was  in  a secure  place,  half  a mile  from  a road,  and  surrounded 
by  rocks,  and  had  he  not  been  fallen  upon  by  surprise,  it  is  doubtful  whether 
the  attacking  party  had  not  found  it  difficult  to  have  contended  successfully 


* We  hear  again  of  this  chief  in  1794,  when,  with  58  others,  he  signed  a treaty  with  the 
United  States  at  Fort  Stanwix.  His  name  is  there  written  Jishkaaga , which  signified  a green 
grasshopper.  He  was  sometimes  called  Little-Billy. 


SHINGIS— KUSTALOGA. 


37 


Chap.  III.] 

against,  him.  But  not  being  discovered,  Washington  made  a good  disposition 
of  his  men ; himself  with  the  English  formed  the  right  wing,  and  Half-king 
at  the  head  of  the  Indians,  the  left.  The  French  were  found  without  their 
arms  in  their  hands,  but  they  flew  to  them,  and  a fight  of  about  15  minutes 
ensued.  None  of  the  party  escaped.  Eleven  of  the  French  were  killed, 
among  whom  was  M.  de  Jumonville ; one  wounded,  and  21  taken  prisoners. 
Washington  lost  but  one  man,  and  two  or  three  only  were  wounded.* 

We  now  return  to  the  narrative  of  Washington,  which  we  had  found  it 
necessary  abruptly  to  interrupt. 

He  now  set  out  for  the  frontiers  with  all  expedition.  He  had,  he  says,  the 
“ most  fatiguing  journey  possible  to  conceive  of.  From  the  1st  to  the  15th 
December,  there  was  but  one  day  on  which  it  did  not  rain  or  snow  inces- 
santly ; and  through  the  whole  journey,  we  met  with  nothing  but  one  contin- 
ued series  of  cold,  wet  weather.” 

This  expedition  of  Washington  has  in  it  great  interest,  more  especially  from 
his  superior  eminence  afterwards.  It  is  pleasing  to  contemplate  the  “ savior 
of  his  country  ” in  every  adventure  and  circumstance  of  his  life ; and  even 
gratifying  to  view  him  with  a gun  in  one  hand,  a staff  in  the  other,  and  a 
pack  upon  his  back ; wading  through  rivers,  encountering  storms  of  sleet  and 
snow,  and  sleeping  upon  the  ground,  thus  early,  for  his  country’s  good.  He 
had  some  very  narrow  escapes,  and,  during  part  of  the  way  on  his  return,  he 
had  but  one  attendant.  One  day,  as  they  were  passing  a place  called  Mur- 
dering Town , they  were  fired  upon  by  one  of  a war-party  of  French  Indians, 
who  had  waited  in  ambush  for  them ; and  although  they  were  within  fifteen 
paces  of  him,  yet  they  escaped  unhurt.  They  captured  the  fellow  that  fired 
upon  them,  and  kept  him  until  nine  at  night,  then  dismissed  him,  and  trav- 
elled all  night,  “without  making  any  stop,”  fearing  they  should  be  pursued 
the  next  morning  by  his  party.  Continuing  their  course  all  the  next  day, 
they  came  to  the  river  where  they  intended  to  cross.  Here  the  firmness  of 
Washington  and  his  companion  was  thoroughly  tried.  The  river  was  very 
high,  and  filled  with  floating  ice,  and  there  was  no  way  to  pass  it  but  by  a 
ratt.  They  had  “ but  one  poor  hatchet,”  with  the  assistance  of  which,  after 
laboring  from  morning  till  sunset,  they  had  a raft  ready  to  launch ; on  this 
they  set  out,  but  it  was  soon  crushed  between  the  floating  ice,  and  they  very 
narrowly  escaped  perishing.  Washington  was  himself  precipitated  into  the 
river,  where  the  water  was  ten  feet  deep.  Fortunately,  however,  he  catched 
bv  a fragment  of  the  raft,  and  saved  himself.  They  finally  extricated  them- 
selves from  their  perilous  situation,  by  getting  upon  the  ice  which  confined 
their  frail  bark,  and  from  thence  to  an  island,  and  finally  to  the  opposite  shore. 
The  cold  was  so  intense,  that  Mr.  Gist  froze  his  hands  and  feet.  This  place 
was  about  three  miles  below  the  mouth  of  the  Yohogany,  where  an  Indian 
queen,  as  Washington  calls  her,  lived.  He  went  to  see  her,  he  observes,  she 
having  “expressed  great  concern  that  we  passed  her  in  going  to  the  fort.  1 
made  her  a present  of  a watch  coat,  and  a bottle  of  rum,  which  latter  was 
thought  much  the  best  present  of  the  two.”  Her  name  was  Alliquippa.  From 
this  place,  he  pursued  his  journey  home  without  further  accident. 

We  have  mentioned  the  friendly  attention  of  Shingis  to  our  adventurer,  who 
had  probably  expected  he  would  have  attended  him  on  his  journey ; but  Shin- 
gis went  to  collect  in  his  men,  and  did  not  return.  The  Indians  said  it  was 
owing  to  the  sickness  of  his  wife,  but  Washington  thought  it  was  fear  of  the 
French,  which  prevented  him.  But  this  conjecture  does  not  seem  well 
founded,  for  he  ordered  Kustaloga,  who  lived  at  Venango,  to  proceed  to  the 
French  and  return  the  wampum,  which  was  as  much  as  to  tell  them  they 
wished  no  further  fellowship  with  them. 

The  massacres  which  followed  Braddock's  defeat  were  horrible  beyond 
description.  Shingis  and  Captain  Jacobs  were  supposed  to  have  been  the 
principal  instigators  of  them,  and  700  dollars  were  offered  for  their  heads.f 
Captain  Jacobs  did  not  long  escape,  although  the  reward  did  not  hasten  his 
end.  The  hostile  Indians  had  their  head-quarters  at  Kitanning  on  the  Allegha- 


4 


* Sparks’s  Writings  of  Washington,  ii.  451,  452. 
f Watson's  Annals  of  Philadelphia,  450. 


38  KITTANNING  DESTROYED.— DEATH  OF  CAPT.  JACOBS.  [Book  7. 


nv  River,  44  miles  above  its  confluence  with  the  Monongahela.  Here  they 
rutin  d with  their  prisoners  and  booty  alter  their  expeditions  into  the  frontiers. 
In  175b,  Colonel  John  Armstrong  was  sent  with  about  300  men  against  Ki- 
tanning.  “On  3 September  he  joined  the  advanced  party  at  the  Beaver 
Dams,  near  Frankstown;  and  on  the  7th  in  the  evening,  being  within  (5  miles 
of  Kitanning,  the  scouts  discovered  a fire  in  the  road,  and  reported  that  there 
were  but  3 or  at  most  4 Indians  at  it.  It  was  not  thought  proper  to  attempt 
surprising”  them,  as  it  might  be  a means  of  alarming  the  town,  if  any  should 
escape.  Hence  Lieutenant  Hogg , with  a file  of  12  men,  was  ordered  to  watch 
them,  while  the  main  body  proceeded  to  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Kitarming. 
The  niirht  being  warm,  many  of  the  Indians  lodged  in  a cornfield  upon  the 
margin  of  the  river,  about  100  rods  below  the  town.  Here  at  day-break  the 
attack  began.  Several  Indians  were  killed  in  the  field,  and  the  town  was  im- 
mediately entered.  As  they  advanced,  Captain  Jacobs  gave  the  war  whoop, 
retired  to  his  log-cabin,  and  defended  himself  wid)  great  bravery.  Inspired 
by  his  intrepidity,  his  men  refused  quarter,  saying,  “ We  are  men , and  will  not 
be  prisoners .”  The  whites  being  unable  to  drive  them  from  their  wigwams, 
Colonel  Armstrong  ordered  these  to  be  set  on  fire.  At  the  same  time  he  re- 
ceived a musket-shot  in  the  shoulder.  “ When  the  Indians  were  told  that  they 
would  be  burnt  if  they  did  not  surrender,  one  of  them  replied,  he  did  not  c:;re, 
as  he  could  kill  4 or  5 before  he  died.”  When  the  fire  approached  them,  some 
began  to  sing,  and  others  burst  from  their  houses,  and  were  killed  in  their 
flight.  Captain  Jacobs , when  defence  could  no  longer  avail  him,  endeavored 
to  escape,  with  his  wife,  though  a window  of  his  house.  This  was  his  last  act 
— he  was  shot  down,  and  his  wife  also.  A lad,  called  the  King's  Son , was  killed 
with  them.  As  at  Nerigwok,  many  were  killed  in  the  river  as  they  fled. 

The  Indiarfs  were  said  to  have  had  their  houses  stored  with  spare  arms  and 
ammunition  ;for,  when  they  were  burnt  up,  their  guns  discharged  from  the  heat, 
and  quantities  of  powder  blew  up  from  time  to  time,  which  threw  some  of 
their  bodies  to  a great  height  in  the  air.  Eleven  prisoners  were  recovered  at  this 
time,  who  informed  their  deliverers  that  a great  quantity  of  goods  were  also 
consumed,  which  had  but  ten  days  before  been  sent  them  by  the  French  ; and 
that  the  Indians  had  boasted  that  they  had  powder  enough  for  a ten  years’  war 
with  the  English.  They  also  learned  that  the  party  which  Lieutenant  Hogg 
had  been  left  to  watch,  instead  of  being  but  3 or  4,  consisted  of  24  warriors, 
who  were  on  their  way  to  attack  Fort  Shirley,  having  been  sent  forward  by 
Captain  Jacobs , while  he  was  to  have  followed  with  a strong  force  the  next 
day.  Hence  the  fate  of  the  lieutenant’s  party  was  suspected.  On  returning 
to  the  place,  Colonel  Armstrong  found  that  Lieutenant  Hogg  had  attacked  the 
Indians  at  great  disadvantage,  in  point  of  numbers,  and  had  been  defeated, 
himself  and  Captain  Mercer  (afterwards  General  Mercer , who  fell  at  Princeton) 
severely  wounded.  At  the  first  fire  Hogg's  party  killed  3 of  the  Indians,  who, 
after  maintaining  the  fight  for  an  hour,  killed  but  3 of  the  whites.  Hogg , 
being  now  wounded,  was  abandoned  by  his  men,  but  was  fortunate  enough  to 
be  found  by  the  army.*  It  was  at  this  period,  that  the  dead  bodies  of  some 
that  had  been  murdered  and  mangled  were  sent  from  the  frontiers  to  Phila- 
delphia, and  hauled  about  the  streets,  to  inflame  the  people  against  the 
Indians,  and  also  against  the  Quakers,  to  whose  mild  forbearance  was  attrib- 
uted a laxity  in  sending  out  troops.  The  mob  surrounded  the  house  of 
assembly,  having  placed  the  dead  bodies  at  its  entrance,  arid  demanded  im- 
mediate succor.  At  this  time  the  above  reward  was  offered. 

Mr.  Heckewelder  knew  Shingis , or,  as  he  wrote  his  name,  Shingask , f and 
gave  hirn  a good  character.  He  was  brother  to  King-beaver , and  in  the  French 
war  was  considered  the  greatest  Indian  warrior  of  the  day.  He  was  a terror 
to  the  whole  frontier  of  Pennsylvania.  “ Passing  one  day  with  him,”  says  Mr. 
Heckewelder,  “in  the  summer  of, 1 762,  near  by  where  his  two  prisoner  boys 
(about  12  years  of  age)  were  amusing  themselves  with  his  own  boys,  and  he 
obs  >rving  me  looking  that  way,  inquired  what  I was  looking  at.  On  my 
replying  that  I was  looking  at  his  prisoners,  he  said,  When  I first  took  them 


* Coll.  N.  Y.  Hist.  Soc.  in.  398—9.  3 Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  iv.  298—9. 
f Level , or  Bog-meadow. 


Chap.  III.] 


SHIN  GIS.— HENDRICK. 


39 


they  ivere  such  ; but  they  are  now  my  children  ; eat  their  victuals  out  of  one 
and  the  same  bowl ! which  was  saying  as  much  as,  that  they,  in  all  respects, 
were  on  an  equal  footing  with  kis  own  children — alike  dear  to  him.”  Though 
of  small  stature,  ihe  same  author  observes,  he  had  a great  mind. 

The  wife  of  tliis  chief  died  in  17(32.  She  was  of  the  highest  rank  and  re- 
spectability ; and  the  ceremonies  at  her  funeral,  and  manner  of  decoration 
and  interment,  described  here,  would  occupy  several  pages.* 

In  the  time  of  the  French  war,  when  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania  sent  C. 
F.  Post  to  the  distant  tribi  s to  persuade  them  from  aiding  the  French,  men- 
tion is  often  made  in  the  journal  which  he  kept,f  of  Skingis , and  uniformly  to 
his  advantage.  The  Reverend  Mr.  Post  performed  two  missions,  the  first  at 
the  close  of  1758,  and  the  second  in  1759.  Under  date  of  28  August,  1758, 
he  writes,  “VVe  sat  out  from  Sawcunk  in  company  with  20,  for  Kushcuslikec; 
on  the  road  Shingas  addressed  himself  to  me,  and  asked,  if  I did  not  think, 
that  if  he  came  to  the  English  they  would  hang  him,  as  they  had  offered  a 
great  reward  for  his  head.  I told  him  that  was  a great  while  ago,  ’twas  all 
forgotten  and  wiped  away  now.”  An  Indian  in  the  company,  called  Shamo- 
kin  Daniel,  who  had  been  tampered  with  by  the  French,  understanding  what 
was  said,  interrupted  and  said,  “ Don’t  believe  him,  he  tells  nothing  but  idle 
lying  stories,”  and  asked,  “ Why  then  did  the  English  hire  1200  Indians 
[meaning  the  Cherokees]  to  kill  us  ? ” Mr.  Post  protesting  it  was  false,  Daniel 
vociferated,  G — d d — n you  for  a fool ; did  you  not  see  the  woman  lying  in  the 
road  that  was  killed  by  the  Indians  that  the  English  hired  ? ” After  a few 
other  harsh  expressions,  Skingis  told  him  to  be  still,  for  he  did  not  know  what 
he  said.” 

Mr.  Post  dined  with  Skingis  on  the  29  August,  at  which  time  he  observed  to 
him,  that  although  the  English  had  offered  a great  reward  for  his  head,  yet  he 
had  never  thought  to  revenge  himself,  but  was  always  very  kind  to  such  pris- 
oners as  were  brought  in,  and  that  he  would  do  all  in  his  power  to  bring 
about  a peace,  and  wished  he  could  be  sure  the  English  were  in  earnest  for 
peace  also. 

Although  the  name  of  Shingis  has  not  generally  been  as  conspicuous  as 
that  of  Captain  Jacobs,  yet  he  is  said  to  have  been  “ the  greatest  Delaware 
warrior  of  his  time,”  and  that,  “ were  his  war  exploits  on  record,  they  would 
form  an  interesting  document,  though  a shocking  one.”]: 

Hendrick  was  a gallant  Mohawk  chief,  who  took  part,  with  many  of  his 
men,  against  the  French,  in  the  year  1755.  The  French  were  encouraged 
by  the  defeat  of  General  Braddock,  and  were  in  high  expectation  of  carrying 
all  before  them.  Hendrick  joined  the  English  army  at  the  request  of  General 
Johnson,  and  met  the  French,  consisting  of  2000  men,  under  General  Dieskau 
at  Lake  George.  While  the  English  and  Indians  were  encamped  in  a slight 
work,  their  scouts  brought  news  of  the  approach  of  the  French,  with  a great 
body  of  Indians  upon  their  flanks.  General  Johnson  despatched  Colonel 
Williams  of  Massachusetts,  with  1000  men,  and  Hendrick  with  200  of  his  war- 
riors, to  give  them  battle ; but  falling  in  with  them  about  four  miles  from  camp 
unexpectedly,  Colonels  Williams  and  Hendrick  were  killed,  with  many  other 
officers  and  privates  of  the  detachment.  The  rest  fled  to  the  main  body  with 
great  precipitation,. infusing  consternation  into  the  whole  arrny.§  The  French 
followed  closely,  and  poured  in  a tremendous  fire,  which  did  very  little  exe- 
cution, from  the  precaution  of  the  English  in  falling  flat  upon  their  faces. 
They  soon  recovered  from  their  surprise,  and  fought  with  bravery,  having 
advantage  not  only  in  numbers,  but  artillery,  of  which  the  French  had  none.|| 
At  length  the  brave  Dieskau  was  wounded  in  the  thigh,  and  his  Indians,  be- 
ing terrified  at  the  havoc  made  by  the  cannon  of  the  English,  fled  to  the 
woods,  and  the  regulars  were  ordered  to  retreat  by  their  general,  which  they 
did  in  great  disorder.  General  Dieskau  was  found  in  the  pursuit,  supporting 
himself  by  the  stump  of  a tree.  Supposing  plunder  to  be  the  first  object  of 

* For  which  see  Heckewelder’ s Hist.  Ind.  Nations,  264,  &c. 

| Reprinted  in  “ The  Causes  of  the  Alienation,”  &c.,  and  Proud’s  Pa.,  vol.  2d. 

j Heckewelder’ s Narrative,  64. 

0 The  English  lost  about  200  in  this  ambush.  Guthrie’s  Universal  History,  x.  94. 

U Ibid. 


40 


HENDRICK.— KILLED  IN  BATTLE. — ANECDOTE.  , [Book  V. 

his  captors,  {is  he  was  attempting  to  draw  his  watch  to  present  to  them,  some 
one,  supposing-  him  to  be  searching  lor  his  pistol,  discharged  his  gun  into 
his  hips.  Notwithstanding  he  was  thus  twice  wounded,  he  lived  to  reach 
England,  hut  he  died  soon  alter.  The  French  lost  800  men  in  the  attack. 

When  General  Johnson  was  about  to  detach  Colonel  Williams , he  asked 
Hendrick's  opinion,  whether  the  force  was  sufficient.  To  which  he  replied., 
“ If  they  are  tofght,  they  are  too  few.  If  they  are  to  be  killed , they  are  too  muny .” 
And  when  it  was  proposed  to  divide  the  detachment  into  three  parts,  Hen- 
drick objected,  and  forcibly  to  express  the  impracticability  of  the  plan,  picked 
up  three  sticks,  and,  putting  them  together,  said  to  the  general,  “ You  see  now 
that  these  cannot  be  easily  broken ; but  take  them  one  by  one , and  you  may  break 
them  at  once."  But  from  this  valuable  counsel  very  little  advantage  seems  to 
have  been  derived. 

It  was  reported  at  the  time,  that  38  of  Hendrick's  men  were  killed,  and  12 
wounded.*  Few  historians  mention  the  loss  of  the  Indians ; probably  con- 
sidering them  as  unworthy  of  record ! Such  historians  may  be  forgotten.  At 
least,  they  cannot  expect  to  pass  under  that  name  in  another  age. 

The  Indians  were  greatly  exasperated  against  the  French,  “by  the  death 
of  the  famous  Hendrick''  says  the  same  writer,  “a  renowned  Indian  warrior 
among  the  Mohawks,  and  one  of  their  sachems,  or  kings,  who  was  slain  in  the 
battle,  andSvhose  son,  upon  being  told  that  his  father  was  killed,  giving  the 
usual  Indian  groan  upon  such  occasions,  and  suddenly  putting  his  hand  on 
his  left  breast,  swore  his  father  was  still  alive  in  that  place,  and  stood  there  in 
his  son : that  it  was  with  the  utmost  difficulty,  General  Johnson  prevented  the 
fury  of  their  resentment  taking  place  on  the  body  of  the  French  general.”f 

As  soon  as  the  battle  was  over,  the  Indians  dispersed  themselves  in  various 
directions,  with  the  trophies  of  victory ; some  to  their  homes,  to  condole 
with  the  friends  of  the  slain,  and  some  to  the  English,  to  carry  the  welcome 
news  of  victory.  The  different  runners  brought  into  Albany  above  80  scalps 
within  a very  short  time  after  the  fight.J  And  thus  we  are  furnished  with  an 
early  record  of  the  wretched  custom  which  appears  to  have  been  fostered, 
and  actually  encouraged  by  all  who  have  employed  the  Indians  as  auxiliaries 
in  war.  Indeed  to  employ  them,  was  to  employ  their  practices — they  were 
inseparable.  To  talk,  as  some  have  done,  of  employing  them,  and  prevent- 
ing their  barbarous  customs  with  the  unfortunate  captives,  all  experience 
shows,  is  but  to  talk  one  thing  and  mean  another. 

Soon  after  Sir  William  Johnson  entered  upon  his  duties  as  superintendent 
of  Indian  affairs  in  North  America,  he  received  from  England  some  richly 
embroidered  suits  of  clothes.  Hendrick  was  present  when  they  were  re- 
ceived, and  could  not  help  expressing  a great  desire  for  a share  in  them.  He 
went  away  very  thoughtful,  but  returned  not  long  after,  and  called  upon  Sir 
William , and  told  him  he  had  dreamed  a dream.  Sir  William  very  con- 
cernedly desired  to  know  what  it  was.  Hendrick  very  readily  told  him  he 
had  dreamed  that  Sir  William  Johnson  had  presented  him  with  one  of  Ins 
new  suits  of  uniform.  Sir  William  could  not  refuse  it,  and  one  of  the  elegant 
suits  was  forthwith  presented  to  Hendrick,  who  went  away  to  show  his 
present  to  his  countrymen,  and  left  Sir  William  to  tell  the  joke  to  his  friends. 
Some  time  after,  the  general  met  Hendrick,  and  told  him  he  had  dreamed  a 
dream.  Whether  the  sachem  mistrusted  that  he  was  now  to  be  taken  in  his 
own  net,  or  not,  is  not  certain : but  he  seriously  desired  to  know  what  it  was* 
as  Sir  William  had  done  before.  The  general  said  he  dreamed  that  Hendrick 
had  presented  him  with  a certain  tract  of  land,  which  he  described,  (consist- 
ing of  about  500  acres  of  the  most  valuable  land  in  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk 
River.)  Hendrick  answered,  “ It  is  yours ; " but,  shaking  his  head,  said,  “ Sir 
William  Johnson,  I will  never  dream  with  you  again.” 

John  Konkapot,  a Stoekbridge  Indian,  was  grandson  to  Hendrick,  and  he 
informs  us  that  his  grandfather  was  son  of  the  Wolf,  a Mohegan  chief,  and 
that  his  mother  was  a Mohawk.§  Reverend  Gideon  Hawley,  in  a letter  to 
Governor  Hutchinson  (1770)  about  the  Marshpee  Indians,  has  this  passage : 


* Gent.  Magazine  for  1755: 
§ Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 


t Ibid. 


\ Ibid. 


Chap.  III.] 


LOGAN.— CRESAP’S  MURDERS. 


41 


“Among  Johnson’s  Mohawks,  Abraham  and  Hendrick  were  the  oldest  of  their 
tribe,  when  they  died,  and  neither  of  them  was  70,  at  their  deaths.  I saw  a 
sister  of  theirs  in  1/65,  who  appeared  to  be  several  years  above  70.  At 
Stockbridge,  Captain  Kunkapot  was  lor  many  years  the  oldest  man  in  his 
tribe.”  * * * § We  have  now  come  to  one  of  the  most  noted  chiefs  in  Indian  story. 

Logan  was  called  a Mingo  f chief,  whose  father,  Shikellimus , was  chief 
of  the  Cayugas,  whom  he  succeeded.  Shikellimus  was  attached  in  a remark- 
able degree  to  the  benevolent  James  Logan , from  which  circumstance,  it  is 

Erobable,  his  son  bore  his  name.  The  name  is  still  perpetuated  among  the 
tdians.  For  magnanimity  in  war,  and  greatness  of  .soul  in  peace,  few,  if  any, 
in  any  nation,  ever  surpassed  Logan.  He  took  no  part  in  the  French  wars 
which  ended  in  1760,  except  that  of  a peacemaker ; was  always  acknowl- 
edged the  friend  of  the  white  people,  until  the  year  1774,  when  his  brother 
and  several  others  of  his  family  were  murdered,  the  particulars  of  which 
follow.  In  the  spring  of  1774,  some  Indians  robbed  the  people  upon  the 
Ohio  River, J who  were  in  that  country  exploring  the  lands,  and  preparing  for 
settlements.  These  land-jobbers  were  alarmed  at  this  hostile  carriage  of  the 
Indians,  as  they  considered  it,  and  collected  themselves  at  a place  called 
Wheeling  Creek,  the  site  on  which  Wheeling  is  now  built,  and,  learning  that 
there  were  two  Indians  on  the  river  a little  above,  one  Captain  Michael  Cresap , 
belonging  to  the  exploring  party,  proposed  to  fall  upon  and  kill  them.  His 
advice,  although  opposed  at  first,  was  followed,  and  a party  led  by  Cresap 
proceeded  and  killed  the  two  Indians.  The  same  day,  it  being  reported  that 
some  Indians  were  discovered  below  Wheeling  upon  the  river,  Cresap  and 
his  party  immediately  marched  to  the  place,  and  at  first  appeared  to  show 
themselves  friendly,  and  suffered  the  Indians  to  pass  by  them  unmolested, 
to  encamp  still  lower  down,  at  the  mouth  of  Grave  Creek.  Cresap  soon 
followed,  attacked  and  killed  several  of  them,  having  one  of  his  own  men 
wounded  by  the  fire  of  the  Indians.  Here  some  of  the  family  of  Logan 
were  slain.  The  circumstance  of  the  affair  was  exceeding  aggravating,  inas- 
much as  the  whites  pretended  no  provocation. 

Soon  after  this,  some  other  monsters  in  human  shape,  at  whose  head  were 
Daniel  Greathouse  and  one  Tomlinson , committed  a horrid  murder  upon  a 
company  of  Indians  about  thirty  miles  above  Wheeling.  Greathouse  resided 
at  the  same  place,  but  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river  from  the  Indian  en- 
campment. A party  of  thirty-two  men  were  collected  for  this  object,  who 
secreted  themselves,  while  Greathouse , under  a pretence  of  friendship,  crossed 
the  river  and  visited  them,  to  ascertain  their  strength ; on  counting  them, 
he  found  they  were  too  numerous  for  his  force  in  an  open  attack.  These 
Indians,  having  heard  of  the  late  murder  of  their  relations,  had  determined 
to  be  avenged  of  the  whites,  and  Greathouse  did  not  know  the  danger  he  was 
in,  until  a squaw  advised  him  of  it,  in  a friendly  caution,  “to  go  home.”  The 
sad  requital  this  poor  woman  met  with  will  presently  appear.  This  abomi- 
nable fellow  invited  the  Indians  to  come  over  the  river  and  drink  rum  with  him ; 
this  being  a part  of  his  plot  to  separate  them,  that  they  might  be  the  easi;r  de- 
stroyed. The  opportunity  soon  offered ; a number  being  collected  at  a tavern  in 
the  white  settlement,  and  considerably  intoxicated,  were  fallen  upon,  and  all 
murdered,  except  a little  girl.  Among  the  murdered  was  a brother  of"  Logan, 
and  his  sister,  whose  delicate  situation  greatly  aggravated  the  horrid  crime. 

The  remaining  Indians,  upon  the  other  side  of  the  river,  on  hearing  the 
firing,  set  off  two  canoes  with  armed  warriors,  who,  as  they  approached  the 
shore,  were  fired  upon  by  the  whites,  who  lay  concealed,  awaiting  their 
approach.  Nothing  prevented  their  taking  deadly  aim,  and  many  were 
killed  and  wounded,  and  the  rest  were  obliged  to  return.  This  affair  took 
place  May  24th,  1774.§  These  were  the  • events  that  led  to  a horrid  Indian 


* Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  3.  i.  151. 

t Mengwe,  Maquas,  Maqua,  or  Iroquos  all  mean  the  same. 

j “ In  the  month  of  April,  1774,  a rumor  was  circulated,  that  the  Indians  had  stolen  several 
horses  from  some  land-johbers  oil  the  Ohio  and  Kentucky  Rivers  ; no  evidences  of  the  fact 
having  been  adduced,  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  the  report  was  false. ,v  Doddridge's 
Notes.  225—6. 

§ Facts  published  in  Jefferson's  Notes. 

4 # 


42  LOGAN.— SAVES  THE  LIFE  OF  A CAPTIVE.  [Book  V, 

war,  in  which  many  innocent  families  were  sacrificed  to  satisfy  the  ven- 
geance of  an  incens.  d and  injured  people. 

A calm  followed  these  troubles,  but  it  was  only  such  as  goes  before  the 
storm,  and  lasted  only  while  the  tocsin  of  war  could  be  sounded  among  the 
distant  Indians.  On  the  12  July,  1774,  Logan , at  the  head  of  a small  party 
of  only  eight  warriors,  struck  a blow  on  some  inhabitants  upon  the  Muskin- 
gum, where  no  one  expected  it.  He  had  left  the  settlements  on  the  Ohio 
undisturbed,  which  every  one  supposed  would  be  the  first  attacked,  in  case 
of  war,  and  hence  the  reason  of  his  great  successes.  His  first  attack  was 
upon  three  men  who  were  pulling  flax  in  a field.  One  was  shot  down,  and 
the  two  others  taken.  These  were  marched  into  the  wilderness,  and,  as 
they  approached  the  Indian  town,  Logan  gave  the  scalp  halloo,  and  they 
were  met  by  the  inhabitants,  who  conducted  them  in.  Running  the  gantlet 
was  next  to  be  performed.  Logan  took  no  delight  in  tortures,  and  he  in  the 
most  friendly  manner  instructed  one  of  the  captives  how  to  proceed  to 
escape  the  severities  of  the  gantlet.  This  same  captive,  whose  name  was 
Robinson , was  afterwards  sentenced  to  be  burned ; but  Logan , though  not 
able  to  rescue  him  by  his  eloquence,  with  his  own  hand  cut  the  cords  that 
bound  him  to  the  stake,  and  caused  him  to  be  adopted  into  an  Indian  family. 
He  became  afterwards  Logan's  scribe,  and  wrote  the  letter  that  was  tied  to  a 
war  club,  the  j>articulars  of  which  we  shall  relate  farther  onward. 

There  was  a chief  among  the  Shawanese  more  renowned  as  a warrior 
than  even  Logan  himself  at  this  time.  CORN  STOCK  * was  his  name,  and 
to  him  seems  to  have  fallen  the  chief  direction  of  the  war  that  was  now 
begun ; the  causes  of  which  were  doubtless  owing  to  the  outrages  already 
detailed,  committed  by  Cresap  and  Greathouse,  but  there  can  be  but  little  if 
any  doubt,  that  the  several  tribes  engaged  in  it,  had  each  been  sufficiently 
injured  to  justify  their  participation  also.  The  history  of  the  murder  of 
Bald  Eagle  is  more  than  sufficient  to  account  for  the  part  acted  by  the  Dela- 
wares. What  this  man  had  been  in  his  younger  days  is  unknown  to  history, 
but  at  this  time  he  was  an  old  inoffensive  Delaware  chief,  who  wandered 
harmlessly  up  and  down  among  the  whites,  visiting  those  most  frequently 
who  would  entertain  him  bQSt.  Having  been  on  a visit  to  the  fort  at  the 
mouth  of  Kanhawa,  he  was  met,  as  he  was  ascending  alone  upon  the  river 
in  his  canoe,  by  a man,  who,  it  is  said,  had  suffered  much  from  the  Indians. 
It  was  in  the  evening,  and  whether  any  thing  happened  to  justify  violence  on 
the  part  of  either,  we  have  no  evidence,  but  certain  it  is,  the  white  man 
killed  the  chief,  and  scalped  him,  and,  to  give  his  abominable  crime  pub- 
licity, set  the  dead  body  upright  in  the  canoe,  and  in  this  manner  caused  it 
to  drift  down  the  river,  where  it  was  beheld  by  many  as  it  passed  them. 
From  the  appearance  of  the  old  chief,  no  one  suspected  he  was  dead,  but 
very  naturally  concluded  he  was  upon  one  of  his  ordinary  visits.  The  truth 
of  the  affair,  however,  soon  got  to  his  nation,  and  they  quickly  avowed  ven- 
geance for  the  outrage,  f 

The  Virginia  legislature  was  in  session  when  the  news  of  an  Indian  war 
was  received  at  the  seat  of  government.  Governor  Dunmore  immediately 
gave  orders  for  the  assembling  of  3000  men  ; one  half  of  whom  were  to 
march  for  the  mouth  of  the  great  Kanhawa  under  the  command  of  General 
Andrew  Lewis, \ and  the  remainder,  under  the  governor  in  person,  was  to 
proceed  to  some  point  on  the  Ohio,  above  the  former,  in  order  to  fall  upon 
the  Indian  towns  between,  while  the  warriors  should  be  drawn  off  by  the 
approach  of  Lewis  in  the  opposite  direction.  He  was  then  to  proceed  down 
the  Ohio,  and  form  a junction  with  General  Lewis  at  Point  Pleasant,  from 
whence  they  were  to  march  according  to  circumstances. 


* Generally  written  Cornstalk,  but  in  our  oldest  printed  account,  it  is  as  in  the  text.  There 
is  no  harm  in  changing  the  orthograph)’  of  a word,  when  we  use  it  for  a proper  instead  of  a 
common  substantive, 
f M ’ Clung. 

| His  rank  was  that  of  colonel,  but,  being  commander-in-chief  of  that  division,  was  properly 
called  general,  to  distinguish  him  from  his  brother,  who  was  also  a colonel,  and  as  having 
the  chief  command. 


III.] 


LOGAN . — BATTLE  OF  POINT  PLEASANT. 


43 


On  the  11  September,  the  forces  under  Geueral  Lewis , amounting  to 
1100  men,  commenced  their  march  from  Camp  Union  for  Point  Pleasant  on 
the  Great  Kanhaway,  distant  100  miles.  The  country  between  was  a track- 
less wilderness.  The  army  was  piloted  by  Captain  Matthew  Arbuckle , by 
the  nearest  practicable  route.  The  baggage  was  all  transported  on  pack- 
horses,  and  their  march  took  up  19  days.* ** 

Having  arrived  there  upon  the  last  (lay  of  the  month,  an,  encampment  was 
commenced  on  the  first  of  October.  Here  General  Lewis  waited  with 
anxiety  to  get  some  tidings  of  Dunmore , for  eight  or  nine  days.  At  the  end 
of  this  time,  no  prospect  of  a junction  appearing,  news  was  brought  into 
camp  iu  the  morning  of  the  10  October,  by  one  of  two  persons  who  had 
escaped  the  rifles  of  a great  body  of  Indians  about  two  miles  up  the  Ohio, 
that  an  attack  would  be  immediately  made.  These  two  men  were  upon  a 
deer  hunt,  and  came  upon  the  Indians  without  observing  them,  when  one 
was  shot  down,  and  the  other  escaped  to  the  camp  with  difficulty.  He  re- 
ported “ that  he  had  seen  a body  of  the  enemy,  covering  four  acres  of  ground, 
as  closely  as  they  could  stand  by  the  side  of  each  other.”  f 

Upon  diis  intelligence,  General  Lewis,  “ after  having  deliberately  lighted 
his  pipe,”:}:  gave  orders  to  his  brother,  Colonel  Charles  Lewis , to  march  with 
his  own  regiment,  and  another  under  Colonel  William  Fleming , to  recon- 
noitre the  enemy,  while  he  put  the  remainder  in  a posture  to  support  them. 
These  marched  without  loss  of  time,  and  about  400  yards  from  camp  met 
the  Indians  intent  upon  the  same  object.  Their  meeting  was  somewhere 
between  sun’s  rising  and  sun  an  hour  high,§  and  the  fight  in  a moment 
began.  The  Virginians,  like  their  oppon  mts,  covered  themselves  with  trees 
or  whatever  else  offered,  but  the  latter  were  more  than  a match  for  them, 
and  put  them  to  flight  with  great  slaughter.  Colonel  Lewis  was  in  full  uni- 
form, and  being,  from  the  nature  of  his  duties,  exposed  at  every  point,  soon 
fell  mortally  wounded.||  There  was  no  result  for  which  the  commander-in- 
chief  was  not  prepared  •,  for  at  this  critical  moment  he  had  ordered  up 
Colonel  Field  with  his  regiment,  which,  coming  with  great  resolution  and 
firmness  into  action,  saved  the  two  retreating  regiments,  and  effectually 
checked  the  impetuosity  of  the  Indians,  who,  in  their  turn,  were  obliged  to 
retreat  behind  a rough  breastwork,  which  they  had  taken  the  precaution  to 
construct  from  logs  and  brush  for  the  occasion. 

The  point  of  land  on  which  the  battle  was  fought  was  narrow,  and  the 
Indians’  breastwork  extended  from  river  to  river  : their  plan  of  attack  was  the 
best  that  could  be  conceived  ; for  in  the  event  of  victory  on  their  part,  not  a 
Virginian  cou!d  have  escaped.  They  had  stationed  men  on  both  sides  of 
the  river  to  prevent  any  that  might  attempt  flight  by  swimming  from  the 
apex  of  the  triangle  made  by  the  confluence  of  the  two  rivers. 

Never  was  ground  maintained  with  more  obstinacy;  for  it  was  slowly,  and 
with  no  precipitancy,  that  the  Indians  retired  to  their  breastwork.  The  divis- 
ion under  Lewis  was  first  broken,  although  that  under  Fleming  was  nearly 
at  the  same  moment  attacked.  This  heroic  officer  first  received  two  balls 
through  his  left  wrist,  but  continued  to  exercise  his  command  with  the  great- 
est coolness  and  presence  of  mind.  His  voice  was  continually  heard,  “Don’t 
lose  an  inch  of  ground.  Advance  outflank  the  enemy,  and  get  between 
them  and  the  river.”  But  his  men  were  about  to  be  outflanked  by  the  body 
that  had  just  defeated  Lewis ; meanwhile  the  arrival  of  Colonel  Field  turned 
“the  fortune  of  the  day,  but  not  without  a severe  loss ; Colonel  Fleming  was 
again  wounded, H by  a shot  through  the  lungs  ; ##  yet  he  would  not  retire, 
and  Colonel  Field  was  killed  as  he  was  leading  on  his  men. 


* Doddridge,  280.  t Withers,  126.  f M'Clung,  321. 

§ At  sun-rise,  Burk, Wi  393. — Sun  an  hour  high,  Royal  Anver.  Magazine  for  November,  1774, 
— A little  after  sunrise,  Doddridge,  231. — The  sun  was  just  rising,  M'Clung,  322. — Sunrise, 
Withers,  127. 

||  He  walked  into  camp,  and  expired  in  his  own  tent.  Doddridge. 

IT  Mr.  M'Clung  says  ne  was  killed,  but  we  cannot  find  any  authority  to  agree  with  him. 
Mr.  Withers  says  he  was  “ an  active  governor  of  Virginia  during  the  revolutionary  war.” 
Chronicles,  130. 

**  Burk,  iii.  394. 


44 


LOGAN.— BATTLE  OF  POINT  PLEASANT. 


[Book  V, 


The  whole  line  of  the  breastwork  now  became  as  a blaze  of  fire,  which 
lasted  nearly  till  the  close  of  the  day  Here  the  Indians  under  Logan,  Com- 
stock, Elenipsico,  Red-Eagle,  and  other  mighty  chiefs  of  the  tribes  of  the 
Shawanese,  Delawares,  Mingoes,  Wyando.s  and  Cayugas,  amounting,  as  was 
supposed,  to  1500  warriors,  fought,  as  men  will  ever  do  lor  their  country’s 
wrongs,  with  a bravery  which  could  only  be  equalled.  The  voice  of  the 
mighty  Comstock  was  often  heard  during  the  day,  above  the  din  of  strife, 
calling  on  his  men  in  these  words : “ Be  strong ! Be  strong ! ” And  when  by 
the  repeated  charges  of  the  whites,  some  of  his  warriors  began  to  waver,  he 
is  said  to  have  sunk  his  tomahawk  into  the  head  of  one  who  was  cowardly 
endeavoring  to  desert. 

General  Lewis , finding  at  length  that  every  charge  upon  the  lines  of  the 
Indians  lessened  the  number  of  his  lorces  to  an  alarming  degree,  and  rightly 
judging  that  if  the  Indians  were  not  routed  before  it  was  dark,  a day  of 
more  doubt  might  follow,  he  resolved  to  throw  a body,  if  possible,  into  their 
rear.  As  the  good  fortune  of  the  Virginians  turned,  the  bank  of  the  river 
favored  this  project,  and  forthwith  three  companies  were  detached  upon  the 
enterprise,  under  the  three  captains,  Isaac  Shelby,  (afterwards  renowned  in 
the  revolution,  and  since  in  the  war  with  Canada,)  George  Matthews,  * and 
John  Steuart.  These  companies  got  unobserved  to  their  place  of  destination 
upon  Crooked  Creek,  which  runs  into  the  Kanhawa.f  From  the  high  weeds 
upon  the  banks  of  this  little  stream,  they  rushed  upon  the  backs  of  the 
Indians  with  such  fury,  as  to  djive  them  from  their  works  with  precipitation. 
The  day  was  now  decided.  The  Indians,  thus  beset  from  a quarter  they  did 
not  expect,  were  ready  to  conclude  that  a reinforcement  had  arrived.  It 
was  about  sunset  when  they  fled  across  the  Ohio,  and  immediately  took  up 
their  march  for  their  towns  on  the  Scioto. 

As  is  common,  in  reviewing  past  events,  we  find  much  difference  of 
opinion  in  regard  to  many  of  the  facts;  the  loss  of  the  whites  in  this  battle 
is  very  variously  stated,  but  that  of  the  Indians  no  one  has  presumed  to  set 
down  but  by  inference.  The  morning  alter  the  battle,  Colonel  Christian\ 
marched  to  the  battle-ground;  where  his  men  found  and  scalped  § 21  of 
their  dead,  and  12  others  were  found  in  places  where  tiny  were  placed  for 
concealment ; that  many  were  also  thrown  into  the  river  is  said  to  have  been 
at  the* time  known.  In  an  account  published  at  the  time,  it  is  set  down  that 
the  killed  of  the  Virginians  were  “Col.  Charles  Lewis,  Major  John  Field , 
Capt.  John  Mumay,  Robert  Me  Clenechan,  Samuel  Wilson,  James  Ward,  Lieut. 
Hugh  Allen,  Ensigns,  Candiff,  Baker,  and  44  privates ; ” making  the  whole 
number  of  the  killed  55.  “ Wounded,  Captain  W.  Fleming,  since  dead, 
Y.  Dickinson , Thomas  Blueford , John  Stidman,  Lieuts.  Goodman,  Robeson , 
Laud , Vannes,  and  79  Privates  ; ” making  in  all  87  wounded.  We  are  aware 
that  neither  the  names  or  numbers  agree  with  accounts  since  published,  but 
we  have  taken  the  above  from  the  Royal  American  Magazine,  which  was 
published  the  following  month  at  Boston,  into  which  it  seems  to  have-  been 
copied  from  a Philadelphia  print.|| 

There  was  a kind  of  stratagem  used  by  the  whites  in  this  battle  lvhich 
reminds  us  of  that  practised  at  the  Pawtucket  fight,  related  in  Book  III.  of 
our  history.  The  soldiers  in  Colonel  Fleming's  regiment  would  conceal 
themselves  behind  a tree  or  some  other  shelter,  and  then  hold  out  their  hats 
from  behind,  which  the  Indians  seeing,  would  mistake  as  covering  the  heads 


* Probably  the  same  who  was  a colonel  in  ihe  Virginia  line  during  the  revolution,  and 
once  a prisoner.  See  Con  tin.  Burk,  107,  358,  also  Withers,  130. 

f Withers,  127. 

f He  was  not  present  at  the  fight,  but  arrived  with  a reinforcement,  which  he  had  raised 
from  Holston,  immediately  after  it  was  over.  It  was  this  force,  it  is  supposed,  that  the 
Indians  expected  were  surrounding  them  in  the  rear.  They  were  said  to  have  been  ac- 
quainted with  all  circumstances  connected  with  the  operations  of  the  Virginians. 

& Royal  Amer.  Magazine  for  November,  1774. 

1|  Dr.  Doddridge,  231 , sets  down  the  killed  at  75,  and  the  wounded  at  140,  and  he  is, 
doubtless,  Mr.  Withers’s  authority,  who  says  the  same.  His  list  of  killed  and  wounded  are 
also  verbatim  from  Doddridge.  Burk,  who  wrote  twenty  years  before  either,  agrees  with 
the  Royal  American  Magazine  very  nearly. 


Chap.  III.] 


LOGAN.— BATTLE  OF  POINT  PLEASANT. 


45 


of  their  enemies,  and  shoot  at  them.  The  hat  being  at  once  dropped,  the 
Indian  would  run  out  from  his  covert  to  scalp  his  victim,  and  thus  met  a 
sure  death  from  the  tomahawk  of  his  adversary. 

The  chief  of  the  men  raised  lor  this  service,  were,  as  Burk  expresses  him- 
self, “ prime  riflemen,”  and  the  “ most  expert  woodsmen  in  Virginia.”  They 
were  principally  from  the  counties  of  Augusta,  Botetourt,  B dlord  and  Fin- 
castle,  and  from  the  enraged  settlers  who  had  fled  from  their  frontier  settle- 
ments to  escape  the  vengeance  of  the  injured  Indians.  For  reasons  which 
were  not  perfectly  understood  at  that  time,  Lord  Dumnore  divided  the  army 
into  two  parts,  as  already  stated.  The  part  which  Dumnore  soon  after  took 
in  the  revolutionary  events,  discovered  the  real  cause  of  his  preposterous  pro- 
ceedings. His  pretence  of  falling  upon  the  backs  of  the  Indians,  and  coop- 
erating with  General  Lewis , was  soon  detected  as  such ; for  it  needed  only 
to  be  known  that  he  was  moving  no  less  than  75  miles  from  him,  and  that, 
thereiore.  no  cooperation  could  he  had.  The  imputation,  however,  of  the 
historian  Burk,* * * §  “that  the  division  under  Lewis  was  devoted  to  destruction, 
for  the  purpose  of  breaking  the  spirits  of  the  Virginians,”  to  render  his  own 
influence  and  reputation  brighter  and  more  efficient,  is  unnatural,  and  with- 
out tacts  to  warrant  it.  To  our  mind  a worse  policy  to  raise  himself  could 
not  have  been  devised.  There  are  two  other,  far  more  reasonable  conclu- 
sions, which  might  have  been  offered:  The  governor,  seeing  the  justness 
of  the  Indians’  cause,  might,  have  adopted  the  plan  which  was  followed,  to 
bring  them  to  a peace  with  the  least  possible  destruction  of  them.  This 
would  have  been  the  course  of  a humane  philosophy ; or  he  might  have 
exercised  his  abilities  to  gain  them  to  the  British  interest,  in  case  of  a rup- 
ture between  them  and  the  colonies,  which  the  heads  of  government  must 
clearly  have  by  this  time  foreseen  would  pretty  soon  follow.  Another  ex- 
traordinary manoeuvre  of  Governor  Dunmore  betrayed  either  a great  want 
of  exp  rience,  generalship,  or  a far  more  reprehensible  charge  ; for  he  had, 
before  the  battle  of  Point  Pleasant,  sent  an  express  f to  Colonel  Lewis , with 
orders  that  he  should  join  him  near  the  Shawanee  towns,  with  all  possible 
despatch.  These  instructions  were  looked  upon  as  singularly  unaccountable, 
inasmuch  as  it  was  considered  a thing  almost  impossible  to  be  accomplished, 
had  there  not  been  an  enemy  to  fear ; for  the  distance  was  near  80  miles, 
and  the  rout ; was  through  a country  extremely  difficult  to  be  traversed,  and, 
to  use  the  words  of  Mr.  Burk,  “swarming  with  Indians.”]:  The  express  did 
not  arrive  at  Point  Pleasant  until  the  evening  after  the  battle ; § but  that  it 
had  been  fought  was  unknown  to  the  governor,  and  could  in  no  wise  excuse 
his  sending  such  orders,  although  the  power  of  the  Indians  was  now  broken. 

The  day  after  the  battle,  General  Lewis  caused  his  dead  to  be  buried,  and 
entrenchments  to  be  thrown  up  about  his  camp  for  the  protection  of  his 
sick  and  wounded ; and  the  day  following,  he  took  up  his  line  of  march,  in 
compliance  with  the  orders  of  Governor  Dumnore.  This  march  was  attended 
with  great  privations  and  almost  insurmountable  difficulties.  Meanwhile 
Governor  Dunmore  descended  with  his  forces  down  the  river,  from  Fort  Pitt 
to  Wheeling,  where  he  halted  for  a few  days.  He  then  proceeded  down  to 
the  mouth  of  Hockhocking,  thence  over  land  to  within  8 miles  of  the  Shaw- 
anee town  Chilicothe,  on  the  Scioto.  Here  he  made  preparations  for  treat- 
ing with  the  Indians.  Before  reaching  this  place  he  had  received  several 
messages  from  the  Indians  with  offers  of  peace,  and  having  now  determined 
to  comply,  he  sent  an  express  to  General  Lewis  with  an  order  that  he  should 
immediately  retreat.  This  was  entirely  disregarded  by  the  general,  and  he 
continued  his  march  until  his  lordship  in  person  visited  the  general  in  his 
camp,  and  gave  the  order  to  the  troops  himself.  Lewis’s  troops  complied 


* Hist.  Virginia,  iii.  396. 

f The  famous  pioneer,  Simon  Keaton,  alias  Butler,  was  the  person  sent  by  Dunmore  at 
this  time. 

J Hist.  Virginia,  iii.  395. 

§ This  is  not  agreeable  to  the  statement  of  Dr.  Doddridge , who  says  their  arrival  was  be- 
fore the  battle,  and  Mr  Withers  follows  him  ; but  I follow  Mr.  Burk,  who  doubtless  had  the 
best  means  of  giving  the  truth.  Marshall  [Ky.  i.  40]  agrees  with  the  former. 


CORNSTOCK  TREATS  WITH  DUNMORE. 


46 


[Book  V. 


with  great  reluctance,  for  they  had  determined  on  a general  destruction  of 
the  Indians. 

A treaty  was  now  commenced,  and  conducted  on  the  part  of  the  whites 
with  great  distrust,  never  admitting  but  a small  number  of  Indians  within 
their  encampment  at  a time.  The  business  was  commenced  by  Comstock 
in  a speech  of  great  length,  in  the  course  of  which  he  did  not  fail  to  charge 
upon  the  whites  the  whole  cause  of  the  war:  and  mainly  in  consequence 
of  the  murder  of  Logan's  family.  A treaty,  however,  was  the  result  of  this 
conference  ; and  this  conference  was  the  result  of  the  far-famed  speech  of 
LOGAN,  the  Mingo  chief ; since  known  in  every  hemisphere.  It  was  not 
delivered  in  the  camp  of  Lord  Dunmore , for,  although  desiring  peace,  Logan 
would  not  meet  the  whites  in  council,  but  remained  in  his  cabin  in  sullen 
silence,  until  a messenger  was  sent  to  him  to  know  whether  he  would 
accede  to  the  proposals  it  contained.  What  the  distance  was  from  the 
treaty-ground  to  Logan's  cabin,  we  are  not  told  ; but  of  such  importance  was 
his  name  considered,  that  he  was  waited  on  by  a messenger  * from  Lord 
Dunmore , who  requested  his  assent  to  the  articles  of  the  treaty.  Logan  had 
too  much  at  heart  the  wrongs  lately  done  him  to  accede  without  giving  the 
messenger  to  understand  fully  the  grounds  upon  which  he  acceded ; Tie 
therefore  invited  him  into  an  adjacent  wood,  where  they  sat  down  together. 
Here  he  related  the  events  of  butchery  which  had  deprived  him  of  all 
his  connections ; and  here  he  pronounced  that  memorable  speech,  which 
follows : 

“ I appeal  to  any  white  to  say , if  ever  he  entered  Logan’s  cabin  hungry , and  he 
gave  him  not  meat ; if  ever  he  came  cold  and  naked , and  he  clothed  him  not. 

“ During  the  course  of  the  last  long  bloody  war , Logan  remained  idle  in  his  cabin, 
an  advocate  for  peace.  Such  was  my  love  for  the  whites , that  my  countrymen 
pointed  as  they  passed , and  said,  ‘ Logan  is  the  friend  of  white  men.' 

“ 1 had  even  thought  to  have  lived  with  you , but  for  the  injuries  of  one  man. 
Col.  Cresap,  the  last  spring,  in  cold  blood,  and  unprovoked,  mjirdered  all  the  rela- 
tions of  Logan  ; not  even  sparing  my  women  and  children. 

“ There  runs  not  a drop  of  my  blood  in  the  veins  of  any  living  creature.  This 
called  on  me  for  revenge.  I have  sought  it.  I have  killed  many.  I have  fully 
glutted  my  vengeance.  For  my  country,  I rejoice  at  the  beams  of  peace.  But  do 
not  harbor  a thought  that  mine  is  the  joy  of  fear.  Logan  never  felt  fear.  He  will 
not  turn  on  his  heel  to  save  his  life.  Who  is  there  to  mourn  for  Logan  ? — JYot 
one ! ” 


When  Mr.  Jefferson  published  his  “ Notes  on  Virginia,”  the  facts  therein 
stated  implicating  Cresap  as  the  murderer  of  Logan's  family,  were  by  Cresap's 
friends  called  in  question.  Mr.  Jefferson  at  firsf  merely  stated  the  facts  as  pre- 
liminary to,  and  the  cause  of,  the  “ Speech  of  Logan,"  which  he  considered 
as  generally  known  in  Virginia ; but  the  acrimony  discovered  by  his  enemies 
in  their  endeavors  to  gainsay  his  statement,  led  to  an  investigation  of  tho 
whole  transaction,  and  a publication  of  the  result  ^vas  the  immediate  conse- 
quence, in  a new  edition  of  the  “Notes  on  Virginia.” 

There  are  perhaps  still  some  who  doubt  of  the  genuineness  of  Logan's 
speech  and  indeed  we  must  allow,  that  there  are  some  circumstances  laid 
beiore  us  in  Dr.  Barton's  Medical  and  Physical  Journal,  for  the  year  1808 ; 
which  look  irreconcilable.  Without  impeaching  in  the  slightest  degree  the 
character  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  such  facts  are  there  compared,  and  disagreements 
pointed  out,  as  chanced  to  come  in  the  way  of  the  writer.  It  appears  from 
the  French  traveller  Robin,  that,  in  the  time  of  our  revolution,  a gentleman  of 
Williamsburg  gave  him  an  Indian  speech,  which  bears  great  resemblance  to 
the  one  said  to  be  by  Logan ; but  differing  very  essentially  in  date,  and  the 
person  implicated  in  murdering  the  family  of  Logan.  The  work  of  Robin  is 
entitled  “New  Travels  in  America,”  and  we  have  only  an  English  translation 


* Mr.  John  Gibson,  then  an  officer  in  Dunmore’ s army,  and  afterwards  a man  of  consider- 
able distinction. 


LOGAN’S  SPEECH  QUESTIONED. 


47 


Chap.  III.] 


of  it* * * §  It  is  therefore  possible  that  some  mistakes  may  have  crept  into  it,  or 
that  Robin  himself  might  have  misunderstood  the  date,  and  eveu  other  parts 
of  the  affair;  however,  the  probability  is  rather  strong  that  either  the  speech 
of  Logon  had  been  perverted  lor  the  purpose  of  clearing  Cresap's  character 
of  the  loul  blot  which  entirely  covered  it,  by  wilfully  charging  it  upon  another, 
or  that  some  old  speech  of  his  upon  another  occasion,  had  been  remodeled  to 
suit  the  purpose  lor  which  it  was  used.  Upon  these  questions  we  must  leave 
the  reader  to  decide.  Robin  has  the  name  of  the  chief,  Lonan.  Some 
Frenchmen  may  write  it  thus,  but  I have  before  me  those  that  do  not,f  and 
more  probably  some  English  pronounced  it  so,  and  so  Robin  heard  it.  The 
way  he  introduces  the  speech,  if  the  introduction  be  fact,  forever  destroys 
the  genuineness  of  the  speech  of  Logan  of  1774.  It  is  thus : 

“ Speech  of  the  savage  Lonan,  in  a General  Assembly,  as  it  was  sent  to 
the  Gov,,  of  Virginia,^  anno  1754.” 

Nov/  it  is  certain,  if  the  speech  which  we  will  give  below  was  delivered  in 
ike  Assembly  of  Virginia , in  ike  year  1754,  it  could  not  have  been  truly  deliv- 
ered, as  we  have  given  it,  to  Lord  Dunmore  in  1774.  That  the  reader  may 
judge  lor  himself,  that  of  1754  follows. 

“ Lonan  will  no  longer  oppose  making  the  proposed  peace  with  the  white 
men.  You  are  sensible  he  never  knew  what  fear  is— that  he  never  turned 
his  back  in  the  day  of  battle — No  one  has  more  love  for  the  white  men  than 
1 have.  The  war  we  have  had  with  them  has  been  long  and  bloody  on  both 
sides.  Rivers  of  blood  have  ran  on  all  parts,  and  yet  no  good  has  resulted 
th  refroin  to  any.  I once  more  repeat  it — let  us  be  at  peace  with  these  men. 
I will  forget  our  injuries,  the  interest  of  my  country  demands  it.  I will  forget 
— but  difficult  imbed  is  the  task!  Yes,  I will  forget — that  Major  Rogers  § 
cruelly  and  inhumanly  murdered,  in  their  canoes,  my  wife,  my  children,  my 
father,  my  mother,  and  all  my  kindred. — This  roused  me  to  deeds  of  ven- 
geance! I was  cruel  in  despite  of  myself.  I will  die  content  if  my  country 
is  once  more  at  peace ; but  when  Lonan  shall  be  no  more,  who,  alas,  will 
drop  a tear  to  the  memory  of  Lonan ! ” 

With  a few  incidents,  and  reflections,  we  will  close  our  account  of  events 
connected  with  the  history  of  Cresap’s  War. 

On  the  evening  before  the  battle  of  Point  Pleasant,  Comstock  proposed  to 
his  warriors  to  make  peace  with  General  Lewis , and  avoid  a battle,  but  his 
advice  was  not  accepted  bv  the  council.  “Well,”  said  he,  “since  you  have 
resolved  to  fight,  you  shall  fight,  although  it  is  likely  we  shall  have  hard 
work  to-morrow ; but  if  any  man  shall  flinch  or  run  from  the  battle,  I will 
kill  him  with  my  own  hand.”  And  it  is  said  he  made  his  word  good  by  put- 
ting one  to  death  who  discovered  cowardice  during  the  fight,  as  has  been 
mentioned. 

After  the  Indians  had  retreated,  Comstock  called  a council  at  the  Chilicothe 
town,  to  consult  on  what  was  to  be  done.  Here  he  reflected  upon  the  rashness 
that  had  been  exercised  in  fighting  the  whites  at  Point  Pleasant ; and  asked, 
“ fVhat  shall  we  do  now ! the  Long-Knives  are  coming  upon  us  by  two  routes. 
Shall  ive  turn  out  and  fight  them?” — No  answer  was  made.  He  then  inquired, 
“ Shall  we  kill  all  our  squaws  and  children , and  then  fight  until  we  shall  all  be 
killed  ourselves  ?” — As  before,  all  were  silent.  In  the  midst  of  the  council- 
house  a war-post  had  been  erected ; with  his  tomahawk  in  his  hand,  Cornstork 
turned  towards  it,  and  sticking  it  into  the  post,  he  said,  “ Since  you  are  not 
inclined  to  fight,  I will  go  and  make  peace;”  and  he  forthwith  repaired  to 
Dunmore' s camp.|| 


* Since  the  above  was  written,  I have  met  with  the  French  edition  ; and,  from  its  imprint, 
| I presume  both  editions  were  published  under  the  supervision  of  the  author.  “ A Philadel- 
I phie  et  se  trouve  a Paris,  1782.” 

t See  Recherches  sur  les  Etats-Unis,  iv.  153 — 5.  The  authors  of  this  well-written  work 
should  not  have  withheld  their  names.  It  was  printed  at  Paris,  in  8vo.,  1788. 

X “ 11  Net"  is  found  in  the  French  copy,  and  this  marginal  note  to  it;  “ ce  mot  signifie 
apparemment  le  mois  Lunaire  ou  Solaire.” 

§ In  the  French  copy  no  person  is  mentioned.  After  Major,  a blank  is  left.  In  other 
respects  the  speech  is  tolerably  correctly  translated. 

(I  Doddridge's  Notes,  239—40. 


48 


DEATH  OF  LOGAN. — CORNSTOCIv, 


[Borne  V, 


We  have  been  more  minute  and  particular  in  these  events,  in  which  Logan 
and  Comstock  were  eugaged,  than  in  many  others  ; but  I trust  the  reader  of 
this  history  will  not  be  displeased  with  such  minuteness  upon  so  important  an 
event;  especially  as  no  work  with  which  I am  acquainted  does  the  subject 
justice.  It  was  truly  a great  event,  both  in  respect  to  the  parties  engaged, 
and  the  consequences  necessarily  growing  out  of  it,  and  it  has  been  passed 
over  too  slightly  by  historians. 

In  respect  to  the  speech  of  Logan , it  would  be  highly  gratifying  if  a few 
matters  connected  with  it  could  be  settled  ; but  whether  they  ever  will,  time 
only  can  determine.  From  the  statement  of  Dr.  Barton , # before  cited,  we 
are  led  to  expect  that  he  had  other  documents  than  those  he  at  that  time 
published,  going  to  show  that  Cresap  was  not  the  murderer  of  Logan's  family, 
but  he  never  published  them,  as  I can  learn,  and  he  has  left  us  to  conjecture 
upon  such  as  we  have.  Another  author,  f upon  the  authority  of  an  officer 
who  was  at  the  time  with  Lord  Dunmorc , states  that  he  heard  nothing  of 
Logan’s  charging  Cresap  with  the  murder  of  his  kindred  during  the  whole 
campaign,  nor  until  a long  time  after.  That  it  was  not  publicly  talked  of 
among  the  officers  is  in  no  wise  strange,  as  Cresap  himself  was  one  of  them; 
therefore,  that  this  is  evidence  that  no  such  charge  was  made  by  Logan,  we 
think  unworthy  consideration. 

Among  other  proofs,  that  the  chief  guilt  lay  upon  the  head  of  Cresap  of 
bringing  about  a bloody  war,  since  well  known  by  his  name,  Judge  Innes  of 
Frankfort,  Kentucky,  wrote  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  2 March,  1799,  that  he  was,  he 
thought,  able  to  give  him  more  particulars  of  that  affair  than,  perhaps,  any 
other  person ; that,  in  1774,  while  at  the  house  of  Colonel  Preston , in  Fin- 
castle  county,  Va.,  there  arrived  an  express,  calling  upon  him  to  order  out 
the  militia,  “ for  the  protection  of  the  inhabitants  residing  low  down  on  the 
north  fork  of  Holston  River.  The  express  brought  with  him  a war  club, 
and  a note  tied  to  it,  which  was  left  at  the  house  of  one  Robertson , whose 
family  were  cut  off  by  the  Indians,  and  gave  rise  for  the  application  to 
Colonel  Preston .”  Here  follows  the  letter  or  note,  of  which  Mr.  Innes  then 
made  a copy,  in  his  memorandum-book : — 

“ Captain  Cresap,  What  did  you  kill  my  people  on  Yelloiv  Creek  for  ? The 
white  people  killed  my  kin  at  Conestoga , { a great  while  ago ; and  I thought  noth- 
ing of  that.  But  you  killed  my  kin  again , on  Yellow  Creek , and  took  my  cousin 
prisoner.  Then  I thought  I must  kill  too ; and  I have  been  three  times  to  war 
since  ; but  the  Indians  are  not  angrij ; only  myself.” 

It  was  signed,  “ Captain  John  Logan.” 

Not  long  after  these  times  of  calamities,  which  we  have  recorded  in  the 
life  of  Logan , he  was  crue'ly  murdered,  as  he  was  on  his  way  home  from 
Detroit.  For  a time  previous  to  his  death,  he  gave  himself  up  to  intoxica- 
tion, which  in  a short  time  nearly  obliterated  all  marks  of  the  great  man  ! 

The  fate  of  Comstock,  is  equally  deplorable,  although  in  the  contemplation 
of  which,  his  character  does  not  suffer,  as  does  that  of  Logan.  He  was 
cruelly  murdered  by  some  white  soldiers,  while  a hostage  among  them. 
And  there  is  as  much,  nay,  far  more,  to  carry  down  his  remembrance  to  pos- 
terity, as  that  of  the  tragical  death  of  Archimedes.  He  was  not  murdered 
while  actually  drawing  geometrical  figures  upon  the  ground,  but,  while  he 
was  explaining  the  geography  of  his  country  by  drawings  upon  the  floor,  an 
alarm  was  given,  which,  in  a few  minutes  after,  eventuated  in  his  death. 
We  will  now  go  into  an  explanation  of  the  cause  and  manner  of  the  murder 
of  Comstock.  It  is  well  known  that  the  war  of  the  revolution  had  involved 
all,  or  nearly  all,  of  the  Indians  in  dreadful  calamities.  In  consequence  of 
murders  committed  by  the  Indians  on  the  frontiers  of  Virginia,  several  com- 
panies marched  to  Point  Pleasant,  where  there  had  been  a fort  since  the 
battle  there  in  1774.  Most  of  the  tribes  of  the  north-west,  except  the  Shaw- 
anees,  were  determined  to  fight  against  the  Americans.  Comstock  wished 


* Med.  and  Phys.  Jour,  part  ii.  p.  162.  « t Withers,  Chronicles,  136. 

1 Alluding,  I suppose,  to  the  massacre  of  the  Conestoga  Indians  in  1763. 


Chap.  III.] 


MURDER  OF  CORNSTOCK  AND  OTHERS. 


49 


to  preserve  peace,  and  therefore,  as  the  only  means  in  his  power,  as  he  had 
used  his  powerful  eloquence  in  vain,  resolved  to  Jay  the  state  of  affairs  be- 
fore the  Americans,  that  they  might  avert  the  threatened  storm.  In  the 
spring  of  1777,  he  came  to  the  fort  at  Point  Pleasant,  upon  this  friendly  mis- 
sion, in  company  with  another  chief,  called  Red-hawk.  After  explaining  the 
situation  of  things  with  regard  to  the  confederate  tribes,  he  said,  in  regard 
to  his  own,  the  Shawanese,  “ The  current  sets  [with  the  Indians]  so  strong 
against  the  Americans , in  consequence  of  the  agency  of  the  British,  that  they  [the 
Shawanese]  ioill  foot  with  it,  I fear,  in  spite  of  all  my  exertions .”  Upon  this 
intelligence,  the  commander  of  the  garrison  thought  proper  to  detain  him 
and  Red-hawk  as  hostages  to  prevent  the  meditated  calamities.  When  Cap- 
tain Arbuckle,  the  commander  of  the  garrison,  had  notified  the  new  govern- 
ment of  Virginia  of  the  situation  of  affairs,  and  what  he  had  done,  forces 
marched  into  that  country.  A part  of  them  having  arrived,  waited  for  others 
to  join  them  under, General  Hand,  on  whom  these  depended  for  provisions. 

Meanwhile  the  officers  held  frequent  conversations  with  Comstock,  who 
took  pleasure  in  giving  them  minute  descriptions  of  his  country,  and  espe- 
cially of  that  portion  between  the  Mississippi  and  Missouri.  One  day,  as  he  was 
delineating  a map  of  it  upon  the  floor,  for  the  gratification  of  those  present,  a 
call  was  heard  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Ohio,  which  he  at  once  recognized 
as  the  voice  of  his  son,  Ellinipsico,  who  had  fought  at  his  side  in  the  famous 
battle  of  Point  Pleasant,  in  1774,  of  which  we  have  spoken.  At  the  request 
of  his  father,  Ellinipsico  came  to  the  fort,  where  they  had  an  affectionate 
meeting.  This  son  had  become  uneasy  at  his  father’s  long  absence,  and  had 
at  length  sought  him  out  in  his  exile  here ; prompted  by  those  feelings  which 
so  much  adorn  human  nature.  The  next  day,  two  men  crossed  the  Kan-  » 
hawa,  upon  a hunting  expedition.  As  they  were  returning  to  their  boat  after 
their  hunt,  and  near  the  side  of  the  river,  they  were  fired  upon  by  some  In- 
dians, and  one  of  the  two,  named  Gilmore,  was  killed,  but  the  other  escaped. 

A party  of  Captain  Hall’s  men  went  over  and  brought  in  the  body  of  Gilmore ; 
whereupon  a cry  was  raised,  “ L t us  go  and  kill  the  Indians  in  the  fort.”  An 
infuriated  gang,  with  Captain  HJl  at  their  head,  set  out  with  this  nefarious 
resolution,  and,  against  every  remonstrance,  proceeded  to  commit  the  deed 
of  blood.  With  their  guns  cocked,  they  swore  death  to  any  who  should  op- 
pose them.  In  the  mean  time,  some  ran  to  apprize  the  devoted  chiefs  of 
their  danger.  As  the  murderers  approached,  Ellinipsico  discovered  agita- 
tion, which  when  Comstock  saw,  he  said,  “My  son,  the  Great  Spirit  has  seen 
ft  that  we  should  die  together,  and  has  sent  you  to  that  end.  It  is  his  will,  and 
let  us  submit.”  The  murderers  had  now  arrived,  and  the  old  chief  turned 
around  and  met  them.  They  shot  him  through  with  seven  bullets.  He  fell, 
and  died  without  a struggle ! 

Ellinipsico,  though  having  at  first  appeared  disturbed,  met  his  death  with 
great  composure.  He  was  shot  upon  the  seat  on  which  he  was  sitting  when 
his  fate  was  first  disclosed  to  him. 

Red-hawk  was  a young  Delaware  chief,  and,  like  Ellinipsico,  had  fought 
under  Comstock.  He  died  with  less  fortitude : having  tried  to  secrete  himself, 
he  was  soon  discovered  and  slain.  Another  Indian,  whose  name  is  not 
mentioned,  was  mangled  and  murdered  in  the  most  barbarous  manner. 
Suffice  it  here  to  say,  that  this  was  all  that  was  effected  by  the  expedition, 
and  the  forces  soon  after  returned  home. 

Few,  if  any,  chiefs  in  history  are  spoken  of  in  terms  of  higher  commenda- 
tion than  Comstock.  Mr.  Withers,  a writer  on  Indian  affairs,*  speaks  as  follows 
of  him : 

“ Thus  perished  the  mighty  Cornstalk,  sachem  of  the  Shawanees,  and  king 
of  the  northern  confederacy,  in  1774, — a chief  remarkable  for  many  great  and 
good  qualities.  He  was  disposed  to  be  at  all  times  the  friend  of  white  men, 
as  he  ever  was  the  advocate  of  honorable  peace.  But  when  his  country’s 
wrongs  ‘called  aloud  for  battle,’ he  became  the  thunderbolt  of  war,  and  made 
her  oppressors  feel  the  weight  of  his  uplifted  arm.”  “ His  noble  bearing — 
his  generous  and  disinterested  attachment  to  the  colonies,  when  the  thunder 


* In  his  “ Chro'dclesf  a work,  it  is  our  duty  to  remark,  written  with  candor  and  judgment. 


50 


WOLF— I’ONTIAK. 


[Book  V. 


of  British  cannon  was  reverberating  through  the  land — his  anxiety  to  preserve 
the  frontier  of  Virginia  liom  desolation  and  death,  (the  objict  of  his  visit  to 
Point  Pleasant,)  all  cons]  ir  d to  win  for  him  the  esteem  and  respect  of  oth- 
ers; while  the  untimely  and  perfidious  manner  of  his  death,  caused  a deep 
and  lasting  regret  to  pervade  the  bosoms  even  of  those  who  were  enemies  to 
his  nation  ; and  excited  the  just  indignation  of  all  towards  his  inhuman  and 
barbarous  murderers.” 

Colonel  Wilson , present  at  the  interview  between  the  chiefs  and  Governor 
Dunmore  in  1774,  liuis  speaks  of  Comstock: — “When  he  arose,  he  was. in  no 
wise  confused  or  daunted,  but  spoke  in  a distinct  and  audible  voice,  without 
stammering  or  repetition,  and  with  peculiar  emphasis.  His  looks,  while  ad- 
dressing Dunmore , Averc  truly  grand  and  majestic;  yet  graceful  and  attractive. 
I have  heard  the  first  orators  in  Virginia, — Patrick  Henry  and  Richard  Henry 
Lee , — but  never  have  I heard  one  whose  powers  of  ddwery  surpassed  those 
of  Cornstalk .” 

Ten  years  after  the  bloody  affair  above  related,  an  able  writer  * upon  those 
times  says,  “The  biood  of  the  great  Cor.nstock  and  of  his  gallant  son  was 
mingled  with  the  dust,  but  their  memory  is  not  lost  in  oblivion.”  But  how 
few  at  this  day  know  of  his  fate,  or  even  that  such  a chief  ever  existed ! and, 
at  the  same  time,  the  same  persons  would  be  indignant,  were  we  to  suppose 
them  ignorant  of  the  fate  of  the  monster  Pizarro. 

We  hear  of  one  son  who  survived  Comstock,,  who  was  conspicuous  in  some 
early  events  of  the  revolution.  He  was  a chief,  and  known  among  the  whites 
by  the  name  of  the  Woj.f.  He  was  a hostage,  Avith  three  others,  at  Williams- 
burgh,  Avhen  Governor  Dunmore  fled  on  board  a rnan-of-Avar  to  escape  the 
fury  of  the  revolutionists.  After  the  governor  had  got  off,  he  sent  for  the 
Indians  to  come  to  him,  which  they  did.  He  then  explained  to  them  the 
reason  of  his  flight,  and  directed  them  to  fly  also,  or  they  would  surely  be 
murdered  the  next  day.  They  fled  into  the  woods,  and  owing  to  the  darkness 
of  the  night,  lost  one  of  their  companions,  and  the  Wolf  and  another  soon 
after  returned  to  Williamsburgh,  and  were  well  recewed  by  the  inhabitants. 
The  object  of  the  governor  was  very  obvious! 

As  great  a Avarrior,  perhaps,  as  any  who  have  lwed  among  the  nations  of  the 
west,  we  shall  in  the  next  place  proceed  to  give  an  account  of.  This  was 

PONTIAK,  a chief  of  the  Ottoway  nation,  whose  fame,  in  his  time,  was  not 
alone  confined  to  his  own  continent ; but  the  gazettes  of  Europe  spread  it  also. 

One  who  knew  this  chief,  and  the  tribes  over  Avhom  he  had  sway,  thus 
speaks  of  them  in  1765: — “The  Indians  on  the  lakes  are  generally  at  peace 
with  one  another,  having  a wide  extended  and  fruitful  country  in  their 
possession.  They  are  formed  into  a sort  of  empire,  and  the  emperor  is 
elected  from  the  eldest  tribe,  Avhich  is  the  OttaAvawas,  some  of  whom  inhabit 
near  our  fort  at  Detroit,  but  are  mostly  further  westward,  towards  the  Missis- 
sippi. Ponteack  is  their  present  king  or  emperor,  >vho  has  certainly  the  largest 
empire  and  greatest  authority  of  any  Indian  chief  that  has  appeared  on  the 
continent  since  our  acquaintance  with  it.  He  puts  on  an  air  of  majesty  and 
princely  grandeur,  and  is  greatly  honored  and  revered  by  his  subjects.”  f 

In  1760,  Major  Rogers  marched  into  his  country,  in  fulfilling  his  orders  of 
displacing  the  French,  after  the  fall  of  Quebec.^  Apprized  of  his  approach, 
Pontiak  sent  ambassadors  to  inform  him  that  their  chief  was  not  far  off,  and 
desired  him  to  halt  until  he  could  see  him  “Avith  his  oAvn  eyes,”  and  to  in- 
form him  that  he  was  the  king  and  lord  of  the  country. 

Pontiak  soon  met  the  English  officer,  and  demanded  his  business  into  his 
country,  and  Iioav  it  came  about  that  he  dared  enter  it  without  his  permission. 
When  the  colonel  told  him  he  had  no  design  against  the  Indians,  and  only 
wished  to  remove  the  French,  their  common  enemy,  and  cause  of  all  their 
trouble,  delivering  him  at  the  same  time  several  belts  of  wampum,  Pontiak 
replied,  “I  stand  in  the  path  you  travel,  in,  until  to-morrow  morning,”  and 
gave  him  a belt.  This  communication  was  understood,  and  “ Avas  as  much 
as  to  say,”  says  the  actor,  “I  must  not  march  further  without  his  leave.” 


* In  Carey's  Museum,  iv.  140.  f Rogers's  Account  of  North  America,  240. 

f Quebeis  is  an  Algonquin  W9rd,  signifying  a Strait.  Charlevoix . 


Chap.  Ill  ] 


PONTIAK. 


51 


The  colonel  continues:  “When  he  departed  for  the  night,  he  inquired  whether 
I wanted  any  thing  that  his  country  afforded,  and  [if  I did]  he  would  send 
his  warriors  to  letch  it.  I assured  him  that  any  provisions  they  brought 
should  be  paid  for ; and  the  next  day  we  were  supplied  by  them  with  several 
bags  of  parched  corn,  and  some  other  necessaries.  At  our  second  meeting, 
he  gave  me  the  pipe  of  peace,  and  both  of  us  by  turns  smoked  with  it ; and 
he  assured  me  he  had  made  peace  with  me  and  my  detachment ; that  1 might 
pass  through  his  country  unmolested,  and  relieve  the  French  garrison ; and 
that  he  would  protect  me  and  my  party  from  any  insults  that  might  be  offered 
or  intended  by  the  Indians;  and,  as  an  earnest  of  his  friendship,  he  sent  100 
warriors  to  protect  and  assist  us  in  driving  100  fat  cattle,  which  we  had 
brought  for  the  use  of  the  detachment  from  Pittsburgh,  by  the  way  of  Presque- 
Isle.  He  likewise  sent  to  the  several  Indian  towns  on  the  south  side 
and  west  end  of  Lake  Erie,  to  inform  them  that  I had  his  consent  to  come  into 
the  country.  He  attended  me  constantly  after  this  interview  till  I arrived  at 
Detroit,  and  while  I remained  in  the  country,  and  was  the  means  of  preserv- 
ing the  detachment  from  the  fury  of  the  Indians,  who  had  assembled  at  the 
mouth  of  the  strait,  with  an  intent  to  cut  us  off.  I had  several  conferences  with 
him,  in  which  he  discovered  great  strength  of  judgment,  and  a thirst  after 
knowledge.” 

This  same  officer  observes,  that  he  discovered  much  curiosity  at  their  equi- 
page, and  wdshed  to  know  how  their  clothes  were  made,  and  to  learn  their 
mode  of  war.  He  expressed  a willingness  to  acknowledge  the  king  of  England, 
though  not  as  his  superior,  but  as  his  uncle,  which  he  would  acknowledge, 
as  he  was  able,  in  furs.  England  was  much  in  his  thoughts,  and  he  oiten 
expressed  a desire  to  see  it.  He  told  Colonel  Rogers  that,  if  he  would  conduct 
him  there,  he  would  give  him  a part  of  his  country. 

He  was  willing  to  grant  the  English  favors,  and  allow  them  to  settle  in 
his  dominions,  but  not  unless  he  could  be  viewed  as  sovereign ; and  he  gave 
them  to  understand,  that,  unless  they  conducted  themselves  agreeably  to  his 
wishes,  “he  would  shut  up  the  way,”  and  keep  them  out.  Hence  it  is  fair, 
within  the  scope  of  the  most  reasonable  conjecture,  to  conclude,  that  his  final 
disaffection  to  the  English  was  owing  to  their  haughty  carriage,  and  maltreat- 
ment of  him  and  his  people. 

The  principal  scenes  of  his  prowess  were  at  Michilimakinak  and  Detroit. 
The  French  finally  gave  up  possession  in  Canada,  in  1760  ; but  many  of  the 
Indian  nations  who  had  become  attached  to  them  were  taught,  at  the  same 
time,  to  hate  the  English.  Pontiak  was  most  conspicuous  in  his  enmity,  al- 
though, until  he  had  united  the  strength  of  many  tribes  to  his,  he  showed 
great  kindness  and  friendship  towards  them.  The  Miamis,  Ottawas,  Chippe- 
was,  Wyandots,  Pottowatomies,  Mississagas,  Shawanese,  Ottagamies,  and 
Winnebagoes,  constituted  his  power,  as,  in  afier-time,  they  did  that  of  Te- 
cumseh. 

There  was  more  system  employed  by  this  distinguished  man  than,  perhaps, 
by  any  other  of  his  countrymen  upon  any  similar  undertaking,  not  excepting 
even  Metacomet  or  Teeumseh.  In  his  war  of  1763,  which  is  justly  denominated 
“ Pontiac's  war,”  he  appointed  a commissary,  and  began  to  make  and  issue 
bills  of  credit,  all  of  which  he  afterwards  carefully  redeemed.  He  made  his 
bills  or  notes  of  bark,  on  which  was  drawn  the  figure  of  the  commodity  he 
wanted  for  it.  The  shape  of  an  otter  was  drawn  under  that  of  the  article 
wanted,  and  an  otter  was  the  insignia  or  arms  of  his  nation.  He  had  also, 
with  great  sagacity,  urged  upon  his  people  the  necessity  of  dispensing  alto- 
gether with  European  commodities,  to  have  no  intercourse  with  any  whites, 
and  to  depend  entirely  upon  them  ancient  modes  of  procuring  sustenance.* 

Major  Gladwin  held  possession  of  Detroit  in  1763.  Having  been  despatched 
thither  by  General  Amherst , he  had  been  informed  by  commissioners  who  had 
been  exploring  the  country,  that  hostile  feelings  were  manifested  among  the 
Indians,  and  he  sent  men  on  purpose  to  ascertain  the  fact,  who,  on  their  re- 
turn, dissipated  all  fears. 

“ In  1763,”  says  Major  Rogers,  “ when  I went  to  throw  provisions  into  the 


* Rogers’s  Concise  Account  of  North  America,  244-. 


52 


PONTIAK  CAPTURES  MICHILIMAKINAK. 


[Book  V 


garrison  at  Detroit,  I sent  this  Indian  a bottle  of  brandy  by  a Frenchman. 
His  counsellors  advised  him  not  to  taste  it,  insinuating  that  it  was  poisoned, 
and  sent  with  a design  to  kill  him;  but  Ponteack , with  a nobleness  of  mind, 
laughed  at  their  suspicions,  saving  it  was  not  in  my  power  to  kill  him,  who 
had  so  lately  saved  my  life.”  * 

Several  traders  had  brought  news  to  the  fort  at  Michilimakinak,  that  the 
Indians  were  hostile  to  the  English.  Major  Ethenngton  commanded  the  gar- 
rison, and  would  believe  nothing  of  it.  A Mr.  Ducharme  communicated 
the  information  to  the  major,  who  was  much  displeased  at  it,  “and  threatened 
to  send  the  next  person  who  should  bring  a story  of  the  same  kind  a prisoner 
to  Detroit.”! 

The  garrison,  at  this  time,  consisted  of  90  men,  besides  two  subalterns  and 
the  commander-in-chief.  There  were  also  at  the  fort  four  English  merchants. 
Little  regard  was  paid  to  the  assembling  of  sundry  bands  of  Indians,  as  they 
appeared  friendly;  but  when  nearly  4C0  of  them  were  scattered  up  and  down 
throughout  the  place,  “ I took  the  liberty,”  says  Mr.  Henry,  “ of  observing  to 
Major  Etherington , that,  in  my  judgment,  no  confidence  ought  to  be  placed 
in  them  ; in  return,  the  major  only  rallied  me  on  my  timidity.” 

On  the  fourth  of  June,  the  king’s  birth  day,  the  Indians  began,  as  if  to  amuse 
themselves,  to  play  at  a favorite  game  of  ball,  which  they  called  baggatiway , 
which  is  thus  described  by  Mr.  Henry: — “It  is  played  with  a bat  and  ball, 
the  bat  being  about  four  feet  in  length,  curved,  and  terminated  in  a sort  of 
racket.  Two  posts  are  placed  in  the  ground,  at  a considerable  distance  from 
each  other,  as  a mile  or  more.  Each  party  has  its  post,  and  the  game  con- 
sists in  throwing  the  ball  up  to  the  post  of  the  adversary.  The  ball,  at  the 
beginning,  is  placed  in  the  middle  of  the  course,  and  each  party  endeavors  as 
well  to  throw  the  ball  out  of  the  direction  of  its  own  post,  as  into  that  of  the 
adversary’s.  This  farce  drew  many  off  their  guard,  and  some  of  the  garrison 
went  out  to  witness  the  sport. 

“ The  game  of  baggatiway,  (he  continues,)  as  from  the  description  above 
will  have  been  perceived,  is  necessarily  attended  with  much  noise  and  vio- 
lence. In  the  ardor  of  contest,  the  ball,  as  has  been  suggested,  if  it  cannot 
be  thrown  to  the  goal  desired,  is  struck  in  any  direction  by  which  it  can  be 
diverted  from  that  designed  by  the  adversary.  At  such  a moment,  therefore, 
nothing  could  be  less  liable  to  excite  premature  alarm,  than  that  the  ball  should 
be  tossed  over  the  pickets  of  the  fort,  nor  that,  having  fallen  there,  it  should 
be  followed,  on  the  instant,  by  all  engaged  in  the  game,  as  well  the  one  party 
as  the  other,  all  eager,  all  striving,  all  shouting,  all  in  the  unrestrained  pursuit 
of  a rude  athletic  exercise.”  And  this  was  their  plan,  while  in  the  height  of 
their  game,  to  throw  their  ball  within  the  pickets  of  the  fort,  and  theu  all  to 
rush  in,  and,  in  the  midst  of  their  hubbub,  to  murder  the  garrison ; and  it 
succeeded  to  their  wishes.  They  struck  the  ball  over  the  stockade,  as  if  by 
accident,  and  repeated  it  several  times,  running  in  and  out  of  the  fort  with  all 
freedom,  “to  make  the  deception  more  complete  and  then,  rushing  in  in 
every  direction,  took  possession  of  the  place  without  the  least  resistance. 

They  murdered  the  soldiers,  until  their  numbers  were  so  diminished,  that 
they  apprehended  nothing  from  their  resistance  ; many  of  whom  were  ran- 
somed at  Montreal  afterwards,  at  a great  price.  Seventy  were  put  to  death, 
and  the  other  twenty  reserved  for  slaves.  A few  days  after,  a boat  from 
Montreal,  without  knowing  what  had  happened,  came  ashore  with  English 
passengers,  who  all  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians.  Pontiak  was  not  per- 
sonally concerned  in  this  affair,  but  it  was  a part  of  his  design,  and,  there- 
fore, is  very  properly  here  related.  A chief  named  Menehwehna  was  the 
commander  in  that  affair.  § 

It  was  only  15  days  from  the  time  the  first  blow  was  struck,  before  Pontiak 
had  taken  possession  of  every  garrison  in  the  west  except  three.  No  less 


* The  Abbe  Raynal,  whom  we  followed  in  the  former  editions,  (not  then  possessing-  Rogers’s 
own  account,)  does  not  narrate  this  circumstance  faithfully. 

f Travels  in  Canada,  by  Alexander  Henry,  Esq.,  from  which  the  following  account  of  the 
destruction  of  IVlichilimakinak  is  taken. 

$ Carver’s  Travels,  19,  20.  edit.  8vo,  Lond.  1784,  § Henry’s  Travels,  ut  szivra . 


Chap.  III.]  PONTIAK.— STRATAGEM  TO  TAKE  DETROIT. 


53 


than  10  were,  in  this  short  space,  reduced.  Detroit  alone  remained  in  that 
distant  region,  and,  as  will  presently  be  seen,  this  was  brought  to  the  very 
brink  of  the  most  awful  precipice  of  which  the  imagination  can  conceive. 
The  names  of  those  captured  at  this  time  were  Le  Boeuf,  Venango, 
Presq’Isle,  on  or  near  Lake  Erie  ; La  Bay,#  upon  Lake  Michigan  ; St.  Joseph’s, 
upon  the  river  of  that  name:  Miamis,  upon  the  Miami  River;  Ouachtanon, 
upon  the  Ouabache;  Sandusky,  upon  Lake  Junundat;  and  Michilimakinak.f 

The  garrison  at  Detroit  was  closely  besieged  by  Pontiac , in  person,  before 
the  news  of  the  massacre  of  Fort  Michilimakinak  arrived  there.  It  was 
garrisoned  by  about  300  men,  and  when  Pontiac  came  with  his  warriors, 
although  in  great  numbers,  they  were  so  intermixed  with  women  and  children, 
and  brought  so  many  commodities  for  trade,  that  no  suspicion  was  excited, 
either  in  the  mind  of  Major  Gladwin , or  the  inhabitants.  He  encamped  a 
little  distance  from  the  fort,  and  sent  to  the  major  to  inform  him  that  he  was 
come  to  trade,  and,  preparatory  thereto,  wished  to  hold  a talk  with  him  for 
the  purpose  of  “brightening  the  chain  of  peace”  between  the  English  and 
his  people.  No  suspicion  was  yet  entertained,  and  the  major  readily  con- 
sented, and  the  next  morning  was  fixed  upon  for  the  council. 

The  same  evening,  a circumstance  transpired  which  saved  the  garrison 
from  a dreadful  massacre.  An  Indian  woman,  who  had  made  a pair  of 
moccasins  for  Major  Gladwin , out  of  a curious  elk  skin,  brought  them  to  him, 
and  returned  the  remainder  of  the  skin.  Being  much  pleased  with  them, 
the  major  wished  her  to  take  the  skin  and  make  another  pair,  aS  he  had  con- 
cluded to  give  the  others  to  a friend,  and  what  was  lelt  to  make  into  shoes 
for  herself  She  was  then  paid  for  her  work,  and  dismissed.  But  when 
those  whose  duty  it  was  to  see  that  the  fort  was  clear  of  strangers,  and  to 
close  the  gates  for  the  night,  went  upon  their  duty,  this  woman  was  found 
loitering  in  the  area,  and,  being  asked  what  she  wanted,  made  no  reply. 
The  major,  being  informed  of  her  singular  demeanor,  directed  her  to  be  con- 
ducted into  his  presence,  which  being  done,  he  asked  her  why  she  did  not 
depart  belore  the  gates  were  shut.  She  replied,  with  some  hesitation,  that 
she  did  not  wish  to  take  away  the  skin,  as  he  set  so  great  a value  upon  it. 
This  answer  was  delivered  in  such  a manner,  that  the  major  was  rather  dis- 
satisfied with  it,  and  asked  her  why  she  had  not  made  the  same  objection  on 
taking  it  in  the  first  place.  This  rather  confused  her,  and  she  said  that  if 
she  took  it  away  now,  she  never  should  be  able  to  return  it. 

It  was  now  evident  that  she  withheld  something  which  she  wished  to  com- 
municate, but  was  restrained  through  fear.  But  on  being  assured  by 
Major  Gladwin  that  she  should  not  be  betrayed,  but  should  be  protected  and 
rewarded,  if  the  information  was  valuable,  she  said  that  the  chiefs  who 
were  to  meet  him  in  council  the  next  day  had  contrived  to  murder  him,  and 
take  the  garrison,  and  put  all  the  inhabitants  to  death.  Each  chief,  she 
said,  would  come  to  the  council,  with  so  much  cut  off  of  his  gun,  that  he 
could  conceal  it  under  his  blanket ; that  Pontiac  was  to  give  the  signal, 
while  delivering  his  speech,  which  was,  when  he  should  draw  his  peace 
belt  of  wampum,  and  present  it  to  the  major  in  a certain  manner ; and 
that,  while  the  council  was  sitting,  as  many  of  the  warriors  as  could  should 
assemble  within  the  fort,  armed  in  the  same  manner,  under  the  pretence  of 
trading  with  the  garrison. 

Having  got  all  the  information  necessary,  the  woman  was  discharged,  and 
Major  Gladwin  had  every  precaution  taken  to  put  the  garrison  into  the  best 
possible  state  for  defence.  He  imparted  the  discovery  to  his  men,  and 
instructed  them  how  to  act  at  the  approaching  council ; at  the  same  time 
sending  to  all  the  traders  in  different  directions  to  be  upon  their  guard. 

The  next  morning  having  arrived,  every  countenance  wore  a different 
aspect ; the  hour  of  the  council  was  fast  approaching,  and  the  quick  step 
and  nervous  exercise  in  every  evolution  of  the  soldiers  were  expressive  of 


* So  called  by  the  French,  who  built  it,  because  it  stood  at  the  extremity  of  a bay  in  Michi- 
gan, called  “ Le  Bay  des  Puants,”  now  Green  Bay.  It  was  taken  by  the  Menominies  : the 
garrison  consisted  of  30  men.  See  Carver's  Travels,  21,  22. 
t Bouquet’s  Ohio  Expedition,  Int.  iii. 

5* 


54 


PONTIAK. — SIEGE  OF  DETROIT. 


[Book  V. 


an  approaching  event,  big  with  their  destiny.  It  was  heightened  in  the  past 
night,  when  a cry  was  heard  in  the  Indian  encampment  different  from  what 
was  usual  on  peace  occasions.  The  garrison  fire3  were  extinguished,  and 
every  man  repaired  to  his  post.  But  tbe  cry  being  heard  no  more,  the  re- 
mainder of  the  night  was  passed  in  silence. 

The  appointed  hour  of  ten  o’clock  arrived,  and  also  as  punctual  arrived 
Pontiac  and  his  36  chiefs,  followed  by  a train  of  warriors.  When  the  stip- 
ulated number  had  entered  the  garrison,  the  gates  were  closed.  The  chiefs 
observed  attentively  the  troops  under  arms,  marching  from  place  to  place  ; 
two  columns  nearly  inclosing  the  council  house,  and  both  facing  towards  it. 
On  Pontiac’s  entering  it,  he  demanded  of  Major  Gladwin  the  cause  of  so 
much  parade,  and  why  his  men  were  under  arms ; lie  said  it  was  an  odd 
manner  of  holding  a council.  The  major  told  him  it  was  only  to  exercise 
them.  The  Indians  being  seated  upon  the  skins  prepared  for  them,  Pontiac 
commenced  his  speech,  and  when  he  came  to  the  signal  of  presenting  the 
belt,  the  governor  and  his  attendants  drawing  their  swords  half  out  of  their 
scabbards,  and  the  soldiers  clinching  their  guns  with  firmness,  discovered  to 
the  chiefs,  by  their  peculiar  attitudes,  that  their  plot  was  discover!  d.  Pontiac, 
with  all  his  bravery,  turned  pale,  and  every  chief  showed  signs  of  astonish- 
ment. To  avoid  an  open  detection,  the  signal  in  passing  the  belt  was  not 
given,  and  Pontiac  closed  his  speech,  which  contained  many  professions  of 
respect  and  affection  to  the  English.  But  when  Major  Gladwin  commenced 
his,  he  did  not  fail  directly  to  reproach  Pontiac  with  treachery,  told  him  he 
could  not  do  any  thing  to  insnare  the  English,  and  that  he  knew  his  whole 
diabolical  plan.  Pontiac  tried  to  excuse  himselfj  and  to  make  Major  Gladwin 
believe  that  he  had  laid  no  plot ; upon  which  the  major  stepped  to  the  chief 
nearest  himself,  and,  drawing  aside  his  blanket,  exposed  his  short  gun,  which 
completed  their  confusion. 

The  governor,  for  such  was  Major  Gladwin , ordered  Pontiac  to  leave  the 
fort  immediately,  for  it  would  be  with  difficulty  he  could  restrain  his  men 
from  cutting  him  in  pieces,  should  they  know  the  circumstances.  The  gov- 
ernor was  afterwards  blamed  for  thus  suffering  them  to  withdraw,  without 
retaining  several  of  them  as  hostages  for  the  quiet  behavior  of  the  rest ; but 
he,  having  passed  his  word  that  they  should  come  and  go  without  hinderance 
or  restraint,  merited,  perhaps,  less  censure  for  keeping  it,  and  respecting  his 
honor,  than  those  who  reproached  him. 

A furious  attack  was  the  next  day  made  upon  the  fort.  Every  stratagem 
was  resorted  to.  At  one  time  they  filled  a cart  with  combustibles,  and  run 
it  against  the  pickets,  to  set  them  on  fire.  At  another,  they  were  about  to  set 
fire  to  the  church,  by  shooting  fiery  arrows  into  it;  but  religious  scruples 
averted  the  execution, — a French  priest  telling  Pontiac  that  it  would  call 
down  the  anger  of  God  upon  him.  They  had  frequently,  during  the  siege, 
endeavored  to  cut  down  the  pickets  so  as  to  make  a breach.  Major  Gladwin 
ordered  his  men,  at  hist,  to  cut  on  the  inside  at  the  same  time,  and  assist  them. 
This  was  done,  and  when  a breach  was  made,  there  was  a rush  upon  the 
outside  towards  the  breach,  and  at  the  same  instant,  a brass  four-pounder, 
which  had  been  levelled  for  the  purpose,  was  shot  off,  which  made  a dread- 
ful slaughter  among  them.  After  this  they  merely  blockaded  the  fort,  and 
cut  off  its  supplies,  and  the  English  were  reduced  to  the  greatest  distress, 
and  for  some  time  subsisted  upon  half  rations. 

There  was  great  difficulty  in  throwing  succor  into  the  garrison  at  Detroit, 
as  there  was  such  an  extent  of  country  between  it  and  the  other  most  west- 
ern posts,  in  possession  of  the  English.  Fort  Pitt  and  Niagara  had  been 
besieged,  and  all  communication  for  a long  time  cut  off ; the  former  had  been 
reduced  to  great  extremities,  but  they  were  at  length  relieved  by  Colonel 
Bouquet . Captain  Dalyell  was  at  the  same  time  sent  for  the  relief  of  Detroit, 
where  he  arrived  on  21)  July,  1763.*  A bloody  scene  was  shortly  to  follow. 
Captain  Dalyell , with  247  men,  went  out  of  the  fort  to  surprise  Pontiac  in  his 
camp  ; but  the  wary  chief  had  runners  out,  who  gave  him  timely  notice,  and 


Bouquet's  Expedition,  Introd.  iv. 


PONTIAK.— BATTLE  OF  BLOODY  BRIDGE. 


55 


Chap.  III.] 

he  met  them  in  an  advantageous  place,  and,  being  vastly  superior  in  numbers, 
and  concealed  behind  a picket  fence,  near  a bridge  where  the  English  were 
to  pass,  poured  in  upon  them  a dreadful  fire.  Many  fell  at  the  first  onset, 
but  they  kept  their  order,  and  exerted  themselves  to  regain  the  bridge  they 
had  just  passed.  They  effected  their  purpose,  but  many  fell  in  the  attempt, 
among  whom  was  Captain  Dalyell.  The  famous  Major  Rogers , the  second 
in  command,  and  Lieutenant  Brehm,  with  about  200  others,  recovered  the 
fort.  This  bridge,  where  so  many  brave  men  were  slain,  is  called  to  this  day 
Bloody  Bridge. 

Pontiac  ordered  the  head  of  Captain  Dalyell  to  be  cut  off  and  set  upon  a 
post.  Between  eighty  and  a hundred  dead  bodies  were  counted  upon  the 
bridge  the  next  morning,  which  entirely  blocked  up  its  passage. 

We  have  thought  proper  to  give  this  account  as  it  is  generally  found  in 
our  histories,  but  having  been  put  in  possession  of  the  official  return  of  Sir 
Jeffery  Amherst,  minutely  detailing  this  important  affair  of  Bloody  Bridge, 
we  will  lay  it  before  the  reader,  as  it  appeared  at  the  time.  From  which  it 
will  be  seen  that  the  common  report  is  probably  erroneous  in  some  of  its  most 
important  features. 

“ On  the  evening  of  the  30th  of  July,  Captain  Dalyell,  aid-de-camp  to  Gen- 
eral Amherst,  being  arrived  here  with  the  detachment  sent  under  his  command, 
and  being  fully  persuaded  that  Pontiac,  the  Indian  chief,  with  his  tribes,  would 
soon  abandon  his  design,  and  retire,  insisted  with  the  commandant,  that 
they  might  easily  be  surprised  in  their  camp,  totally  routed,  and  driven  out 
of  the  settlement ; and  it  was  thereupon  determined,  that  Captain  Dalyell 
shouid  march  out  with  247  men.  Accordingly,  we  marched  about  half  an 
hour  after  two  in  the  morning,  two  deep,  along  the  great  road  by  the  river 
side,  two  boats  up  the  river  along  shore,  with  a patteraro  in  each,  with  orders 
to  keep  up  with  the  line  of  march,  covtr  our  retreat,  and  take  off  our  killed 
and  wounded ; Li  utenant  Bean,  of  the  Queen's  Independents,  being  ordered, 
with  a rear  guard,  to  convey  the  dead  and  wound  d to  the  boats.  About  a 
mile  and  a half  from  the  fort,  we  had  orders  to  form  into  platoons,  and,  if 
attacked  in  the  front,  to  fire  by  street-firings.  We  then  advanced,  and,  in 
about  a mile  farther,  our  advanc°d  guard,  commanded  by  Lieutenant  Brown, 
of  the  55th  regiment,  had  been  fired  upon  so  close  to  the  enemy’s  breastworks 
and  cover,  that  the  fire,  being  very  heavy,  not  only  killed  and  wounded  some 
of  his  party,  but  reached  the  main  body,  which  put  the  whole  into  a little 
confusion ; but  they  soon  recovered  their  order,  and  gave  the  enemy,  or 
rather  their  works,  it  being  very  dark,  a discharge  or  two  from  the  front, 
commanded  by  Captain  Gray.  At  the  same  time,  the  rear,  commanded  by 
Captain  Grant , were  fired  upon  from  a house,  and  some  fences  about  twenty 
yards  on  his  left ; on  which  he  ordered  his  own  and  Captain  Hopkins's  com- 
panies to  face  to  the  left,  and  give  a full  fire  that  way.  After  which,  it 
appearing  that  the  enemy  gave  way  every  where,  Captain  Dalyell  sent 
orders  to  Captain  Grant,  to  take  possession  of  the  above-said  houses  and 
fences;  which  he  immediately  did;  and  found  in  one. of  the  said  houses  two 
men,  who  told  him,  the  enemy  had  been  there  long,  and  were  well  apprized 
of  our  design.  Captain  Grant  then  asked  them  the  numbers;  they  said, 
above  300 ; and  that  they  intended,  as  soon  as  they  had  attacked  us  in  the 
front,  to  get  between  us  and  the  fort ; which  Captain  Grant  told  Captain  Dal- 
yell, who  came  to  him  when  the  firing  was  over.  And  in  about  an  hour  after, 
he  came  to  him  again,  and  told  Captain  Grant  he  was  to  retire,  and  ordered 
him  to  march  in  the  front,  and  post  himself  in  an  orchard.  He  then  march- 
ed, and  about  half  a mile  farther  on  his  retreat,  he  had  some  shots  fired  on 
his  flank ; but  got  possession  of  the  orchard,  which  was  well  fenced ; and 
jus  as  he  got  there,  he  heard  a warm  firing  in  the  rear,  having,  at  the  same 
time,  a firing  on  his  own  post,  from  the  fences  and  corn-fields  behind  it.  Lieu- 
tenant M'Dougal,  who  acted  as  adjutant  to  the  detachment,  came  up  to  him, 
(Captain  Grant,)  and  told  him,  that  Captain  Dalyell  was  killed,  and  Captain 
Gray  very  much  wounded,  in  making  a push  on  the  enemy,  and  forcing  them 
out  of  a strong  breastwork  of  cord-wood,  and  an  intrenchment  which  they  had 
taken  possession  of ; and  that  the  command  then  devolved  upon  him.  Lieu- 
tenant Bean  immediately  came  up,  and  told  him,  that  Captain  Rogers  had 


56 


PONTIAK  ATTACKS  A VESSEL  AND  IS  REPULSED.  [Book  V, 

desired  him  to  tell  Captain  Grant , that  he  had  taken  possession  of  a house, 
and  tiiat  he  had  better  retire  with  what  numbers  he  had,  as  he  (Captain  Rogers ) 
could  not  get  off  without  the  boat^.  to  cover  him,  he  being  hard  pushed  by  the 
enemy  from  the  enclosures  behind  him,  some  of  which  scoured  the  road 
through  which  he  must  retire.  Captain  Grant  then  sent  Ensign  Pauli , with 
20  men,  back  to  attack  a part  of  the  enemy  which  annoyed  his  own  post  a 
little,  and  galled  those  that  were  joining  him,  from  the  place  where  Captain 
Dalyell  was  killed,  and  Captain  Gray,  Lieutenants  Brown  and  Luke,  were 
wounded ; which  Ensign  Pauli  did,  and  killed  some  of  the  enemy  in  their 
flight.  Captain  Grant,  at  the  same  time,  detached  all  the  men  he  could  get, 
and  took  possession  of  the  enclosures,  barns,  fences,  &c.  leading  from  his 
own  post  to  the  fort,  which  posts  he  reinforced  with  the  officers  and  men,  as 
they  came  up.  Thinking  the  retreat  then  secured,  he  sent  back  to  Captain  Rog- 
ers, desiring  he  would  come  off;  that  the  retreat  was  quite  secured,  and  the 
different  parties  ordered  to  cover  one  another  successively,  until  the  whole  had 
joined  ; but  Captain  Rogers  not  finding  it  right  to  risk  the  loss  of  more  men,  he 
chose  to  wait  for  the  armed  boats,  one  of  which  appeared  soon,  commanded  by 
Lieutenant  Brehm , whom  Captain  Grant  had  directed  to  go  and  cover  Captain 
Rogers ’s  retreat,  who  was  in  the  next  house.  Lieutenant  Brehm  accordingly 
went,  and  fired  several  shots  at  the  enemy.  Lieutenant  Abbott,  with  the 
other  boat,  wanting  ammunition,  went  down  with  Captain  Gray.  Lieuten- 
ant Brown  and  some  wounded  men  returned  also,  which  Captain  Grant  sup- 
poses the  enemy  seeing,  did  not  wait  her  arrival,  but  retired  on  Lieutenant 
Brehm1  s filing,  and  gave  Captain  Rogers,  with  the  rear,  an  opportunity  to 
come  off:  so  that  the  whole  from  the  different  posts  joined  without  any  con- 
fusion, and  marched  to  the  fort  in  good  order,  covered  by  the  armed  boats 
on  the  water  side,  and  by  our  own  parties  on  the  country  side,  in  view  of  the 
enemy,  who  had  all  joined,  and  were  much  stronger  than  at  the  beginning  of 
the  affair,  as  was  afterwards  told  us  by  some  prisoners  that  made  their  escape  ; 
many  having  joined  them  from  the  other  side  the  river,  and  other  places. 
The  whole  arrived  at  the  fort  about  eight  o’clock,  commanded  by  Captain 
Grant , whose  able  and  skilful  retreat  is  highly  commended. 

“Return  of  killed  and  wounded  of  the  several  detachments  near  the  Detroit, 
July  31, 1763. 

“ Of  the  55th  Regiment: — 1 Sergeant,  13  rank  and  file,  killed;  1 captain,  2 
lieutenants,  1 drummer,  28  rank  and  file,  wounded. 

“ Of  the  Royal  Americans : — 1 rank  and  file,  killed;  1 rank  and  file  wounded. 

“ Of  the  80  th  Regiment : — 2 rank  and  file  killed;  3 rank  and  file  wounded. 

“ Of  the  Queen’s  Rangers : — 2 rank  and  file  killed ; 1 rank  and  file  wounded. 

“ Names  of  the  officers : — 55th  Regiment : Captain  Gray,  Lieutenant  Luke,  and 
Lieutenant  Brown , wounded. 

“ N.  B. — Captain  Dalyell , killed,  not  included  in  the  above.” 

Hence  it  appears  that  but  19  were  killed  and  42  wounded  in  the  celebrated 
“ Battle  of  Detroit,”  but  I am  inclined  to  think  that  this  return  was  made  out 
before  the  exact  state  of  the  troops  engaged  in  it  was  ascertained.  It  is  evi- 
dent that  Captain  Dalyell  was  found  to  be  among  the  killed  after  the  return 
was  finished,  or  nearly  so.  It  is  unnecessary  to  apprize  the  reader,  that  re- 
turns were  often  made  more  favorable  than  strict  scrutiny  would  warrant, 
from  obvious  motives. 

About  this  time  several  small  vessels  fell  into  the  hands  of  Pontiac,  which 
were  destined  to  supply  the  garrison,  and  the  men  were  cruelly  treated. 
The  garrison  was  in  great  straits,  both  from  the  heavy  loss  of  men,  as  well 
as  from  want  of  provisions  and  continual  watching.  In  this  time  of  despon- 
dency, there  arrived  near  the  fort  a schooner,  which  brought  them  supplies 
of  provisions,  but  nothing  of  this  kind  could  be  landed  without  Pontiac’s 
knowledge,  and  he  determined,  if  possible,  to  seize  the  schooner : a detachment 
made  the  attempt,  and,  to  save  herself,  the  vessel  was  obliged  to  tack  short 
about,  and  proceed  in  an  opposite  direction.  The  Indians  followed  her  in 
canoes,  and,  by  continually  firing  into  her,  killed  almost  every  man,  and  at 
length  boarded  her.  As  they  were  climbing  up  the  sides  and  shrouds  in 
every  quarter,  the  captain,  having  determined  not  to  fall  into  their  hands  alive, 
ordered  the  gunner  to  set  fire  to  the  magazine,  and  blow  all  up  together. 


Chap.  Ill  ] 


PONTIAC. 


57 


This  was  heard  by  a Huron  chief,  who  understood  enough  English  to  know 
what  was  going  forward,  and  instantly  communicated  it  to  his  followers. 
They  disengaged  themselves  from  the  vessel  as  fast  as  possible,  and  fled  from 
her  in  a great  fright,  at  considerable  distance.  Meantime  the  crew  took  the 
advantage  of  a wind,  and  arrived  safe  at  the  fort.  In  the  pursuit  of  the  vessel, 
the  Indians  discovered  extreme  temerity,  often  coming  so  close  to  the  schooner 
as  to  be  severely  burned  by  the  discharge  of  her  guns. 

This  vessel  had  been  sent  from  Niagara,  and  was  manned  with  18  men,  12 
of  whom  were  Mohawk  Indians.  They  arrived  at  Detroit  on  the  3 Septem- 
ber; and  thus  was  the  garrison  saved  from  certain  destruction.  So  sensible 
was  Major  Gladwin  and  his  officers  of  their  escape  from  a dreadful  fate  by  the 
bravery  of  the  crew  of  this  vessel,  that  they  caused  silver  medals  to  be  struck 
and  presented  to  each  descriptive  of  the  event.* 

Many  other  circumstances  are  related  of  this  famous  siege,  but  it  is  believed 
the  preceding  are  all  that  are  well  authenticated. 

Pontiac  having  invested  Detroit  now  for  about  twelve  months,  and  the 
news  of  his  operations  having  been  carried  to  various  parts  of  the  British 
empire,  extensive  preparations  were  made  to  put  down  the  Indian  power. 
Aware  of  the  movements  of  General  Bradstreet , who  was  proceeding  for  De- 
troit with  an  army  of  3000  men,  he  gave  up,  and  sued  for  peace,  which  was 
granted  him,  and  his  warriors  retired  to  their  hunting-grounds.  By  some  it 
is  reported  that  he  was  killed,  with  many  others  of  his  chief  men,  by  the 
Ioways,  in  the  year  1779,  in  a war  which  at  that  time  raged  between  the 
Ottowas  and  that  nation.  It  is  also  said  that  he  had  a son  named  Shegana- 
by,  who  was  also  a distinguished  chief,  and  who,  after  the  death  of  his  father, 
revenged  his  murder  by  the  destruction  of  almost  the  entire  nation  of  the 
Ioways.  When  the  revolution  commenced,  the  Americans  sent  messages  to 
Pontiac  to  meet  them  in  council.  He  was  inclined  to  do  so,  but  was  prevented 
from  time  to  time  by  Governor  Hamilton  of  Detroit.  He  seems  now  to  have 
laid  aside  all  resentment  against  the  English,  and  became  their  friend ; and 
to  reward  his  attachment,  the  government  granted  him  a liberal  pension.  It 
has  a’so  been  reported  that  he  became  suspected  in  the  time  of  the  war,  and 
as  he  was  going  to  hold  a council  among  the  Indians  in  Illinois,  as  an  agent 
for  the  English,  a spy  attended  him  to  observe  his  conduct;  and  that,  in  a 
speech,  he  betrayed  the  English,  and  discovered  his  former  enmity  against 
them.  When  he  had  finished,  the  Indian  who  had  accompanied  him, 
plunged  a knife  into  his  breast,  and  thus  ended  the  days  of  a chief  who  has 
been  renowned  for  singular  sagacity,  daring  courage,  great  spirit  of  command, 
and  indeed  numerous  other  qualities,  found  only  in  those  born  with  such 
elementary  organizations  as  produce  them  by  their  peculiar  schobl  of  cir- 
cumstances. 


* Holmes's  Annals,  ii.  122. 


68 


CAPTAIN  PIPE, 


[Book  V. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Captain  Pipe — Situation  of  affairs  on  the  frontiers  at  the  period  of  the  revolution — Sad 
condition  of  the  Moravian  Indians  at  this  period — Half-kin & engages  to  take  them 
to  Canada — His  speech  to  tluvi — They  remonstrate — Half-lung  inclines  not  to  mo- 
lest them,  but  Captain  Pipe's  counsel  prevails , and  they  are  seized — Pipe's  conduct 
thereupon — Missionaries  taken  to  Detroit  and  examined — Pipe  went  to  accuse  them — 
Chang  s his  conduct  toicards  them,  and  they  are  acquitted — Remarkable  deliverance 
— Captain  White-eyes  opposes  the  Conduct  of  Pipe — His  speech  to  his  people — 
Colon  el  Broadhead's  expedition — Brutal  massacre  of  a chief — Pachgantschihilas — 
Surprises  the  missionaries — Gelelemend — Buokongahelas — Murder  of  Major 
Trunnan  and  others — In  the  battle  of  Presque-Isle — His  death — His  great  intrepid- 
ity— Further  particulars  of  Captain  Pipe — His  famous  speech — Expedition  and  defeat 
of  Colonel  Crawford,  who  is  burnt  at  the  stake,  and  many  more — Chiktommo — Tom 
lewis — Messhavva — King-crane — Little  turtle — Defeats  General  St.  Clair's 
army — Incidents  in  that  affair — Little-turtle' s opinion  of  General  Wayne — Visits 
Philadelphia — His  intervieio  tcith  C.  F.  Vobiey — Anecdotes — Blue-jacket — De- 
feated by  General  Wayne  in  the  battle  of  Presque-Isle. 

PIPE,  or  Captain  Pipe,*  as  he  is  usually  called,  from  his  having  been  a 
most  conspicuous  war-captain  among  the  Delawares,  during  the  period  of 
the  revolution,  in  particular,  was  chief  of  the  Wolf  tribe.  His  character  is  a 
very  prominent  one,  in  the  memorable  troubles  among  the  frontier  settle- 
ments, at  the  breaking  out  of  the  war.  Situated  as  were  the  Delawares 
between  the  English  of  Canada  and  the  Americans,  it  was  hardly  to  be  ex- 
pected but  that  they  should  be  drawn  into  that  war.  They  could  not  well 
weigh  its  merits  or  demerits  upon  either  side.  A speech  of  the  renowned 
Corn-plant  contains  the  best  commentary  upon  this  matter.  The  English 
stood  much  the  best  chance  of  gaining  the  Indians  to  their  interest,  inasmuch 
as  they  were  profuse  in  their  presents  of  what  was  useful  to  them,  as  well  as 
ornamental,  whereas  the  Americans  required  all  their  resources  to  carry  on 
the  war.  The  commanding  efficerat  Detroit,  believing  that  the  Moravian 
Indians  upon  the  Susquehannah  favored  the  Americans,  ordered  them,  dead 
or  alive,  with  their  priests,  to  be  brought  into  Canada.  The  Iroquois  agreed 
that  it  should  be  done,  but,  unwilling  to  do  it  themselves,  sent  messengers  to 
the  Chippeways  and  Ottawas,  to  intimate  that,  if  they  would  do  it,  “they 
8hou'd  have  them  to  make  soup  of.”  These  two  tribes,  however,  refused, 
and  the  Half-king  of  the  Hurons  undertook  it  himself.  He  had  been  formerly 
very  friendly  to  the  believing  Indians,  and  now  pretended  that  he  only  con- 
cluded to  seize  upon  them,  to  save  them  from  destruction  ; and,  Mr.  Loskiel 
adds,  “even  the  Half-king  would  certainly  never  have  agreed  to  commit  this 
act  of  injustice,  had  not  the  Delaware,  Captain  Pipe,  a noted  enemy  of  the 
gospel  and  of  the  believing  Indians,  instigated  him  to  do  it.”  Pipe  and  his 
company  of  Delawares,  joined  by  Half-king  and  his  warriors,  and  some  Sha- 
wanese,  held  a war-feast,  roasted  a whole  ox,  and  agreed  upon  the  manner 
of  proceeding.  The  captains  only  of  this  expedition  knew  fully  its  destina- 
tion. With  such  secrecy  did  they  proceed,  that  the  Moravian  settlements 
knew  nothing  of  their  approach,  until  they  were  in  their  vicinity.  They  bore 
an  English  flag,  and  an  English  officer  was  among  them.  It  was  now  10 
August,  1781.  Half-king  sent  in  a message  to  Salem,  requesting  the  inhab- 


* Ilis  Indian  name,  according  to  Ilcckewelder,  was  Hopocan,  and  signified  a Tobacco- 
pipe  This  name  he  bore  until  about  17G3,  when  that  of  Kog1eschq.ua  nohel  was  substi- 
tuted. This  meant,  Maker  of  Day-Light.  Of  the  word  pipe,  a more  extended  notice  should 
be  taken.  The  French  writers  generally  use  the  name  calumet,  which  means  the  same  thing,, 
and,  of  its  origin,  Baron  Lahontan,  “Voyages  dans  L’Amerique,”  i.  401 , observes  as  fol- 
lows:— “It  is  a Norman  word,  which  comes  from  chalumeau,  and  was  introduced  into  Canada 
by  the  people  of  that  nation,  on  their  first  coming  into  this  country,  by  whom  it  has  ever  since 
been  used.  The  .Iroquois  call  it  Ganondaot.  and  the  other  Indian  nations,  Poagan  ; " this, 
allowing  for  the  difference  between  the  French  and  English  idioms,  will  agree  tolerably  with 
Mr.  Heckewelder’s  Hopocan.  A chief  named  Pipe  signed  a treaty  at  Fort  Greenville,  in  1814, 
with  112  others,  by  which  it  seems  the  Delawares  perpetuated  it.  It  followed  that  of  White-eyes , 


CAPTAIN  PTPE. 


59 


Chap.  IV.] 

itants  not  to  be  alarmed,  for  they  should  receive  no  injury,  and  that  lie  had 
good  words  to  speak  to  them,  and  wished  to  know  at  which  of  the  settle- 
ments they  might  hold  a council  with  them.  Gnadenhuetten  being  fixed 
upon,  all  assembled  there  upon  11  August. 

Meanwhile,  the  numbers  of  Pipe’s  expedition  had  increased  from  140  to 
300,  and  about  10  days  after,  Half-king  made  the  following  speech  to  the 
believing  Indians  and  their  teachers : — 

“ Cousins  : ye  believing  Indians  in  Gnadenhuetten,  Schoenhrunn,  and  Salem, 
I am  much  concerned  on  your  account,  perceiving  that  you  live  in  a very 
dangerous  spot.  Two  powerful,  angry  and  merciless  gods  stand  ready, 
opening  their  jaws  wide  against  each  other : you  are  sitting  down  between 
both,  and  thus  in  clanger  of  being  devoured  and  ground  to  powder  by  the 
teeth  of  either  one  or  the  other,  or  both.  It  is  therefore  not  advisable  for  you 
to  stay  here  any  longer.  Consider  your  young  people,  your  wives,  and  your 
children,  and  preserve  their  lives,  for  here  they  must  all  perish.  I therefore 
take  you  bv  the  hand,  lift  you  up,  and  place  you  in  or  near  my  dwelling, 
where  you  will  be  safe  and  dwell  in  peace.  Do  not  stand  looking  at  your 
plantations  and  houses,  but  arise  and  follow  me ! Take  also  your  teachers 
[priests]  with  you,  and  worship  God  in  the  place  to  which  I shall  lead  you, 
as  you  have  been  accustomed  to  do.  You  shall  likewise  find  provisions,  and 
our  father  beyond  the  lake  [the  governor  at  Detroit,]  will  care  for  you.  This 
is  my  message,  and  I am  come  hither  purposely  to  deliver  it.” 

The  brethren,  after  taking  this  into  consideration,  remonstrated,  in  feeling 
language,  against  such  an  immediate  removal ; saying  they  did  not  conceive 
that  the  danger  was  so  great,  as,  moreover,  they  were  at  peace  with  all  men, 
and  took  no  part  in  the  war,  and  that  it  would  bring  famine  and  distress  upon 
them,  to  set  out  before  their  harvest  with  nothing  in  their  hands,  but  that  they 
would  keep  and  consider  his  words,  and  would  answer  him  the  next  winter. 
It  was  supposed  that  Half-king  was  willing  to  comply,  but  for  the  importunity 
of  Pipe  and  the  English  captain. 

This  affair  eventuated  in  the  seizure  of  the  missionaries  and  their  removal 
to  Sandusky,  as  has  been  written  in  the  account  of  Glikhiknn. 

Captain  Pipe  now  publicly  boasted  of  his  exploit,  and  said  the  Indians  and 
their  priests  were  his  slaves.  They  had  had  but  a moment’s  repose  at  San- 
dusk}',  when  the  governor  at  Detroit  ordered  Captain  Pipe  to  conduct  them  to 
him.  They  were  glad  of  an  opportunity  of  seeing  the  governor  face  to  face, 
believing  they  could  convince  him  that  they  had  never  assisted  the  Americans, 
and  accordingly  attended  Pipe  thither.  Here  the  missionaries  Zeisberger, 
Senseman , Heckewelder  and  Edwards  had  to  await  a kind  of  trial,  and  Pipe 
was  the  evidence  against  them.  On  the  9 November,  this  trial  or  examina- 
tion came  on,  and  Captain  Pipe  appeared,  and  spoke  as  follows : “ Father,  you 
have  commanded  us  to  bring  the  believing  Indians  and  their  teachers  from  the  Mus- 
kingum. This  has  been  done.  When  we  had  brought  them  to  Sandusky , you 
ordered  us  to  bring  their  teachers  and  some  of  their  chiefs  unto  you.  Here  you 
see  them  befoi'e  you : now  you  may  speak  with  them  yourself  as  you  have  desired. 
But  I hope  you  will  speak,  good  words  unto  them , yea  1 tell  you , speak  good  words 
unto  them , for  they  are  my  friends , and  / should  be  sorry  to  see  them  ill  used.” 
The  governor  then  repeated  to  Pipe  the  charges  he  had  formerly  urged 
against  the  brethren,  and  called  on  him  to  prove  his  assertions.  The  chief 
seemed  now  evidently  confused,  and  said  such  things  might  have  happened, 
but  they  would  do  so  no  more,  for  they  were  now  at  Detroit.  This  did  not 
satisfy  the  governor,  and  he  peremptorily  demanded  that  Pipe  should  answer 
positively  to  the  point.  This  caused  him  still  greater  embarrassment,  and  he 
asked  his  counsellors  what  he  should  say,  but  each  held  down  his  head  in 
silence,  and  this  occasioned  his  choosing  the  only  wise  course,  and  he  thus 
ingenuously  spoke  : “ I said  before,  that  some  such  thing  might  have  happened , 
but  now  I will  tell  you  the  plain  truth.  The  missionaries  are  innocent . They 
have  done  nothing  of  themselves : what  they  have  done,  they  were  compelled  to  do. 
I am  to  blame,  and  the  chiefs  thativere  with  me  in  Goschachguenk  : we  have  forced 
them  to  do  it,  when  they  refused .”  The  governor  now  declared  them  innocent, 
in  the  presence  of  the  court,  and  they  were  permitted  to  return  to  their 
brethren. 


60 


CAPTAIN  PIPE. 


[Book  V. 


One  circumstance,  illustrative  of  savage  superstition,  we  will  notice  here. 
When  Pipe's  warriors  were  about  to  force  the  brethren  to  leave  the  ir  dwell- 
ings, it  was  almost  unanimously  concluded  at  one  time  by  the  chiefs,  that 
the  white  brethren  should  be  put  to  death.  They,  however,  would  not  ad- 
venture upon  such  a deed  without  the  advice  of  one  of  their  common  war- 
riors, who  was  considered  a great  sorcerer.  His  answer  was,  “ he  could  not 
understand  what  end  it  would  answer  to  kill  them.”  Upon  this,  the  chiefs 
held  a council,  in  which  it  was  resolved  to  kill  not  only  the  white  brethren 
and  their  wives,  but  the  Indian  assistants  also.  When  they  made  this  reso- 
lution known  to  the  sorcerer,  he  said  to  them,  “ Then  you  have  resolved  to 
kill  my  friends;  for  most  of  their  chief  people  are  my  friends:  but  this  I 
tell  you,  that  if  you  hurt  any  one  of  them,  I know  what  I will  do  !”  This 
threat  deterred  them:  thus  were  the  missionaries  as  well  as  many  others 
saved. 

It  is  stated  by  Mr.  Heckewelder , that,  notwithstanding  Captain  Pipe  was  so 
eager  for  the  war  before  its  commencement,  he  soon  became  sorry  for  it 
afterwards.  This  might  have  been  the  case  ; and  yet  he  was  one  of  the 
most  efficient  enemies  of  the  Americans  after  the  peace,  as  will  elsewhere 
appear.  Captain  White-eyes , or  Koquethagaeehlon , which  was  his  Indian 
name,*  was  his  particular  friend,  and  they  were  both  great  men  of  the  Dela- 
ware nation,  having  been  nearly  alike  distinguished  by  their  courage  on 
many  occasions.  No  one  could  have  more  at  heart  the  welfare  of  their 
country,  than  Captain  White-eyes  had  that  of  the  Delaware  nation,  and  it  is 
not  pretended,  but  that  as  much  should  be  said  of  Captain  Pipe ; but  they 
were  differently  circumstanced,  and  the  former  was  open  and  fearless  in  his 
declarations  in  favor  of  the  Americans,  while  the  latter  secretly  favored  the 
British.  Thus  they  were  unwillingly  opposed  to  each  other,  and  for  about 
two  years,  one  by  his  frankness  and  the  other  by  his  clandestine  operations, 
strove  to  unite  and  strengthen  their  respective  parties. 

Meanwhile  a circumstance  happened,  which  Captain  Pipe  seized  upon  for 
declaring  war.  M'Kee , Elliot,  Girty , and  several  others,  had  been  held  at 
Pittsburg  as  tories.  Early  in  the  spring  of  1778,  they  made  an  escape,  and 
fled  into  the  Indian  country,  and,  as  they  went,  proclaimed  to  that  people, 
that  the  Americans  had  determined  to  destroy  them  ; that  therefore  their  only 
safety  consisted  in  repelling  them  ; that  they  must  fly  to  arms,  and  fight  them 
in  every  place.  Pipe , being  rather  inclined  to  war,  believed  all  that  those 
exasperated  fugitives  said  ; while,  on  the  other  hand,  White-eyes  would  give  no 
credit  to  them.  Having  got  many  of  his  men  together,  Captain  Pipe  address- 
ed them  with  great  earnestness,  and  with  great  force  of  oratory  said,  “ Every  man 
is  an  enemy  to  his  country,  who  endeavors  to  persuade  us  against  fighting  the 
Americans,  and  all  such  ought  surely  to  be  put  to  death."  Captain  White-eyes 
was  not  idle,  and  at  the  same  time  had  assembled  the  people  of  his  tribe,  and 
the  substance  of  what  he  said  was,  “ that  if  they  [any  of  his  warriors]  meant 
in  earnest  to  go  out,  as  he  observed  some  of  them  ivere  prepanng  to  do,  they  should 
not  go  without  him.  He  had,  he  said,  taken  peace  measures  in  order  to  save  the 
nation  from  utter  destruction.  But  if  they  believed  that  he  ivas  in  the  wrong,  and 
gave  more  credit  to  vagabond  fugitives , whom  he  knew  to  be  such,  than  to  himself, 
who  ivas  best  acquainted  with  the  real  state  of  things ; if  they  had  determined  to 
follow  their  advice,  and  go  out  against  the  Americans,  he  ivould  go  out  with  them ; 
but  not  like  the  bear  hunter,  who  sets  the  dogs  on  the  animal  to  be  beaten  about  with 
his  paws,  while  he  keeps  at  a safe  distance ; no ! he  ivould  lead  them  on,  place 
himself  in  the  front,  and  be  the  first  who  should  fall.  They  only  had  to  determine 
on  what  they  meant  to  do ; as  for  his  own  mind,  it  was  fully  made  up,  not  to  sur- 
vive his  nation ; and  he  would  not  spend  the  remainder  of  a miserable  life,  in 
bewailing  the  total  destruction  of  a brave  people,  who  deserved  a better  fate." 

This  speech  was  spoken  with  a pathos  and  in  a manner  calculated  to  touch 
the  hearts  of  all  who  listened  to  it,  and  its  impression  was  such,  that  all 
unanimously  came  to  the  determination  to  obey  its  instructions  and  orders, 
and  to  hear  or  receive  directions  from  no  other  person,  of  any  nation  or  color, 
but  Captain  White-eyes. 


* According  to  Mr.  Heckewelder.  His  residence  was  at  the  mouth  of  the  Big  Beaver. 


Chap.  IV  ] 


CAPTAIN  PIPE.— COSHOCTON  EXPEDITION. 


61 


At  the  same  time,  Captain  White-eyes , in  order  to  counteract,  as  much  as 
possible,  the  evil  counsel  of  the  white  men  just  mentioned,  despatched  run- 
ners to  the  Shawanese  towns  on  the  Scioto,  where  these  impostors  had  gone, 
with  the  following  speech : “ Grandchildren , ye  Shawanese , some  days  ago , a 

Jlock  of  birds , that  had  come  on  from  the  east , lit  at  Goschochking , imposing  a 
song  of  theirs  upon  us,  which  song  had  nigh  proved  our  ruin.  Should  these  birds , 
which  on  leaving  us,  took  their  fight  towards  Scioto,  endeavor  to  impose  a song 
on  you  likewise , do  not  listen  to  them,  for  they  lie ! ” 

A knowledge  of  the  proceedings  of  Captain  White-eyes  having  reached 
Pipe,  he  knew  not  what  course  to  take,  and,  while  thus  confounded,  a kind 
and  conciliatory  message  was  received  in  the  Delaware  nation,  from  the  Amer- 
ican agent  of  Indian  affairs  at  Pittsburg.  It  particularly  cautioned  the  people 
of  that  nation  “ not  to  hearken  to  those  wicked  and  worthless  men,  ivho  had  run 
away  from  their  friends  in  the  night , and  to  be  assured  of  the  real  friendship  of 
the  United  States .”  This  completed  Pipe's  confusion.  But  after  pondering 
a while  upon  the  wrongs  to  which  his  countrymen  had  for  a long  time  been 
subjected,  like  the  sachem  of  the  Wampanoags,  he  permitted  his  warriors 
to  go  out,  and  surprise,  and  murder  all  the  Americans  they  could  lay  their 
hands  upon. 

Blood  having  now  begun  to  flow,  barbarities  followed  in  quick  succes- 
sion. Early  in  the  spring  of  1781,*  Colonel  Broadhead  arrived  near  the  Mora- 
vian town  of  Salem,  and  notified  the  inhabitants  that  he  was  on  an  expedi- 
tion against  the  hostile  Indians,  and  gave  them  that  timely  notice  that  they 
might  collect  their  people,  if  any  were  abroad,  that  they  might  not  be  taken 
for  enemies.  “However,”  says  Mr.  Heckewelder,  “whilst  the  colonel  was 
assuring  me  that  our  Indians  had  nothing  to  fear,  an  officer  came  with  great 
speed  from  one  quarter  of  the  camp,  and  reported  that  a particular  division 
of  the  militia  “were  preparing  to  break  off  for  the  purpose  of  destroying  the 
Moravian  settlements  up  the  river,  and  he  feared  they  could  not  be  restrained 
from  so  doing.’  ” They  were,  however,  by  the  exertions  of  the  commander- 
in-chief,  aided  by  Colonel  Shepherd,  of  Wheeling,  partially  prevented  from 
their  murderous  design.  Thus  these  Christian  Indians  were  situated  pre- 
cisely like  many  of  those  of  N.  E.  in  Philip’s  war.  But  we  have  no  instance 
to  record,  of  the  latter,  equal  in  extent,  for  diabolical  atrocity,  to  that  of  the 
massacre  of  Gnadenhuetten,  elsewhere  mentioned. 

Meanwhile  Colonel  Broadhead  proceeded  to  Coshocton,  a hostile  settle- 
ment near  the  forks  of  the  Muskingum  ; and  with  such  secrecy  did  he  pro- 
ceed, that  not  a person  escaped.  How  many  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  army 
is  not  mentioned ; but,  not  long  after,  16  warriors  were  put  to  death  with 
shocking  manifestations  of  depravity.  There  accompanied  Colonel  Broad- 
head's  army  a Delaware  chief  named  Pekillon. f Sixteen  of  the  captive 
warriors  were  designated  by  him  as  perpetrators  of  murders,  and  they  were 
forthwith  tomahawked  and  scalped.  They  were  executed  pursuant  to  the 
decree  of  a court-martial. 

Some  extenuation  has  been  urged  for  this  revolting  transaction,  and  that 
alone  in  which,  perhaps,  the  mind  can  find  any  relief.  But  a short  time  be- 
fore Broadhead' s expedition,  a large  Indian  force,  called  by  the  whites  an 
army,  collected,  and  set  out  for  the  destruction  of  North-western  Virginia. 
This  army  was  divided  into  two  parts,  and  their  expectations  were  wrought 
up  to  a very  high  degree,  which,  when  suddenly  blasted,  were  changed  into 
rage  and  fury.  Having,  in  their  march,  taken  a large  number  of  captives, 
they  retreated  to  a place  of  safety,  and  there  tied  them  to  trees  and  put  them 
to  death  in  their  barbarous  manner.  This  massacre  was,  however,  confined  • 
to  their  male  prisoners.  Fathers,  in  presence  of  their  families,  were  led 
forth  to  execution,  amid  tears  and  lamentations,  which  no  creature  but  infu- 
riated man  could  withstand.  This  barbarity  was  the  more  aggravating, 
when  it  was  contemplated  that  those  who  fell  into  their  hands  had  made  no 
resistance!  Nothing,  therefore,  like  just  retribution  was  to  be  expected 
from  an  army  of  frontier  militia,  when  vengeance  was  the  only  pursuit. 


* Doddridge,  Notes,  291,  says,  this  “ campaign  ” was  in  the  summer  of1780. 
f The  same  who,  afterwards,  as  I conclude,  was  a party  to  Wayne’s  treaty. 


62  MASSACRE  OF  INDIAN  PRISONERS. — PETCHENANALAS.  [Cook  V. 

After  every  thing  harl  been  destroyed  in  the  Indian  country  through  which 
the  Americans  passed,  they  r.  turned  to  Pittsburg.  Before  leaving  Coshoc- 
ton, a shocking  circumstance  occurred,  which  alone  was  sufficient  to  have 
tarnished  the  most  biiiliuiit  exploits.  An  Indian  came  to  the  side  of  the 
river  over  against  the  encampment,  and  called  to  ti  e sentinels,  who  asked 
him  what  he  wanted.  He  an s wen  d that  he  wished  to  see  the  “ big  captain  ” 
(the  name  by  which  Indians  commonly  designate  the  commander-in-chief). 
Colonel  Broadhead  appeared,  and  asked  him  what  lie  wanted,  who  replied, 
“ To  make  peace.”  Then,  said  the  colonel,  send  over  some  of  your  chiefs. 
The  Indian  interrogatively  said May  be  you  kill  ? ” No,  said  the  colonel, 
they  shall  come  and  go  in  safety.  Hereupon  a chief  of  most  elegant  appear- 
ance crossed  to  the  encampment,  and — I hesitate  to  relate  it — while  this 
chief  was  conversing  with  the  colonel,  a monster,  of  the  mi.itia,  came  up, 
and  with  a tomahawk,  which  he  had  concealed  in  his  clothes,  laid  him  dead 
with  a single  stroke ! * The  name  of  this  fiend  was  Wetzel.  The  army  soon 
began  its  retreat,  and  Colonel  Broadhead  having  put  his  prisoners,  (about  20 
in  number,)  into  the  care  of  the  soldiers,  they  immediately  began  to  mas- 
sacre them  ! all  except  a few  women  and  children  were  killed.  These  were 
taken  to  Pittsburg,  and  afterwards  exchanged  for  an  equal  number  of  white 
prisoners.!  Thus  the  peace  which  might  have  been  conc  luded  was  unhappily 
suspended,  and  the  war  afterwards  might  well  have  been  expected  to  exhibit 
sceiies  no  less  bloody  than  before. 

A chief,  called  Pachgantschihilas,  distinguished  himself  upon  the  fron- 
tiers, immediately  upon  the  retreat  of  Colonel  Broadhead' s army  ; not  as  many 
others  have,  but  by  magnanimity  and  address.  And  subsequently  his  name 
was  set  to  many  treaties  between  his  nation  and  the  United  States,  from  that 
of  General  Wayne  at  Greenville  to  that  of  St.  Mary’s  in  1818:  if,  indeed, 
Petchenanalas , Bokongehelas , and  several  other  variations,  stand  for  the  same 
person.  His  name,  according  to  Heckewelder,  signified  a fujiller , or  one  who 
succeeds  in  all  he  undertakes.  He  was  a son  of  a great  chief  whose  name  is 
written  Wewanduchwalend , which  signified  one  employed  on  impoiiant  messages  ; 
and  who  in  the  French  war  was  a great  captain,  and  in  peace  a great  coun- 
sellor. He  had  upon  his  under  lip  and  cl  in  tatooed  the  figure  of  a water 
lizard,  on  which  account  he  was  often  called  Tweegachsckasu.  Buokongahelas 
was  head  warrior  of  all  the  Delawares  who  lived  on  the  Miami  and  White 
Rivers. 

Petchenanalas,  at  the  head  of  80  warriors,  appeared  suddenly  at  Cna- 
denhuetten,  surrounding  it  before  day,  allowing  no  one  a chance  for  escape. 
Not  knowing  his  object,  the  people  were  filled  with  terror.  But  he  soon 
dispelled  their  fears,  by  telling  them  that  he  came  to  take  the  chief  Gdele - 
mend , and  a few  other  head  men,  whom  he  would  have,  either  dead  or  alive. 
As  it  happened,  not  one  of  those  he  sought  after  was  there  at  the  time. 
Having  satisfied  himself  of  this  fact,  the  chief  demanded  that  deputies  from 
the  three  Christian  towns  should  meet  to  hear  what  he  had  to  say  to  them. 
When  the  deputies  and  o.hers  had  met,  he  spoke  to  them  as  follows : — 

“Friends  and  kinsmen,  listen  to  what  I say  to  you.  You  see  a greet  and 
powerful  nation  divided.  You  see  the  father  fighting  against  the  son,  and 
the  son  against  the  father. — The  father  has  called  on  his  Indian  children  to 
assist  him  in  punishing  his  children,  the  Americans,  who  have  become  re- 
fractory. I took  time  to  consider  what  I should  do  ; whether  or  not  I should 
receive  the  hatchet  of  my  father,  to  assist  him.  At  first  I looked  upon  it  as 
a family  quarrel, in  which  I was  not  interested.  At  length  it  appeared  to  me, 
that  the  father  was  in  the  right,  and  his  children  deserved  to  be  punished  a 
little. — That  this  must  be  the  ca^se,  I concluded  from  the  many  cruel  acls  his 
offspring  had  committed,  from  time  to  time,  on  his  Indian  children — in  en- 
croaching on  their  lands,  stealing  their  property — shooting  at  and  murdering 
without  cause,  men,  women,  and  children : — yes,  even  murdering  those,  who 
at  all  times  had  been  friendly  to  them,  and  were  placed  for  protection  under 


* Chronicles  of  Western  Selllemenls,  -passim. 
f Doddridge’s  Notes,  21)3. 


BUOKONGAHELAS. 


63 


Chap.  IV.] 

the  roof  of  their  father’s  house  ; * the  father  himself  standing  sentry  at  the  door, 
at  the  time ! — Friends  and  relatives,  olten  has  the  father  been  obliged  to  settle 
and  make  amends  lor  the  wrongs  and  mischiefs  done  us,  by  his  refractory 
children  ; yet  these  do  not  grow  better.  No ! they  remain  the  same,  and  will 
continue  to  be  so,  as  long  as  we  have  any  land  lei t us!  Look  back  at  the 
murders  committed  by  the  Long-Knives  on  many  of  our  relations,  who  lived 
peaceable  neighbors  to  them  on  the  Ohio!  Did  they  not  kill  them  without 
the  least  provocation  ? — Are  they,  do  you  think,  better  now,  than  they  were 
then?  No!  indeed  not;  and  many  days  are  not  elapsed,  since  you  had  a 
number  of  these  very  men  near  your  doors,  who  panted  to  kill  you,  but  for- 
tunately were  prevented  from  so  doing,  by  the  Great  Sun,f  who,  at  that  time, 
had  by  the  Great  Spirit  been  ordained  to  protect  you  ! ” 

The  chief  then  spoke  with  respect  of  their  peaceable  mode  of  life,  and 
commended  their  desire  to  live  in  friendship  with  all  mankind;  but  said,  they 
must  be  aware  of  their  exposed  situation — .iving  in  the  very  road  the  hostile 
parties  must  pass  over,  in  going  to  fight  each  other;  that  they  had  just  es- 
caped destruction  from  one  of  these  parties ; that  therefore  no  time  should 
be  lost,  but  they  should  go  to  the  country  on  the  Miami,  where  they  would  be 
entirely  out  of  danger. 

The  Christian  Indians  replied,  that,  as  they  had  never  injured  the  Amer- 
icans, they  thought  they  need  not  fear  injury  from  them ; that  if  their 
friends  at  war  wished  them  well,  in  truth,  they  would  not  make  their 
settlement  upon  the  path  they  took  to  go  to  war,  as  it  would  lead  their 
antagonists  the  same  way ; and  that  they  could  not  remove  without  great 
detriment ; and  therefore,  as  they  were  then  situated,  they  could  not  consent 
to  go. 

Pachgantschihilas  consulted  in  the  mean  time  with  his  chief  men,  and 
answered  very  feelingly  to  what  the  brethren  had  said.  He  observed  that  he 
was  sorry  that  they  should  differ  from  him  in  opinion,  but  that  he  had  no 
intention  to  use  compulsion,  and  only  requested  that  those  might  be  permit- 
ted to  go,  whose  fears  prompted  them  to  it.  This  was  readily  assented  to, 
and  the  council  broke  up,  and  the  warriors  departed.  At  Salem  they  made  a 
short  stay,  where  they  conducted  themselves  as  they  had  done  at  Gnaden- 
hue.t  n.  Here  a family  of  old  people  joined  them,  through  fear  of  what  Pach- 
gantschihilas  had  predicted,  and  the  event  justified  the  proceeding!  The 
massacre  of  Gnadenhuetten  will  ever  be  remembered  with  the  deepest  regret 
and  indignation. 

Nothing  was  feared  from  the  good  Pdchenanalas ; but  the  prowling  mon- 
sters JVPKee , Girty , Elliot , and  perhaps  others,  calling  themselves  white,  were 
the  plotters  of  the  ruin  of  the  innocent  people  at  Gnadenhuetten,  which  fol- 
lowed not  long  after. 

Our  present  design  makes  it  expedient  that  we  pass  over  many  events  in 
the  chronicles  of  the  fronti  r wars,  that  we  may  be  enabled  to  proceed  with 
more  minuteness  of  detail,  in  the  lives  of  the  eminent  chiefs.  Although 
we  cannot,  by  any  rule  known  to  us,  derive  Buokongahelas  from  Pachgantsci- 
hilas  or  Pdchenanalas , yet,  as  they  have  as  much  affinity  as  Pometacom  and 
Metacomet,  we  shall  let  them  pass  for  the  same  person,  and  thus  continue  our 
narrative. 

Buokongahelas  was  not  only  a great,  but  a noble  warrior.  He  took  no  de- 
light in  shedding  blood  ; and  when  he  raised  the  hatchet  on  the  side  of  the 
British  in  the  revolution,  it  was  for  the  best  of  reasons  ; and  would  that  nume- 
rous other  allies  we  could  name  had  acted  from  as  pure  motives ! Our  next 
notice  of  Buokongahelas  is  in  1792,  when  he  showed  himself  no  less  magnan- 
imous than  at  Gnad  nhuetten  and  Salem.  Colonel  Hardin , Major  Trueman , 
and  several  others,  were  sent,  in  May  of  this  year,  by  Washington,  with  a flag 
of  truce,  to  the  Indian  nations  of  the  west,  particularly  the  Maumee  towns. 
They  having  arrived  near  the  Indian  town  of  Au  Glaize  on  the  south-west 


* Alluding  to  the  murder  of  the  Conestoga  Indians,  which  was  as  atrocious  as  that  at  Gna» 
denhuetlen,  and  of  which  we  shall  in  due  course  give  a relation. 

t Referring  to  what  we  have  just  related  of  Colonel  Daniel  Broadhead  and  his  army. 


64 


BUOKONGAHELAS  — MURDER  OF  COL.  IIARDIN. 


(Book  V , 


branch  of  the  Miami  of  the  Lake,  fell  in  with  some  Indians,  who  treated 
them  well  at  first,  and  made  many  professions  of  friendship,  but  in  the  end 
took  advantage  of  them,  while  off  their  guard,  and  murdered  nearly  all  of 
them.  The  interpreter  made  his  escape,  alter  some  time,  and  gave  an  ac- 
count of  tlie  transaction.  His  name  wras  William  Smally ; and  he  had  been 
some  time  before  with  the  Indians,  and  had  learned  their  manners  and  cus- 
toms, which  gave  him  some  advantage  in  being  able  to  save  himself.  He  was 
at  first  conducted  to  Au  Glaize,  and  soon  after  to  “ Buokungahela , king  of  the 
Delawares,  by  his  captors.”  The  chief  told  those  that  committed  the  murder, 
he  was  very  sorry  they  had  killed  the  men.  That  instead  of  so  doing , they  should 
have  brought  them  to  the  Indian  towns ) and  then , if  ivhat  they  had  to  say  had  not 
been  liked , it  would  have  been  time  enough  to  have  killed  them  then.  Nothing,  he 
said,  could  justify  them  for  putting  them  to  death , as  there  was  no  chance  for  them 
to  escape.  The  truth  was,  they  killed  them  to  plunder  their  effects.  Buokon- 
gahelas  took  Mr.  Smally  into  his  cabin,  and  showed  him  great  kindness ; told 
him  to  stay  there  while  he  could  go  safely  to  his  former  Indian  friends. 
(He  having  been  adopted  .into  an  Indian  family,  in  place  of  one  who  had 
been  killed,  in  his  former  captivity.)  While  here  with  Buokongahclas , 
which  was  near  a month,  Mr.  Smally  said  the  chief  would  not  permit 
him  to  go  abroad  alone,  for  fear,  he  said,  that  the  young  Indians  would 
kill  him. 

From  another  source  we  learn  the  names  of  several  of  the  murdered.  “ A 
letter  from  Paris  (in  the  new  French  settlement),  dated  July  17,  states,  that 
intelligence  had  been  received  at  Fort  Jefferson,  of  the  death  of  Major  True- 
man, Mr.  Freeman,  Debachi  and  Jairat.  That  this  information  was  brought 
by  two  prisoners,  who  were  laboring  in  a cornfield,  and  made  their  escape. 
The  one  had  been  taken  prisoner  at  the  time  General  Harmer  was  defeated — 
the  other  is  William  Duer,  of  Capt.  Buchanan's  company  of  levies.  They 
further  inform,  that  on  the  15th  June  a party  of* Indians  took  8 men  prisoners, 
who  were  making  hay  near  Fort  Jefferson  ; that  when  they  had  moved  the 
prisoners  some  distance  from  the  fort,  they  divided  them — four  were  given 
to  the  Chippewas,  and  four  to  the  Sliawanese — that  the  Shawanese  burnt  the 
four  unfortunately  assigned  to  them — that  the  Chippewas  took  theirs  home, 
to  the  intent  of  making  laborers  of  them — that  the  Indians  are  determined^ 
for  war,  and  will  not  treat,  but  will  kill  every  white  person  that  attempts  to 
go  to  them,  either  with  or  without  a flag — that  their  present  plan  is  to  cut  off 
the  escorts  of  provisions  destined  to  the  outposts,  and  by  that  means  oblige 
the  troops  stationed  there  to  surrender;  and  that  for  this  purpose  they  kept 
two  spies  constantly  out.”  * 

It  is  said  that  the  conduct  of  the  British,  at  the  battle  of  Presque-lsle,  for- 
ever changed  the  mind  of  this  chief,  as  it  did  that  of  many  others,  in  regard 
to  them.  Buokongahelas  said  he  would  henceforth  trust  them  no  more.  The 
fort  at  Maumee  was  critically  situated,  but  by  its  own  imprudence.  The  offi- 
cers of  it  had  told  the  Indians  that  if  the  battle  turned  against  them,  they 
should  have  protection  in  the  fort.  Immediately  after,  General  Wayne  in- 
formed them,  that  if  they  did  protect  the  Indians  in  that  event,  lie  would 
treat  them  as  though  found  in  arms  against  him ; therefore,  thinking  their 
own  safety  of  more  consequence  than  keeping  their  faith  with  the  Indians, 
they  barred  the  gates,  and  were  idle  spectators  of  those  they  had  basely  be- 
trayed, cut  down  in  great  numbers  by  tiie  swords  of  the  horsemen,  under 
their  very  ramparts ! 

It  would  seem  from  a passage  in  the  Memoirs  of  General  Harrison ,f  that 
Buokongahelas  died  soon  “ after  the  treaty  of  1804 ; ” that  if  he  had  been 
alive,  Mr.  Dawson  thinks,  when  Tecumseh  and  the  Prophet  enlisted  so  many 
nations  against  the  Americans,  he  would  not  have  suffered  their  plans  to 
have  been  matured.  The  same  author  relates  an  incident  of  peculiar  interest, 
concerning  our  subject,  which  is  as  follows: — After  the  fight  with  Wayne's 
army  before  mentioned,  Buokongahelas  collected  the  remnant  of  his  lumd, 
and  embarked  with  them  in  canoes,  and  passed  up  the  river,  to  send  a flag  of 


Carey's  Museum,  xii.  15. 


t By  Mr.  Dawson,  page  82. 


Chap.  IV.] 


CAPTAIN  PIPE.— GELELEMEND. 


65 


truce  to  Fort  Wayne.  When  the  chief  arrived  against  the  British  fort,  he 
was  requested  to  land,  which  he  did.  When  lie  had  approached  the  sentinel, 
he  demanded,  “ What  have  you  to  say  to  me?”  He  was  answered  that  the 
commandant  desired  to  speak  with  him.  “ Then  he  may  come  her,e,”  was  the 
reply.  The  sentry  then  said  the  officer  would  not  do  that,  and  that  he  would 
not  be  allowed  to  pass  the  fort,  if  he  did  not  comply  with  its  rules.  “ What 
shall  prevent  me  ? ” said  the  intrepid  chief.  Pointing  to  the  cannon  of  the  fort, 
the  sentry  said,  “ Those.”  The  chief  replied  indignantly,  “ I fear  not  your 
cannon : after  suffering  the  Americans  to  defile  your  spring , without  daring  to  fire 
on  them,  you  cannot  expect  to  frighten  Buokongehelas.”  He  reembarked,  and 
passed  the  fort,  without  molestation.  By  “ defiling  their  spring,”  he  meant 
an  ironical  reproach  to  the  British  garrison  for  their  treachery  to  the  Indians, 
which  has  been  mentioned. 

It  is  said  that  B uokongahelas  was  present  at  Fort  M’Intosh,  at  the  treaty 
of  1785 ; but  as  his  name  is  not  among  the  signers,  we  suppose  he  was 
opposed  to  it.  General  George  R.  Clark,  Arthur  Lee , and  Richard  Butler,  were 
the  American  commissioners ; the  former  had  been  a successful  warrior  against 
the  Indians,  which  had  gained  him  the  respect  of  Buokongahelas ; and  when 
he  had  an  opportunity,  he  passed  the  others  without  noticing  them,  but  went 
and  took  General  Clark  by  the  hand,  and  said,  11 1 thank  the  Great  Spirit  for 
having  this  day  brought  together  two  such  great  ivarriors,  as  Buokongahelas 
and  Gen.  Clark.” 

A separate  article  in  the  treaty  just  named,  illustrates  the  history  of  several 
chiefs  already  mentioned.  It  is  in  these  words  : — “ It  is  agreed  that  the  Del- 
aware chiefs  Kelelamand , [Gelelemend,  Killbuck ,]  or  Colonel  Henry ; Hengue- 
pushees,  or  the  Big-cat ; Wicocalind,  or  Captain  White-eyes ; who  took  up  the 
hatchet  for  the  United  States,  and  their  families,  shall  be  received  into  the 
Delaware  nation,  in  the  same  situation  and  rank  as  before  the  war,  and  enjoy 
their  due  portions  of  the  lands  to  the  Wyandot  and  Delaware  nations  in  this 
treaty,  as  fully  as  if  they  had  not  taken  part  with  America.” 

Gelelemend,  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  of  those  noticed  in  the  provision 
of  the  treaty  of  Fort  M’Intosh,  we  will  proceed  to  consider  in  this  place. 
His  name  signified  A leader,  but  he  was  called  Killbuck  because  the  whites 
had  so  called  his  father,  and  to  distinguish  him,  junior  was  added.  Upon 
the  death  of  White-eyes,  he,  as  that  chief  had  done,  accepted  the  office  of 
chief,  until  the  young  heir  should  be  old  enough  to  fill  the  important  place. 
He  continued  the  course  of  measures  carried  on  by  his  predecessor,  but  in 
spite  of  all  he  could  do,  Captain  Pipe  succeeded  in  defeating  his  designs. 
Such  was  the  power  of  Pipe,  that  Gelelemend  and  his  party  were  forced 
through  fear  to  abandon  their  council-house  at  Goschochking,  and  retire 
under  the  protection  of  the  Americans  near  Pittsburg.  Here  they  supposed 
themselves  safe,  but  they  were  soon  disappointed ; “ for  while  the  friendly 
chiefs,  together  with  a number  of  their  people,  w'ere  peaceably  living  together 
on  an  island  just  below  the  town  of  Pittsburg,  they  were  suddenly  surprised 
and  attacked  by  the  murdering  party  which  had  returned  from  killing  near  a 
hundred  of  the  Christian  Indians,  and  partly  killed  and  partly  put  to  flight, 
from  whence  this  chief  ( Killbuck ) saved  his  life  only  by  taking  to  the 
river  and  swimming  across  to  the  point,  or  town,  [of  Pittsburg]  leaving  all 
his  property  behind  ; among  which  was  the  bag  containing  all  the  wampum 
speeches  and  written  documents  of  William  Penn  and  his  successors  for  a 
great  number  of  years,  which  had  for  so  long  a time  been  carefully  preserved 
by  them,  but  now  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  a murdering  band  of  white 
savages,  who  killed  at  the  same  time  the  promising  young  Delaware  chief 
above  mentioned.”  The  many  services  he  rendered  to  Pennsylvania  were 
known  and  appreciated ; which  services,  however,  being  obnoxious'  to  the 
enemy,  drew  their  hatred  upon  him,  so  much  so,  that  they  ordered  any  that 
should  meet  with  him  to  shoot  him  dead.  He  therefore  remained  concealed 
some  time  after  the  peace  with  the  Indians,  with  his  family  at  Pittsburg.  He 
finally  joined  the  Christian  Indians  and  lived  under  their  protection  ; never 
venturing  far  from  home,  lest  the  Munseys  should#  meet  with  and  kill  him. 
He  was  baptized  by  the  name  of  William  Henry,  a name  he  had  been  long 
known  under,  and  which  was  that  of  a distinguished  member  of  congress, 


CAPTAIN  PIPE. 


G6 


[Book  V < 


conferred  by  himself.  Killhuck  * died  in  the  faith  in  January,  1811,  aged 
about  80.f 

At  t e time  these  peaceable  Indians  were  murderously  driven  from  their 
island,  as  just  noticed,  B g-  ai\  narrowly  t scap.  d the  slaughter.  He  retired 
to  the  Miami  cou  .try,  where  h ; afterwards  died.  lie  had  been  an  able 
counsellor,  and  afterwards  a chief  of  the  Turtle  tribe.f  But  to  return  to 
Captain  Pipe. 

At  one  time  after  an  expedition  against  the  Americans,  Captain  Pipe  went 
to  D troit,  wh(  re  he  was  received  with  respect  by  the  British  commandant, 
who,  with  his  attendants,  was  invited  to  the  council-house,  to  give  an  account 
of  past  transactions.  He  was  seated  in  front  of  his  Indians,  facing  the  chief 
offi  er,  and  held  in  his  left  hand  a short  stick,  to  which  was  fastened  a scalp. 
After  a usual  pause,  he  arose  and  spoke  as  follows : — 

“ Father , [then  he  stooped  a little,  and,  turning  towards  the  audience,  with 
a countenance  full  of  great  expression,  and  a sarcastic  look,  said,  in  a lower 
tone  of  voice,]  “ I have  said  father,  although,  indeed , l do  not  know  why  I am 
to  call  him  so,  having  never  known  any  other  father  than  the  French , and  consider- 
ing the  English  only  as  brothers.  But  as  this  name  is  also  imposed  upon  us, 
I shall  make  use  of  it,  and  say,  [at  the  same  time  fixing  his  e)es  upon  the  com- 
mandant,] Father,  some  time  ago  you  put  a war  hatchet  into  my  hands,  saying, 
‘ Take  this  weapon  and  try  it  on  the  heads  of  my  enemies,  the  Long -Knives,  and 
let  me  afterwards  know  if  it  was  sharp  and  good'  Father,  at  the  time  when  you 
gave  me  this  weapon,  I had  neither  cause  nor  inclination  to  go  to  war  against  a 
people  who  had  done  me  no  injury ; yet  in  obedience  to  you,  who  say  you  are  my 
father,  and  call  me  your  child,  I received  the  hat  het ; well  knowing,  that  if  I did 
not  obey,  you  would  withhold  from  me  the  necessaries  of  life,  without  which  I could 
not  subsist,  and  which  are  not  elsewhere  to  be  procured , but  at  the  house  of  my 
father. — You  may  perhaps  think  me  a fool,  for  risking  my  life  at  your  bidding,  in 
a cause  too,  by  which  I have  no  prospect  of  gaining  anything ; for  it  is  your  cause 
and  not  mine.  It  is  your  concern  tofght  the  Long-Knives  ; you  hove  raised  a 
quarrel  amongst  yourselves,  and  you  ought  yourselves  tofght  it  out.  You  should 
not  compel  your  children,  the  Indians,  to  expose  themselves  to  danger,  for  your  sukes. 
— Fath  r , many  lives  have  already  been  lost  on  your  account ! — JYations  have  suf- 
fered, and  been  weakened ! — children  have  lost  parents,  brothers,  and  relatives ! — 
wives  have  lost  husbands ! — It  is  not  known  how  many  more  may  perish  before 
your  war  will  be  at  an  end! — Father,  I have  said,  that  you  may,  perhaps,  think  me 
a fool,  for  thus  thoughtlessly  rushing  on  your  enemy ! — Do  not  believe  this,  father : 
Think  not  that  I want  sense  to  convince  me,  that  although  you  now  pretend  to  keep 
up  a perpetual  enmity  to  the  Long-Knives,  you  may  before  long  conclude  a peace 
with  them. — Father,  you  say  you  love  your  children,  the  Indians. — This  you  have 
often  told  them,  and  indeed  it  is  your  interest  to  say  so  to  them,  that  you  may  have 
them  at  your  service.  But,  father,  who  of  us  can  believe  that  you  can  love  a people 
of  a different  color  from  your  own,  better  than  those  who  have  a white  skin  like 
yourselves  ? Fat'ier , pay  attention  to  what  I am  going  to  say.  While  you,  father, 
are  setting  me  [meaning  the  Indians  in  general]  on  your  enemy,  much  in  the 
same  manner  as  a hunter  sets  his  dog  on  the  game  ; while  I am  in  the  act  of  rushing 
on  that  enemy  of  yours,  ivith  the  bloody  destructive  weapon  you  gave  me,  I 
may,  perchance,  happen  to  look  back  to  the  place  from  whence  you  started  me  ; and 
what  shall  I see  ? Perhaps  I may  see  my  father  shaking  hands  with  the  Long- 
Knives  ; yes,  with  these  very  people  he  now  calls  his  enemies.  I may  then  see  him 
laugh  at  my  folly  for  having  obeyed  his  orders ; and  yet  I am  now  risking  my  life 
at  his  command ! Father , keep  ivhat  I have  said  in  remembrance. — Now,  father , 
here  is  ivhat  has  been  done  ivith  the  hatchet  you  gave  me.  [With  these  words  he 
handed  the  stick  to  the  commandant,  with  the  scalp  upon  it,  above  men- 
tioned.] I have  done  with  the  hatchet  what  you  ordered  me  to  do,  and  found  it 
sharp.  Nevertheless,  I did  not  do  all  that  I might  have  done.  No,  I did  not.  My 


* Another  of  the  same  name  is  mentioned  by  Mr  Latrobe,  Rambles,  ii:  118,  whom  he  saw 
at  New  Fairfield  in  1 832 ; “ a venerable”  man  “ watching  the  bed  of  his  dying  daughter,  the 
last  of  12  children.” 

f Heckewelder’s  Biogaphie  of  the  Delawares,  &.o.,  in  Philos.  Trans. 
j Maehirigue  Puschiis , according  to  Heckewelder. 


ffl 


Chap.  IV.]  CAPTAIN  PIPE.— CRAWFORD'S  EXPEDITION. 

heart  failed  within  me.  I felt  compassion  for  your  enemy.  Innocence  [helpless 
women  and  children]  had  no  part  in  your  quarrels ; therefore  l distinguished — I 
spared.  I took  some  live  flesh,  which,  while  I was  bringing  to  you,  I spied  one  of 
your  large  canoes,  on  which  I put  it  for  you.  In  a few  days  you  will  recover  this 
flesh,  and  find  that  the  skin  is  of  the  same  color  with  your  own.  Father,  I hope 
you  will  not  destroy  what  I have  saved.  You,  father,  have  the  means  of  preserv- 
ing that  which  ivith  me  would  perish  for  ivant.  The  warrior  is  poor,  and  his  cabin 
is  always  empty ; bid  your  house,  father,  is  always  full” 

Alter  a high  encomium  upon  this  speech,  which  need  not  be  repeated,  Mr. 
HeckeWelder  says,  “It  is  but  justice  here  to  say,  that  Pipe  was  well  acquaint- 
ed with  the  noble  and  generous  character  of  the  British  officer  to  whom  this 
speech  was  addressed.  He  is  still  living  in  his  own  country,  an  honor  to  the 
British  name.  He  obeyed  the  orders  of  his  superiors,  in  employing  the  In- 
dians to  light  against  us ; but  he  did  it  with  reluctance,  and  soltened  as  much 
as  was  in  his  power  the  horrors  of  that  abominable  warfare.  He  esteemed 
Captain  Pipe,  and,  I have  no  doubt,  was  well  pleased  with  the  humane  con- 
duct of  this  Indian  chief,  whose  sagacity  in  this  instance  is  no  less  deserving 
of  praise  than  his  eloquence.” 

The  name  of  Captain  Pipe  is  unfortunately  associated  with  the  history  of  the 
lamented  Colonel  JVilliam  Crawford,  who  perished  at  the  stake,  after  suffering 
the  most  horrible  and  excruciating  tortures  possible  for  Indians  to  inflict.  He 
was  particularly  obnoxious  to  them,  from  having  been  many  years  a successful 
commander  against  them.  He  fe  1 into  the  hands  of  the  Indians  not  far  from 
Upper  Sandusky,  in  the  latter  end  of  May,  1782.  At  this  time  he  was  arrived 
there,  at  the  head  of  a band  of  about  500  volunteers,  who  were  attacked  and 
put  to  flight,  without  having  acquitted  themselves  like  soldLrs  in  any  degree  ; 
except,  indeed,  some  individual  instances.  At  least  a hundred  were  killed 
and  taken,  and  of  the  latter,  but  two  are  said  ever  to  have  escaped 

Captain  Pipe,  if  not  the  principal,  was  probably  one  of  the  chief  leaders  of 
the  Indians  at  this  time.  When  the  rout  of  the  army  began,  instead  of  re- 
treating in  a body,  they  fled  in  small  parties,  and  thus  fell  an  easy  prey  into 
the  hands  of  their  pursuers.  Colonel  Crawford  became  separated  from  the 
main  body  of  his  soldiers,  by  his  extreme  anxiety  for  his  son,  and  two  or  three 
other  relations,  whom  he  suspected  were  in  the  rear,  and  therefore  waited 
for  them  an  unreasonable  time.  He  at  length  fled,  in  company  with  a Dr. 
Knight  and  two  others.  Unfortunately,  after  travelling  nearly  two  days,  they 
were,  with  several  others,  surprised  by  a party  of  Delawares,  and  conducted 
to  the  Old  Wyandot  Town.  Here  Captain  Pipe,  with  his  own  hands,  painted 
Crawford  and  Knight  black  in  every  part  of  their  bodies.  A place  called 
the  New  Wyandot  Town  was  not  far  off.  To  this  place  they  were  now 
ordered,  and  Pipe  told  Crawford,  that  when  he  arrived  there,  his  head  should 
be  shaved ; of  which,  it  seems,  he  did  not  understand  the  import.  These  mis- 
erable men  were  accompanied  by  Pipe  and  another  noted  Delaware  chief, 
named  Win^enim.  Several  other  captives  had  been  sent  forward ; and  in  the 
way,  as  Knight  and  Crawford  passed  along,  they  saw  four  of  the  mangled 
bodies  of  their  friends,  lying  upon  the  ground,  dead  and  scalped.  Nine  others 
had  been  picked  up  at  the  same  time  the  two  just  named  were,  and  four  of 
these  were  those  murdered  in  the  way.  The  other  five  met  a like  fate,  from 
the  hands  of  Indian  squaws  and  boys  at  the  destined  village.  Here  Crawford 
and  Knight  saw  Simon  Girly,  of  whom  no  human  being  since,  we  apprehend, 
has  spoken  or  written  without  indignation.  He  is  represented  to  have  wit- 
nessd  the  torture  of  Crawford  with  much  satisfaction  ! 

Afier  the  colonel  was  tied  to  the  fatal  post,  Captain  Pipe  addressed  the  assem- 
bled Indians  in  an  earnest  speech,  which  when  he  had  closed,  they  all  joined  in 
a hideous  yell,  and  fell  to  torturing  the  prisoner,  which  continued  for  about 
three  hours,  when  he  sunk  down  upon  his  face,  and  with  a groan  expired. 

Dr.  Knight  was  reserve  d for  the  same  fats,  and  was  present,  and  obliged  to 
hear  the  agonizing  ejaculations  of  his  friend,  and  at  last  to  see  him  expire- 
without  being  able  to  render  him  even  the  assistance  of  a consoling  word ! — 
Indeed  the  thoughts  of  his  own  condition,  and  the  end  that  awaited  him, 
were  as  much,  nay,  more,  perhaps,  than  a rational  mind  could  bear.  There 
seemed  no  possibility  of  a deliverance ; but  it  came  in  an  unexpected  hour 


68 


WINGENUND’S  INTERVIEW  WITH  COL.  CRAWFORD.  [Cook  V* 


He  was  to  be  sent  to  the  Sawanee  Town,  and  for  this  purpose  was  intrusted 
to  a young  warrior,  who  watched  him  incessantly.  The  distance  was  about 
40  miles : and,  during  their  march,  he  found  means  to  knock  down  his  driver 
and  make  good  his  escape.  He  was  21  days  in  the  wilderness  alone,  and  was 
nearly  famished  when  he  arrived  at  Fort  M’lntosh.  At  the  place  to  which 
he  was  destined  by  the  Indians,  Colonel  Crawford's  son,  son-in-law,  and  sev- 
eral others,  were  put  to  death  about  the  same  time. 

Wingenund , Winganoond , or  Wingaynoond , had  an  interview  with  Colonel 
Crawford  immediately  before  his  execution,  and  as  the  substance  of  what 
passed  between  the  victim  and  the  chief  has  been  preserved,  it  shall  here 
be  given,  not  merely  for  the  history  which  it  contains,  but  as  it  strikingly 
brings  to  view  the  manner  in  which  an  Indian  exercises  his  views  of  justice 
in  an  extraordinary  case. 

This  chief  had  been  known  to  Crawford  some  time  before,  and  had  been 
on  terms  of  true  friendship  with  him,  and  kindly  entertained  by  him  at  his 
own  house ; and  such  acts  of  kindness  all  red  men  remember  with  gratitude. 
Wingenund  does  not  appear  to  have  been  present  when  the  first  preparations 
were  made  for  burning  the  prisoner,  but  resided  not  far  from  the  fatal  spot,  and 
had  retired  to  his  cabin  that  he  might  not  see  the  sentence  of  his  nation  c xe- 
cuti  d upon  one  calling  him  his  friend;  but  Crawford  requested  that  he  might 
be  s nt  for,  cheering  his  almost  rayless  mind  with  the  faint  hope  that  he 
would  interpose  and  save  him.  Accordingly,  Wingenund  soon  appeared  in 
the  presence  of  the  bound  and  naked  white  man.  He  was  asked  by  Crawford  if 
he  knew  him,  who  said,  he  believed  he  did,  and  asked,  “Are  you  not  Colonel 
Crawford ?”  “ I am,”  replied  the  colonel.  The  chief  discovered  much  agi- 

tation and  embarrassment,  and  ejaculated — “So! — Yes! — Indeed!”  “Do 
you  not  recollect  the  friendship  that  always  existed  between  us,  and  that  we 
were  always  glad  to  see  each  other ’’said  Crawford.  “Yes,”  said  the  chief,  “I 
remember  all  this,  and  that  we  have  often  drank  together,  and  that  you  have 
been  kind  tome.”  “Then  I hope,”  added  Crawford,  “ the  same  friendship 
still  continues.”  “ It  would  of  course,”  said  Wingenund , “ were  you  where  you 
ought  to  be,  and  not  here.”  “And  why  not  here  ?”  said  the  colonel ; “I  hope 
you  would  not  desert  a friend  in  time  of  need.  Now  is  the  time  for  you  to 
exert  yourself  in  my  behalf,  as  I should  do  for  you,  were  you  in  my  place.” 
“Colonel  Crawford ,”  replied  Wingenund,  “you  have  placed  yourself  in  a sit- 
uation which  puts  it  out  of  my  power  and  that  of  others  of  your  frienqte  to 
do  any  thing  for  you.”  “How  so,  Captain  Wingenund?”  said  the  colonel. 
He  added,  “ By  joining  yourself  to  that  execrable  man,  Williamson  and  his 
party.  The  man  who  but  the  other  day  murdered  such  a number  of  the 
Moravian  Indians,  knowing  them  to  be  friends;  knowing  that  he  ran  no  risk 
in  murdering  a people  who  would  not  fight,  and  whose  only  business  was 
praying.”  “ But  I assure  you,  Wingenund ,”  said  Crawford,  “ that  had  I been  with 
him  at  the  time,  this  would  not  have  happened.  Not  I alone,  but  all  your 
friends  and  all  good  men,  wherever  they  are,  reprobate  acts  of  this  kind.” 
“That  may  be,”  said  Wingenund,  “yet  these  friends,  these  good  men  did  not 
prevent  him  from  going  out  again,  to  kill  the  remainder  of  those  inoffensive, 
yet  foolish  Moravian  Indians!  I say  foolish,  because  they  believed  the  whites 
in  preference  to  us.  We  had  often  told  them  that  they  would  he  one  day  so 
treated  by  those  people  who  called  themselves  their  friends ! We  told  them 
that  there  was  no  faith  to  be  placed  in  what  the  white  men  said  ; that  their 
fair  promises  were  only  intended  to  allure  us,  that  they  might  the  more  easily 
kill  us,  as  they  have  done  many  Indians  before  they  killed  these  Moravians.” 
“I  am  sorry  to  hear  you  speak  thus,”  said  Crawford:  “as  to  Williamson's  going 
out  again,  when  it  was  known  that  he  was  determined  on  it,  I went  out  with 
him,  to  prevent  him  from  committing  fresh  murders.”  “This,”  said  Winge- 
nund, “ the  Indians  would  not  believe,  were  even  I to  tell  them  so.”  Crawford 
then  asked,  “And  why  would  they  not  believe  it?  “Because,”  replied  Win- 
genund, “it  would  have  been  out  of  your  power  to  prevent  his  doing  what 
he  pleased.”  “Out  of  my  power?”  exclaimed  the  colonel,  and  asked,  “Have 
any  Moravian  Indians  been  killed  or  hurt  since  we  came  out?”  “None,” 
answered  the  chief;  “hut  you  went  first  to  their  town,  and  finding  it  empty 
and  deserted,  you  turned  on  the  path  towards  us.  If  you  had  been  in  search 


Chap.  IV.] 


COL.  CRAWFORD  BURNT  AT  THE  STAKE. 


69 


of  warriors  only,  you  would  not  have  gone  thither.  Our  spies  watched  you 
closely.  They  saw  you  while  you  were  embodying  yourselves  on  the  other  side 
of  the  Ohio.  They  saw  you  cross  that  river — they  saw  where  you  encamped 
at  night — they  saw  you  turn  off  from  the  path  to  the  deserted  Moravian  town — 
they  knew  you  were  going  out  of  your  way — your  steps  were  constantly  watch- 
ed, and  you  were  suffered  quietly  to  proceed  until  you  reached  the  spot 
where  you  were  attacked.” 

Crawford , doubtless,  with  this  sentence,  ended  his  last  rays  of  hope.  He  asked, 
with  faint  emotion,  “What  do  they  intend  to  do  will  me  ?”  when  Wingenund 
frankly  replied,  “ I tell  you  with  grief.  As  Williamson,  with  his  whole  cowardly 
host,  ran  off  in  the  night  at  the  whistling  of  our  warriors’  halls,  being  satisfied 
that  now  he  had  no  Moravians  to  deal  with,  but  men  who  could  fight,  and  with 
such  he  did  not  wish  to  have  any  thing  to  do — I say,  as  he  escaped,  and  they 
have  taken  you,  they  will  take  revenge  on  you  in  his  stead.”  “And  is  there 
no  possibility  of  preventing  this  ? ” said  Crawford — “ Can  you  devise  no  way 
to  get  me  off?  You  shall,  my  friend,  be  well  rewarded  if  you  are  instrumen- 
tal in  saving  my  life.”  “Had  Williamson  been  taken  with  you,”  answered  the 
chief,  “I  and  some  friends,  by  making  use  of  what  you  have  told  me,  might, 
perhaps,  have  succeeded  in  saving  you,  but  as  the  matter  now  stands,  no  man 
would  dare  to  interfere  in  your  behalf.  The  king  of  England  himself,  were  he 
to  come  to  this  spot,  with  all  his  wealth  and  treasure,  could  not  effect  this  pur- 
pose. The  blood  of  the  innocent  Moravians,  more  than  half  of  them  women 
and  children,  cruelly  and  wantonly  murdered,  calls  aloud  for  revenge.  The  rela- 
tives of  the  slain,  who  are  among^us,  cry  out  and  stand  ready  for  revenge.  The 
nation  to  which  they  belonged  will  have  revenge.  The  Shawanese,  our  grand- 
children, have  asked  for  your  fellow  prisoner ; on  him  they  will  take  revenge. 
All  the  nations  connected  with  us  cry  out,  revenge ! revenge ! The  Moravians 
whom  you  went  to  destroy,  having  fled,  instead  of  avenging  their  brethren, 
the  offence  is  become  national,  and  the  nation  itself  is  bound  to  take  revenge!  ” 
“My  fate  then  is  fixed,”  said  the  wretched  man,  “and  I must  prepare  to 
meet  death  in  its  worst  form.”  “Yes,  colonel,”  said  the  chief;  “I  am 
sorry  for  it,  but  cannot  do  any  thing  for  you.  Had  you  attended  to  the  Indian 
principle,  that  as  good  and  evil  cannot  dwell  together  in  the  same  heart,  so  a 
good  man  ought  not  to  go  into  evil  company,  you  would  not  be  in  this  lament- 
able situation.  You  see,  now,  when  it  is  too  late,  after  Williamson  has  deserted 
you,  what  a bad  man  he  must  be!  Nothing  now  remains  for  you  but  to  meet 
your  fate  like  a brave  man.  Farewell,  Colonel  Crawford!  they  are  coming. 
I will  retire  to  a solitary  spot.” 

Accordingly  a host  of  executioners  were  immediately  upon  him,  and  he 
died  by  their  cruel  hands,  as  we  have  already  written.  It  is  said  that  Winge- 
nund  shed  tears  at  parting  with  his  friend,  and  that  ever  after,  when  the  cir- 
cumstance was  mentioned,  he  seemed  very  sensibly  affected.* * * § 

Colonel  Crawford's  son  was  compelled  to  witness  this  cruel  death  of  his 
father,  and  suffered  the  same  fate  immediately  after.f 

The  expedition  of  Colonel  Crawford  was  not  so  laudably  undertaken  as 
many  others,  in  as  far  as  it  was  directed  against  the  Moravian  towns  upon  the 
Muskingum,  where  many , who  composed  it,  were  determined  that  the  Chris- 
tian Indians,  which  they  there  expected  to  find,  should  glut  their  vengeance 
by  their  blood,  as  those  at  Gnadenhuetten  had  done  but  a short  time  belore4 

CHIKATOMMO.  In  1790,  this  chief  succeeded  in  capturing  many  boats 
upon  the  Ohio  River,  killing  many  of  those  in  them,  and  taking  and  destroy- 
ing a vast  amount  of  property.  Among  the  boats  which  fell  into  the  hands 
of  Chikatommo  was  one  in  which  was  a Mr.  Charles  Johnston  of  Botetourt 
county,  Virginia,  and  several  others,  and  from  whose  narrative  we  derive  much 
of  this  information — a book  replete  with  instruction,  and  one  of  the  most 
valuable  in  its  kind.§  As  this  company  were  descending  the  Ohio,  in  an  un- 


* Heckewelder s Indian  Nations,  281  to  284.  f Columbian  Magazine  for  1787.  p.  548. 

f Our  chief  authority  for  these  events  is  the  valuable  Chronicles  by  Mr.  Withers , before 

referred  to. 

§ The  author  appears  to  have  been  prompted  to  its  publication  by  the  misinterpretation 
of  his  oral  communications  by  the  Duke  de  Liancourt ; whom,  by  the  way,  we  do  not  find  to 
differ  so  materially,  in  his  account,  from  the  author  as  one  might  apprehend  from  his  state- 


70 


CHIKATOMMO. — NARRATING  CHARLES  JOHNSTON.  [Book  V- 


wiekly  flat-bottomed  boar,  in  which  were  a number  of  horses  and  considera- 
ble merchandise,  two  white  men  appeared  upon  the  shore,  and  calLd  to  them, 
affecting  great  d. stress,  and  begged  to  be  taken  on  board.  Before  these  two 
whites  showed  themselv.  s,  however,  a smoke  was  seen  above  the  trees,  and 
for  some  time  held  them  in  doubt  on  which  side  of  the  river  it  was.  They 
wished  to  ascertain  this  fact,  as  thereby  they  might  keep  close  in  upon  the 
opposite  shore,  and  so  escape  mischief  in  the  event  of  an  aflnbushment  of 
Indians.  They  were  thus  wary,  as  the  Indians  were  constantly  doing  mis- 
chief upon  the  rivers,  and  had  but  a short  time  before  destroyed  a settlement 
at  a place  called  Kennedy’s  Bot.om,  in  Kentucky. 

It  was  belore  sunrise  on  the  20  March,  that  the  two  white  men  before  men- 
tioned hailed  the  boat,  which  was  safely  out  of  the  reach  of  fire-arms,  having 
discovered  the  smoke  to  be  upon  the  N.  W.  shore,  and  therefore  they  kept 
upon  the  S.  W.  These  white  men,  the  more  effectually  to  decoy  the  boat’s 
crew,  said  they  had  been  taken  prisoners  by  the  Indians  at  Kennedy’s  Bot- 
tom, and  had  just  escaped  from  them,  and  unless  they  would  take  them  on 
board  they  must  perish  from  hunger  and  cold.  The  truth  was,  one  or  both 
of  them  were  abandoned  wretches,  who  had  leagued  with  a band  of  depreda- 
tors under  Chikatommo , and  thus  were  the  means  of  destroying  many  inno- 
cent lives  in  the  most  atrocious  manner.  When  hailed  by  them,  as  we  have 
just  said,  some  in  the  boat  were  for  listening  to  them,  and  some  against  it. 
In  the  mean  time,  the  boat  floated  fast  down  the  current,  and  left  those  on 
shore  considerably  in  the  rear,  although  they  exerted  themselves  to  keep 
abreast  of  the  boat.  Those  who  were  against  taking  them  on  board  had  their 
objections  well  grounded ; for  when  these  men  were  asked  the  occasion  of 
the  smoke  upon  their  side  of  the  river,  they  denied  that  there  had  been  any, 
or  said  they  knew  of  no  such  thing  ; and  this  was  urged  as  a sufficient  reason 
why  they  should  reject  the  other  part  of  their  story.  Still,  as  the  boat  glided 
dov«n,  those  on  board  debated  the  subject,  and  at  length  concluded,  that  if 
there  were  Indians  where  they  first  saw  the  men,  they  must  then  be  far  up 
the  river,  as  it  was  thought  impossible  that  they  could  have  got  through 
the  woods  so  fast  as  they  had  floated  down;  and  one  of  the  company,  a Mr. 
Flinn,  whose  kindness  of  heart  brought  upon  them  this  calamity,  proposed 
hazarding  his  own  person  on  shore,  without  in  the  least  endangering  the 
rest.  His  plan  was  as  follows:  that  whereas  they  must  be  now  out  of  the 
reach  of  the  Indians,  they  should  haul  in,  and  barely  touch  upon  the  shore, 
and  he  would  jump  out,  and  the  boat  should  at  the  same  time  haul  off;  so 
that  if  Indians  should  be  coming,  the  boat  would  have  time  to  get  off  safe, 
and  as  to  hims  Jf,  he  could  well  outrun  them,  and  would  get  on  board  the 
boat  again  at  a certain  point  below.  And  thus  was  the  humane  plan  laid  of 
relieving  supposed  distress,  the  sad  recompense  of  which  we  now  proceed  to 
relate. 

One  circumstance  had  not  been  taken  into  account  by  this  devoted  com- 
pany. The  current  being  rapid,  it  took  them  much  longer  than  they  had 
anticipated  to  gain  the  shore  ; and  this  gave  some  of  the  most  swilt-footed  of 
Ohikalommo's  party  time  to  arrive  at  the  point  at  the  same  time  with  them. 
Having  arrived  close  to  the  shore,  Mr.  Flinn  had  but  barely  cleared  himself 
from  the  boat,  when  a large  number  of  Indians,  painted  in  the  most  frightful 
manner,  came  rushing  upon  them.  Some  of  the  boat’s  crew  seized  their 
guns,  and  determined  to  resist,  while  the  others  used  every  means  to  get 
their  boat  from  the  shore ; but  every  thing  seemed  to  conspire  against  them. 
Their  boat  became  entangled  in  the  branches  of  a large  tree,  and  the  whole 
body  of  Indians,  having  arrived,  being  54  in  number,  gave  a horrible  yell, 
and  poured  in  their  whole  fire  upon  the  boat.  From  the  protection  afforded 
by  the  sidj  of  the  boat,  one  only  was  killed,  Dolly  Fleming , and  Mr.  Skyles 
wounded.  All  resistance  was  vain,  and  the  others  lay  down  upon  the  bot- 
tom of  the  boat,  to  prevent  being  immediately  killed.  The  Indians  kept  up 
their  fire  until  all  the  horses  were  shot  down,  which  added  much  to  the 


ment.  The  chief  disagreement  appears  in  such  minor  points  as  the  spelling  of  names:  thus, 
in  naming  the  persons  captivated,  lor  Skyles  he  writes  Skuyl ; for  Dolly  Fleming,  Doly 
Flamming ; for  Flinn,  Fltlyn , icc. 


Chap.  IV.] 


CHIKATOMMO. — JOHNSON’S  CAPTIVITY. 


71 


horror  of  the  situation  of  those  upou  the  bottom  of  the  boat,  as  they  were 
in  great  danger  of  being  trampled  to  death  by  them  before  they  fell,  and 
afterwards  from  their  strivings*  When  this  was  finished,  the  firing  ceased, 
and  Mr.  May  stood  up,  and  held  up  a white  cap  in  token  of  surrender;  but 
he  fdl  in  a moment  alter,  with  a ball  shot  through  his  head.  Several  of  the 
Indians  now  swam  to  the  boat,  and  were  helped  into  it  by  those  within. 
Having  now  got  possession  of  it,  they  seemed  well  pleas  d,  and  offered  no 
further  violence.  All  things  were  now  taken  on  shore,  and  an  immense  fire 
kindled ; the  dead  were  scalped,  and  thrown  into  the  river,  and  the  captives 
divested  of  most  of  their  clothes.  As  several  Indians  were  gathered  around 
Mr.  Johnston  when  he  was  sti  ipped,  one,  observing  that  he  had  on  a kind 
of  red  vest,  approached  and  said  to  him  in  English,  “ Oh!  you  cappatin  ?” 
He. said,  “No.”  Then  the  Indian  pointed  to  his  own  breast,  and  said,  “ Me 
cappatin — all  dcse  my  sogers.”  This  was  Chickatomrno.  An  Indian,  named 
Toni  Lewis , discovered  much  humanity  to  Mr.  Johnston,  in  that  he  covered 
him  with  his  own  blanket  after  he  had  lost  his  clothes. 

Being  all  stationed  about  the  fire,  Chickatomrno  was  at  one  end  of  it,  (it 
being  about  50  feet  in  length,)  who,  rising  up,  made  a speech  to  the  multi- 
tude. An  old  Shawanee  chiefs  Vvliose  name  is  not  mentioned,  made  the 
first  speech,  at  the  end  of  which  Chickatomrno  conducted  Johnston  to  another 
Shawanee  chief,  whose  name  was  Mes-shaw-a,  to  whom  he  was  given  or 
assigned,  and  inform  d that  h ■ was  his  friend.  At  the  end  of  Chickatomrno ’s 
speech,  another  prisoner  was  disposed  of!  The  same  ceremony  was  repeated 
with  i he  third  and  last.  Johnston , Skyles , and  Flinn  went  to  the  Shawanese, 
aud  Peggy  Fleming  to  the  Cherokees.  This  band  of  robbers  appears  to  have 
been  made  up  of  adventurers  from  the  tribes  just  mentioned,  with  the  addi- 
tion of  a lew  Delawabes.  The  latter  had  none  of  the  prisoners,  as  they  did 
not  wish  to  be  known  in  the  business,  thinking  it  might  involve  their  nation 
in  a war  with  the  linked  Stat,s. 

The  two  white  men  who  had  decoyed  the  boat  into  the  Indians’  hands 
were  still  with  them,  and  the  next  day  all  the  captives  were  ordered  to  take 
a position  upon  the  edge  of  the  river,  to  decoy  the  first  that  should  be  passing. 
A boat  soon  appeared,  and,  repugnant  as  such  an  employment  was  to  the 
feelings  of  these  captives,  yet  they  were  obliged  thus  to  do,  or  suffer  a horri- 
ble death.  Divine  and  Thomas  were  the  names  of  the  two  whites  so  often 
mentioned : the  former  was  the  voluntary  agent,  and,  as  Mr.  Johnston 
expresses  it,'  the  one  who  “alone  had  devised  and  carried  into  effect  their 
destruction  ; ” and,  “ingenious  in  wicked  stratagems,  seemed  to  be  perfectly 
gratified  to  aid  the  savages  in  their  views,  and  to  feel  no  scruples  in  suggest- 
ing means  for  their  accomplishment.  He  fabricated  a tale,  that  we  were 
passengers  down  the  Ohio,  whose  boat  had  suffered  so  great  an  injury  that 
we  were  unable  to  proceed  until  it  was  repaired ; but  that  for  want  of  an 
axe,  it  was  impossible  lor  us  to  do  the  necessary  work.  These  unsuspecting 
canoa-men  turned  towards  us ; but  the  current  bore  them  down  so  far  below 
us,  as  to  preclude  all  chance  of  my  putting  them  on  their  guard.  [Mr.  Johns- 
ton having  intended  by  some  sign  to  have  given  them  warning  of  what 
awaited  them.]  The  Indians,  as  they  had  acted  in  our  case,  ran  down  the 
river  at  such  a distance  from  it,  and  under  cover  of  the  woods,  that  they 
were  not  discovered  until  the  canoe  was  close  to  the  shore,  when  they  fired 
into  it,  and  shot  every  one  on  board.  As  they  tumbled  into  the  water,  their 
little  bark  was  overset.  Two,  who  were  not  yet  dead,  kept  themselves  afloat, 
but  were  so  severely  wounded  that  they  could  not  swim  off.  The  Indians 
leaped  into  the  river,  and  after  dragging  them  to  the  shore,  despatched  them 
with  the  tomahawk.  The  bodies  of  the  four  who  were  killed  were  also  brought 
to  land,  and  the  whole  six  were  scalped.  All  were  then  thrown  into  the 
river.  Nothing  I could  then  learn,  or  which  has  since  come  to  my  knowl- 
edge, has  enabled  me  to  understand  who  these  unfortunate  sufferers  were.” 

After  various  successes  and  encounters  upon  the  river,  Chickatomrno  left  it, 
and  met  a number  of  his  company  at  an  encampment  about  five  miles  from 
it.  Here  he  left  the  rest,  taking  with  him  a select  number  and  some  of  the 
Cherokees,  with  Miss  Fleming ; and  the  company  with  whom  Johnston 
remained  did  not  join  him  again  for  many  days.  After  much  delay  and 


72 


KING-CRANE. — RESCUES  A CAPTIVE. 


[Rook  V. 


interesting  incident,  they  reached  the  Indian  town  of  Upper  Sandusky. 
Here  they  squandered  all  their  rich  booty  for  whiskey,  and,  as  usual,  rioted 
in  drunkenness  for  several  days.  Chickatommo  at  this  time  showed  himself 
very  savage  to  the  prisoners,  and  had  he  not  been  prevented  by  the  humane 
and  benevolent  Messhawa ,*  would  have  killed  some  of  them.  The  unfortu- 
nate Skyles  had  some  time  before  left  them,  and  gone  in  an  unknown  direction 
with  his  cruel  master. 

A French  trader  at  Sandusky,  a Mr.  Duchouquet , had  used  endeavors  to 
ransom  Johnston ; but  his  master  for  some  time  would  hear  nothing  of  it. 
At  length,  having  dissipated  all  his  booty,  and  ashamed  to  return  home  in  such 
a state,  lie  concluded  to  sell  Johnston  for  the  rn^st  he  could  get ; and  accord- 
ingly 600  silver  broaches  were  paid  him,  equal  i»  value  to  100  dollars,  the 
amount  agreed  upon.  Chickatommo  and  his  party  then  took  up  their  march 
for  Detroit.  Not  long  after  this,  Mr.  Johnston  returned  home  by  way  of  that 
place.  Before  he  left  Sandusky,  he  was  informed  of  the  burning  of  the  ill- 
fated  Flinn : he  suffered  at  the  stake  at  the  Miami  village,  and  was  eaten  by 
his  torturers.  The  Indian  who  brought  the  news  to  Sandusky,  said  that  he 
himself  had  feasted  upon  him. 

King-crane , a Wyandot  chief,  appears  conspicuous  in  this  narrative,  and 
illustrates  a valuable  trait  of  character  in  Indian  life.  When  Mr.  Duchou- 
quet and  Johnston  had  arrived  at  Lower  Sandusky,  in  their  way  to  Detroit, 
the  town  was  filled  with  alarm,  and  they  soon  learned  the  occasion  to  be 
from  the  arrival  of  some  Cherokees  in  the  neighborhood,  with  a female  cap- 
tive. The  traders  ?n  the  place  immediately  went  to  their  camp,  where  they 
found  Peggy  Fleming , who  some  time  before  had  been  separated  from  Johnston 
and  the  other  captives.  Among  those  who  went  to  see  her,  was  a white 
man  by  the  name  of  Whitaker,  who,  having  been  carried  into  captivity  in  his 
youth,  had  grown  up  in  all  the  Indian  habits,  and  being  a man  of  consider- 
able physical  powers  and  enterprise,  had  become  a chief  among  the  Wyandots.f 
He  had  been  upon  the  frontiers  with  the  Indians  upon  trading  expeditions, 
and  had  lodged  at  times  in  Pittsburg  in  the  tavern  of  Miss  Fleming's  father. 
She  immediately  knew  him,  and  besought  him,  in  the  most  affecting  manner, 
to  deliver  her  from  bondage.  He  went  immediately  to  King-crane , and  told 
him  that  the  woman  with  the  Cherokees  was  his  sister, } and  urged  him  to 
use  means  for  her  relief.  King-crane  went  without  loss  of  time,  and  urged 
the  Cherokees  to  restore  her  to  her  brother.  They  were  enraged  at  the 
request,  and  there  was  danger  of  their  murdering  her  lest  she  should  be 
taken  from  them.  He  next  tried  to  purchase  her ; but  his  benevolent  offers 
were  indignantly  refused,  and  their  rage  was  still  increased.  Resolved  to 
rescue  her  out  of  their  hands,  King-crane  repaired  to  their  camp  early  the 
next  morning,  accompanied  with  8 or  10  young  warriors.  They  found  the 
Cherokees  asleep,  but  the  captive — it  is  shocking  to  humanity  to  relate — was 
without  the  least  attire ! extended  and  lashed  to  the  stake ! — ready  to  be 
burned  ! — her  body  painted  all  over  with  black.  King-crane  silently  cut  the 
thongs  with  which  she  was  bound,  then  awakened  the  murderers,  and  threw 
down  upon  the  ground  the  price  of  a captive  in  silver  broaches,  (which  are 
current  money  among  them,)  and  departed.  She  was  soon  after  sent  forward 
for  her  home,  disguised  in  the  attire  of  a squaw.  The  Cherokees  prowled 
about  seeking  vengeance  upon  some  white  person  for  a few  days,  and  then 
disappeared. 

The  reader  may  wish  to  know  what  became  of  Skyles : — he  was  taken  to 
a place  upon  the  Miami  River,  where  he  was  doomed  to  be  burnt,  but  made 
his  escape  the  night  previous  to  the  day  on  which  he  was  to  have  suffered. 
After  enduring  the  most  painful  fatigues  and  hunger,  from  wandering  alone 
in  the  wilderness,  he  met  with  some  traders  who  conveyed  him  to  Detroit, 
and  from  thence  home  to  Virginia. 

The  sequel  of  the  life  of  the  old  hard-hearted  Chickatommo  is  as  follows 


* Mr.  Johnston,  throughout  his  narrative,  gives  him  an  excellent  character.  He  was  aliv® 
after  the  war  of  1812  began,  and  was  one  of  the  followers  of  Tecumseh. 
t Hurons  and  Wyanaots  are  synonymous  terms  with  most  writers, 
j If  ever  good  came  out  of  evil,  we  should  expect  it  in  a case  like  this. 


Chap.  IV.] 


LITTLE-TURTLE. 


73 


For  four  years  succeeding  the  events  above  related,  he  followed  his  depreda- 
ting career,  and  was  concerned  in  opposing  the  war  parties  of  Americans 
until  the  time  of  General  Wayne's  famous  expedition.  As  that  veteran  was 
advancing  into  the  western  region,  Chickatommo  met  an  advance  party  of  his 
army  at  the  head  of  a band  of  his  desperate  warriors,  who  were  sent  forward 
as  the  Indian  forlorn  hope.  A sharp  skirmish  followed,  and  Chickatommo 
was  slain.  This  was  the  action  near  Fort  Defiance.  King-crane  was  also  in 
arms  to  oppose  General  Wayne;  but  in  the  last  war  against  England,  he 
fought  for  the  Americans,  and  is  supposed  to  have  died  three  or  four  years 
after  its  close.  He  was  one  of  the  signers  of  Wayne's  famous  treaty  at  Fort 
Greenville,  and  several  others. 

We  now  pass  to  a chief  by  far  more  prominent  in  Indian  history  than 
many  who  have  received  much  greater  notice  from  historians.  This  was 
M1SHIKINAKWA,  (a  name  by  no  means  settled  in  orthography,)  which,  inter- 
preted, is  said  to  mean  the  Little-turtle.  To  the  different  treaties  bearing  his 
name,  we  find  these  spellings:  Meshekunnoghquoh,  Greenville,  3 A ug.  1/95; 
Meshekunnoghquoh , Fort  Wayne,  7 June,  1803:  Mashekanahquah,  Vincennes, 
21  August,  1805;  Meshekenoghqua , Fort  Wayne,  30  September,  1809;  and 
were  we  disposed  to  look  into  the  various  authors  who  have  used  the  name, 
we  might  nearly  finish  out  our  page  with  its  variations. 

Little-turtle  was  chief  of  the  Miamis,  and  the  scenes  of  his  warlike 
achievements  were  upon  the  country  of  his  birth.  He  had,  in  conjunction 
with  the  tribes  of  that  region,  successfully  fought  the  armies  of  Harmer  and 
St.  Clair ; and  in  the  fight  with  the  latter,  he  is  said  to  have  had  the  chief 
command  ; hence  a detailed  account  of  that  affair  belongs  to  his  life. 

It  is  well  known  that  the  Americans  inveighed  loudly  against  the  English 
of  Canada,  in  most  instances,  charging  them  with  all  the  guilt  of  the  enormi- 
ties committed  on  their  frontiers  by  the  Indians.  It  is  equally  well  known, 
at  this  day,  by  every  judicious  inquirer,  that  they  were  not  so  blamable  as 
the  Americans  reported,  nor  so  innocent  as  themselves  and  friends,  even 
long  after,  pretended.  That  the  British  government  encouraged  depredations 
upon  the  frontiers  in  times  of  peace,  should  not  too  easily  be  received  for 
truth ; still,  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  some  who  held  inferior  offices 
under  it,  were  secret  abettors  of  barbarities.  In  the  attack  upon  General  St. 
Clair's  army,  now  about  to  be  related,  there  was  much  cause  of  suspicion 
against  the  Canadians,  as  it  was  known  that  many  of  them  even  exceeded 
in  that  bloody  affair  the  Indians  themselves.  Mr.  Weld,  the  intelligent 
traveller,  says,*  “ A great  many  young  Canadians,  and  in  particular  many  that 
were  born  of  Indian  women,  fought  on  the  side  of  the  Indians  in  this  action ; 
a circumstance  which  confirmed  the  people  of  the  States  in  the  opinion  they 
had  previously  formed,  that  the  Indians  were  encouraged  and  abetted  in 
their  attacks  upon  them  by  the  British.  I can  safely  affirm,  however,  from 
having  conversed  with  many  of  these  young  men  who  fought  against  St. 
Clair,  that  it  was  with  the  utmost  secrecy  they  left  their  homes  to  join  the 
Indians,  fearful  lest  the  government  should  censure  their  conduct.” 

The  western  Indians  were  only  imb  ddened  by  the  battles  between  them 
and  detachments  of  General  Harmer's  army,  in  1790,  and,  under  such  a lead- 
er as  Mishikinakwa,  entertained  sanguine  hopes  of  bringing  the  Americans  to 
their  own  terms.  One  murder  followed  another,  in  rapid  succession,  attend- 
ed by  all  the  horrors  peculiar  to  their  warfare,  which  caused  President 
Washington  to  take  the  earliest  opportunity  of  recommending  Congress  to 
adopt  prompt  and  efficient  measures  for  checking  those  calamities ; and  2000 
men  were  immediately  raised  and  put  under  the  command  of  General  St. 
Clair,  then  governor  of  the  North-Western  Territory.  He  received  his  ap- 
pointment the  4th  of  March,  1791,  and  proceeded  to  Fort  Washington,  by 
way  of  Kentucky,  with  all  possible  despatch,  where  he  arrived  15  May.f 
There  was  much  time  lost  in  getting  the  troops  imbodied  at  this  place ; Gen- 
eral Butler,  with  the  residue,  not  arriving  until  the  middle  of  September. 
There  were  various  circumstances  to  account  for  the  delays,  which  it  is  un- 
necessary to  recount  here. 


* Travels  in  Canada , 436 — 7, 8vo.  London,  (4  ed.)  1800.  f St.  Clair1  s Narrative , p.  4. 


74 


LITTLE-TURTLE. — ST.  CLAIR'S  DEFEAT. 


fJlotSrK  Y. 


Col  in;  ] Darlcc  proceeded  immediately  on  his  arrival,  which  was  about  the 
end  of  August,  and  built  Fort  Hamilton,  on  the  Miami,  in  the  country  of 
IMtle-turtle ; and  soon  after  Fort  Jefferson  was  built,  lorty  miles  farther  on- 
ward. These  two  lorts  being  left  manned,  about  the  end  of  October  the 
army  advanced,  being  about  2000  strong,  milida  included,  whose  numbers 
were  not  inconsiderable,  as  will  appear  by  the  miserable  manner  in  which 
they  not  only  confused  thems  Ives,  but  the  regular  soldiers  also. 

General  St.  Clair  had  advanced  but  about  six  miles  in  front  of  Fort  Jeffer- 
son, when  60  of  his  militia,  from  pretended  disaffection,  commenced  a rt  treat; 
and  it  was  discovered  that  the  evil  had  spread  considerably  among  the  rest 
of  the  army.  Being  fearful  they  would  seize  upon  the  convoy  of  provisions, 
the  general  ordered  Colonel  Hamtramk  to  pursue  them  with  his  regiment,  and 
force  them  to  return.  The  army  now  consisted  of  but  1400  effective  men, 
and  this  was  the  number  attacked  by  little-turtle  and  his  warriors,  15  miles 
from  the  Miami  villages. 

Colonel  Butler  commanded  the  right  wing,  and  Colonel  Darke  the  left. 
The  militia  were  posted  a quarter  of  a mile  in  advance,  and  were  encamped 
in  two  lines.  They  had  not  finished  securing  their  baggage,  when  they 
were  attacked  in  their  camp.  It  was  their  intention  to  have  marched  imme- 
diately to  the  destruction  of  the  Miami  villages.  Of  this  their  movements 
apprized  the  Indians,  who  acted  with  great  wisdom  and  firmness.  They 
fell  upon  the  militia  before  sunrise,  4 November,  who  at  once  fled  into  the  main 
camp,  in  the  most  disorderly  and  tumultuous  manner:  many  of  them,  having 
thrown  away  their  guns,  were  pursued  and  slaughtered.  At  the  main  camp 
the  fight  was  sustained  some  time,  by  the  great  exertions  of  the  officers,  but 
with  great  inequality  ; the  Indians  under  little-turtle  amounting  to  about  1500 
warriors.  Colonels  Darke  and  Butler , and  Major  Clark , made  several  suc- 
cessful charges,  which  enabled  them  to  save  some  of  their  numbers  by 
checking  the  enemy  while  flight  was  more  practicable. 

Of  the  Americans,  593  were  killed  and  missing,  beside  thirty-eight  officers  ; 
and  242  soldiers  and  twenty-one  officers  were  wounded,  many  of  w hom  died. 
ColQnel  Butler  was  among  the  slain.  The  account  of  his  fall  is  shocking. 
He  was  severely  wounded,  and  left  on  the  ground.  The  well-knowrn  and 
infamous  Simon  Girty  came  up  to  him,  and  observed  him  writhing  under 
severe  pain  from  his  wounds.  Girty  knew  and  spoke  to  him.  Knowing  that 
he  could  not  live,  the  colonel  begged  of  Girty  to  put  an  end  to  his  misery. 
This  he  refused  to  do,  but  turned  to  an  Indian,  whom  he  told  that  the  officer 
was  the  commander  of  the  army ; upon  which  he  drove  his  tomahawk  into 
his  head.  A number  of  others  then  came  around,  and  alter  taking  off  his 
scalp,  they  took  out  his  heart,  and  cut  it  into  as  many  pieces  as  there  were 
tribes  in  the  action,  and  divided  it  among  them.  All  manner  of  brutal  acts 
were  committed  on  the  bodies  of  the  slain.  It  need  not  be  mentioned  lor  the 
information  of  the  observer  of  Indian  affairs,  that  land  was  the  main  cause 
of  this  as  well  as  most  other  wars  between  the  Indians  and  whites;  and 
hence  it  was  very  easy  to  account  for  the  Indians  filling  the  mouths  of  the 
slain  with  earth  after  this  battle.  It  was  actually  the  case,  as  reported  by 
those  who  shortly  after  visited  the  scene  of  action  and  buried  the  dead. 

General  St.  Clair  was  called  to  an  account  for  the  disastrous  issue  of  this 
campaign,  and  was  honorably  acquitted.  He  published  a narrative  in  vindi- 
cation of  his  conduct,  which,  at  this  day,  few  will  think  it  required.  What 
he  says  of  his  retreat  we  will  give  in  his  own  words.*  “ The  retreat  was,  you 
may  be  sure,  a precipitate  one  ; it  was  in  fact  a flight.  The  camp  and  the 
artillery  were  abandoned  ; but  that  was  unavoidable,  for  not  a horse  was  left 
alive  to  have  drawn  it  off,  had  it  otherwise  been  practicable.  But  the  most 
disgraceful  part  of  the  business  is,  that  the  greatest  part  of  the  men  threw 
away  their  arms  and  accoutrements,  even  after  the  pursuit,  which  continued 
about  four  miles,  had  ceased.  I found  the  road  strewed  with  them  for  many 
miles,  but  was  not  able  to  remedy  it ; for,  having  had  all  my  horses  killed, 
and  being  mounted  upon  one  that  could  not  be  pricked  out  of  a walk,  I 
could  not  get  forward  myself,  and  the  orders  I sent  forward,  either  to  halt 


* Penn.  Gazette , of  that  year. 


I 

Chap.  IV.]  LITTLE-TURTLE.— ST.  CLAIR’S  DEFEAT.  75 

the  front,  or  prevent  the  men  from  parting  with  their  arms,  were  unattend- 
ed to.” 

The  remnant  of  the  army  arrived  at  Fort  Jefferson  the  same  day,  just 
before  sunset,  the  place  from  which  they  fled  being  29  miles  distant.  Gene- 
ral St.  Clair  did  every  thing  that  a brave  general  could  do.  He  exposed  him- 
self to  every  danger,  having,  during  the  action,  eight  bullets  shot  through  his 
clothes.  In  no  attack  related  in  our  records,  did  the  Indians  discover  greater 
bravery  and  determination.  After  giving  the  first  fiiv,  they  rushed  forward 
with  tomahawk  in  hand.  Their  loss  was  inconsiderable ; but  the  traders 
afterwards  learned  among  them  that  Little-turtle  had  150  killed  and  many 
wounded.* * * §  “ They  rushed  on  the  artillery,  heedless  of  their  fire,  and  took 
two  pieces  in  an  instant.  They  were  again  retaken  by  our  troops:  and 
whenever  the  army  charged  them,  they  were  seen  to  give  way,  and  advance 
again  as  soon  as  they  began  to  retreat,  doing  great  execution,  both  in  the 
retreat  and  advance.  They  are  very  dextrous  in  covering  themselves  with 
trees ; many  of  them  however  fell,  both  of  the  infantry  and  artillery.”  “Six 
or  eight  pieces  of  artillery  fell  into  their  hands,  with  about  400  horses,  all  the 
baggage,  ammunition,  and  provisions.”  f 

Whether  the  battle-ground  of  General  St.  Clair  were  visited  by  the  whites 
previous  to  1793  I do  not  learn  ; but  in  December  of  that  year  a detachment 
of  General  Wayne's  army  went  to  the  place,  and  the  account  given  of  its  ap- 
pearance is  most  truly  melancholy.  This  detachment  was  ordered  to  build 
a fort  there,  which  having  doue,  it  was  called  Fort  Recovery.  Within  a space 
of  about  350  yards  were  lound  500  skull  bones,  the  most  of  which  were 
gathered  up  and  buried.  For  about  five  miles  in  the  direction  of  tie  retreat 
of  the  army  the  woods  was  strewed  with  skeletons  and  muskets.  he  two 
brass  cannon,  which  composed  St.  Clair's  artillery,  one  a three,  and  the  other 
a six-pounder,  were  found  in  a creek  adjacent]; 

The  following  song  has  been  olten  reprinted,  and  although  not  the  best  of 
poetry,  is  considered  a valuable  relic  of  those  days.  It  is  ..called  thus 

Sainclaire’s  Defeat. 

§ ’Tvvas  November  the  fourth,  in  the  year  of  ninety-one, [j 
We  had  a sore  engagement  near  to  Fort  Jefferson  ; 

Sinclaire  was  our  commander,  which  may  remembered  be, 

For  there  we  left  nine  hundred  men  in  t’  West’ll  Ter’tory. 

At  Bunker’s  Hill  and  Qnebeck,  where  many  a hero  fell, 

Likewise  at  Long  Island,  (it  is  I the  truth  can  tell,) 

But  such  a dreadful  carnage  may  I never  see  again 
As  hap’ned  near  St.  Mary's,  upon  the  river  plain. 

Our  army  was  attacked  just  as  the  day  did  dawn, 

And  soon  were  oveipowered  and  driven  fiom  the  lawn. 

They  killed  Major  Ouldham,  Levin  and  Briggs  likewise, 

And  horrid  yells  of  sav’ges  resounded  thro’  the  skies. 

Major  Butler  U was  wounded  the  very  second  fire  ; 

His  manly  bosom  swell’d  with  rage  when  forc’d  to  retire; 

And  as  he  lay  in  anguish,  nor  scarcely  could  he  see, 

Exclaim’d,  Ye  hounds  of  hell,  O!  revenged  I will  be.” 

We  had  not  been  long  broken  when  General  Butler  found 
Himself  so  badly  wounded,  was  forced  to  quit  the  ground. 


* Penn.  Gazette,  of  that  year. 

t Letter  from  Fort  Hamilton,  dated  six  ^vs  after  the  battle. 

j Massachusetts  Magazine  for  1794,  p.  191. 

§ When  l began  to  copy  these  lines,  I did  not  intend  to  change  a word  in  them,  but  soon 
found  my  resolution  shaken ; the  lines  were  of  such  unequal  lengths,  and  the  rhyme  so  bad,  I 
could  not  endure  it.  and,  therefore,  when  the  syllables  were  too  many,  some  were  dropped, 
and  when  too  few,  some  were  added  ; but  the  sense  is  in  no  wise  impaired.  The  copy  I use, 
I found  in  Baltimore  in  1817.  They  were  printed  in  1815. 

I)  That  is,  1791. 

IT  Richard  Butler  was  of  Nottingham,  in  New  Hampshire,  where  some  of  his  relatives  yet 
remain. 


76 


LITTLE-TURTLE. — ST.  CLAIR’S  DEFEAT. 


[Bjok  V. 


'* * * §  My  God  ! ” says  he,  “ what  shall  we  do  3 we’re  wounded  every  man  3 
Go  charge  them,  valiant  heroes,  and  beat  them  if  you  can.” 

He  leaned  his  back  against  a tree,  and  there  resigned  his  breath,* 

And  like  a valiant  soldier  sunk  in  the  arms  of  death  j 
When  blessed  angels  did  await,  his  spirit  to  convey  3 
And  unto  the  celestial  fields  he  quickly  bent  his  way. 

We  charg’d  again  with  courage  firm,  but  soon  again  gave  ground. 

The  war-whoop  then  redoubled,  as  did  the  foes  around. 

They  killed  Major  Ferguson,  which  caused  his  men  to  cry, 

11  Our  only  safety  is  in  flight  5 or  fighting  here  to  die.” 

“ Stand  to  your  guns.”  says  valiant  Ford,  “ let’s  die  upon  them  here 
Before  we  let  the  sav’ges  know  we  ever  harbored  fear.” 

Our  cannon-balls  exhausted,  and  artill’ry-men  all  slain, 

Obliged  were  our  musketmen  the  en’my  to  sustain. 

Yet  three  hours  f more  we  fought  them,  and  then  were  forc’d  to  yield. 
When  three  hundred  bloody  warriors  lay  stretch’d  upon  the  field. 

Says  Colonel  Gibson  to  his  men,  “My  boys,  be  not  dismay'd  3 
I’m  sure  that  true  Virginians  were  never  yet  afraid. 

“ Ten  thousand  deaths  I’d  rather  die,  than  they  should  gain  the  field  5” 
With  that  he  got  a fatal  shot,  which  caused  him  to  yield. 

Says  Major  Clark,  “ My  heroes,  I can  here  no  longer  stand. 

We’ll  strive  to  form  in  order,  and  retreat  the  best  we  can.” 

The  word,  Retreat,  being  past  around,  there  was  a dismal  cry, 

Then  helter  skelter  through  the  woods,  like  wolves  and  sheep  they  fly. 
This  well-appointed  army,  who  but  a day  before, 

Defied  and  braved  all  danger,  had  like  a cloud  pass’d  o’er. 

Alas ! the  dying  and  wounded,  how  dreadful  was  the  thought, 

To  the  tomahawk  and  scalping-knife,  in  mis’ry  are  brought. 

Some  had  a thigh  and  some  an  arm  broke  on  the  field  that  day. 

Who  writhed  in  torments  at  the  slake,  to  close  the  dire  affray. 

To  mention  our  brave  officers,  is  what  I wish  to  do  3 

No  sons  of  Mars  e’er  fought  more  brave,  or  with  more  courage  true. 

To  Captain  Bradford  1 belonged,  in  his  artillery, 

| He  fell  that  day  amongst  the  slain,  a valiant  man  was  he. 


It  has  been  generally  said,  that  had  the  advice  of  Little-turtle  been  taken 
at  the  disastrous  fight  afterwards  with  General  Wayne,  there  is  very  little 
doubt  but  he  had  met  as  ill  success  § as  General  St.  Clair  ||  did  before  him. 
He  was  not  for  fighting  General  Wayne  at  Presque-Isle,  and  inclined  rather 
to  peace  than  fighting  him  at  all.  In  a council  held  the  night  before  the 
battle,  he  argued  as  follows:  “ We  have  beaten  the  enemy  twice  under  separate 
commanders . We  cannot  expect  the  same  good  fortune  always  to  attend  us . The 
Americans  are  now  led  by  a chief  who  never  sleeps : the  night  and  the  day  are 
alike  to  him.  And  during  all  the  time  that  he  has  been  marching  upon 
our  villages , notwithstanding  the  watchfulness  of  our  young  men,  we  have 
never  been  able  to  surprise  him.  Think. -well  of  it.  There  is  something  whis- 
pers me,  it  would  be  prudent  to  listen  to  his  offers  of  peace?  For  holding  this 
language  he  was  reproached  by  another  chief  with  cowardice,  which  put  an 
end  to  all  further  discourse.  Nothing  wounds  the  feelings  of  a warrior  like 
the  reproach  of  cowardice  ; but  Little-turtle  stifled  his  resentment,  did  his 
duty  in  the  battle,  and  its  issue  proved  him  a truer  prophet  than  his  accuser 


* This  was  probably  a report,  but  is  doubtless  incorrect. 

f This  is  not  fact. 

\ It  would  have  been  agreeable  if  our  poet  had  given  us  a kind  of  catalogue  of  all  such  as 
were  killed  at  this  time,  of  any  note.  Captain  Newman  was  among  the  number.  Elliot’s 
Works,  135. 

§ Little-turtle  told  Mr.  Volney  circumstances  which  gave  him  that  opinion.  See  his 
Travels  in  America,  ed.  Lond.  1804. 

||  General  Arthur  St.  Clair  was  of  Edinburgh,  Scotland  He  came  to  America  in  the 
fleet  which  brought  over  Admiral  Boscawen,  in  1755,  and  having  served  through  the  revolu- 
tionary and  Indian  wars,  died  at  his  farm  near  Greensburgh,  Pa.  31  Aug.  1818.  Amer.  Mon.. 
Mag.  ii.  469,  (N.  Y.  1818.) 


Chap.  IV.] 


LITTLE-TURTLE  AT  PHILADELPHIA. 


77 


believed.*  His  residence  was  upon  Eel  River,  about  20  miles  from  Fort  Wayne, 
where  our  govern m nt  built  him  a house,  and  turnished  him  with  means  of 
living,  much  to  the  envy  of  his  countrymen.  Therefore  what  had  been  besLowed 
upon  him,  to  induce  others  to  a like  mode  of  life  by  their  own  exert. ons,  proved 
not  only  prejudicial  to  the  cause,  but  engendered  hatred  against  him  in  the  minds 
of  all  the  Indians.  He  was  not  a chief  by  birth,  but  was  raised  to  that 
standing  by  his  superior  talents.  This  was  the  cause  of  so  much  jealousy 
and  envy  at  this  time,  as  also  a neglect  of  his  counsel  heretofore.  The  same 
author, f from  whom  we  get  the  facts  in  the  preceding  part  of  this  paragraph, 
says,  “Mesh  cunnaqua,  or  the  Little-turtle , was  the  son  of  a Miami  chief,  by  a 
Mohecan  woman.  As  the  Indian  maxim,  with  regard  to  descents,' is  precisely 
that  of  the  civil  law  in  relation  to  slaves,  that  the  condition  of  the  woman 
adheres  to  the  offspring,  he  was  not  a chief  by  birth,”  &c. 

Little-turtle  was  alike  courageous  and  humane,  possessing  great  wisdom. 
“And,”  says  my  author,  “there  have  been  few  individuals  among  aborigines  who 
have  doiie  so  much  to  abolish  the  rites  of  human  sacrifice.  The  grave  of 
this  noted  warrior  is  shown  to  visitors,  near  Fort  Wayne.  It  is  frequently 
visited  by  the  Indians  in  that  part  of  the  country,  by  whom  his  memory  is 
cherished  with  the  greatest  respect  and  veneration.”]; 

The  grave  of  his  great  opponent  was  also  in  the  same  region ; but  his 
remains  were  not  long  since  removed  to  the  seat  of  his  family.  Ever  after 
his  successful  expedition,  the  Indians  called  him  the  Big-wind ; § or  Tor- 
nado ; some,  however,  on  particular  occasions,  called  him  Sukach-gook , 
which  signified,  in  Delaware,  a black-snake ; because,  they  said,  he  pos- 
sessed all  the  art  and  cunning  of  that  reptile.  |j  We  hear  yet  of  another 
name,  which,  though  it  may  not  have  been  his  f;,ult  that  acquired  it,  is  less 
complimentary  than  the  two  just  named.  It  is  well  known  that  the  British 
bestowed  a great  many  more  presents  upon  the  Indians  than  the  Americans 
did ; but  some  of  the  latter  made  large  pretensions  about  what  they  would 
do.  General  Wayne,  the  Indians  said,  made  great  promises  to  them  of 
goods,  but  never  got  read  to  fulfil  them,  (probably  from  being  disappointed 
himself  by  the  failure  of  his  government  in  not  forwarding  what  was 
promis  d ; ) therefore  they  called  him  General  Wabang,*\  which  signified 
General  To-morroic .** 

When  the  philosopher  and  famous  traveller  Volney  was  in  America,  in 
the  winter  of  1797,  Little-turtle  came  to  Philadelphia,  where  he  then  was. 
Volney  sought  immediate  acquaintance  with  the  celebrated  chief,  for  highly 
valuable  purposes,  which  in  so  ne  measure  he  effected.  He  made  a vocabu- 
lary of  his  language,  which  he  printed  in  the  appendix  to  his  Travels.  A 
copy  in  manuscript,  more  extensive  than  the  printed  one,  is  said  to  be  in  the 
library  of  the  Phi  osophical  Society  of  Pennsylvania. 

Having  become  convinced  that  all  resistance  to  the  whites  was  vain,  Little- 
turtle  brought  his  nation  to  consent  to  peace,  and  to  adopt  agricultural  pur- 
suits. And  it  was  with  the  view  of  soliciting  Congress,  and  the  benevolent 
society  of  Friends,  for  assistance  to  effect  this  latter  purpose,  that  he  now 
visited  Philadelphia.  While  here,  he  was  inoculated  for  the  smali-poft,  and 
was  also  afflicted  with  the  gout  and  rheumatism. 

At  the  time  of  Mr.  Volnefs  interview  with  him  for  information,  he  took 
no  notice  of  the  conversation  while  the  interpreter  was  communicating  with 
Mr.  Volney , for  he  did  not  understand  English,  but  walked  about,  plucking 
out  his  beard  and  eyebrows.  He  was  dressed  now  in  English  clothes.  His 
skin,  where  not  exposed,  Mr.  Volney  says,  was  as  while  as  his;  and  on 
speaking  upon  the  subject,  Little-turtle  said,  “ I have  seen  Spaniards  in  Louis- 
iana, and  found  no  difference  of  color  between  them  and  me.  And  why 
should  there  be  any?  In  them,  as  in  us,  it  is  the  work  of  the  Father  of  colors , 
the  Sun,  that  burns  us.  You  white  people  compare  the  color  of  your  face 
with  that  of  your  bodies.”  Mr.  Volney  explained  to  him  the  notion  of  many, 


* Schoolcraft’’ s Travels.  f Dawson,  Mems.  Harrison.  f Schoolcraft’s  Travels. 
**>  Pa.  Gazette.  |l  Heckewelder’s  Narrative. 

IT  Or,  according1  to  Mr.  W.  J.  Snelling,  it  should  be  written  Wabunlc. 

**  Weld’s  Travels,  424. 

7 * 


78 


LITTLE-TURTLE.— HIS  DEATH  AND  CHARACTER.  [Book  V, 

that  his  race  was  descended  from  the  Tartars,  and  by  a map  showed  him  the 
supposed  communication  between  Asi.i  and  America.  To  this  Little-turtle 
replied,  “ JVhy  should  not  these  Tartars , who  resemble  us , have  come  from  America? 
Are  there  any  reasons  to  the  contrary  ? Or  why  should  we  no.  both  have  been 
bonrin  our  own  country?”  It  is  a fact  that  the  Indians  give  themselves  a 
name  which  is  equivalent  to  our  word  indigene,  that  is,  one  sprung  from  the  soil, 
or  natural  to  it.* 

Baron  Lahontan, \ after  describing  the  different  dances,  or  dances  for  differ- 
ent occasions,  among  the  Indians  of  Canada,  adds  the  following  in  a note  : — 
“ Toutes  ces  danses  p.  uvent  etre  compare.es  a la  pyrrhique  de  Minerve , car  les  sau- 
vages  observent , en  dansant  ddunt  graviU  singuliere , les  cadences  de  cirtaines 
chansons , que  les  milices  Grccques  a’Achilie , apelloient  hyporchematiques.  11  n\stpas 
facile  de  scavoir  si  les  sauvages  les  ont  aprises  des  Grecs , ou  si  les  Grecs  les  ont  aprises 
des  sauvages .”  It  is,  perhaps,  from  such  passages  that  Lahontan  has  been 
branded  with  the  name  of  infidel  but  truly  there  can  be  nothing  in\  ligious 
in  such  deductions,  inasmuch  as  it  is  conceded  on  all  hands  that  the  geologi- 
ical  formations  of  the  new  world  have  required  as  much  time  for  their  per- 
fection as  those  of  the  old.  Mr.  Volney  comes  within  the  same  pale,  when 
he  compares  the  Spartans  to  the  Five  Nations.  In  contrasting  the  states  of 
Lacedaemon  with  modern  France,  he  says,  “ Maintcnant  que  fai  vu  les  sau- 
vages dAmerique,  je  persiste  de  plus  en  plus  dans  cette  compnraison , et  jc 
trouve  que  le  premiere  livre  de  Thucydidc , ct  tout  ce  qu’il  dit  des  macurs  des 
Lacedemoniens,  convienent  tdlcment  aux  cinq  nations , que  fappellerais  volontiers 
les  Spartiates , Its  Iroquois  de  Vancien  monde .”§ 

When  Mr.  Volney  asked  Little-turtle  what  prevented  him  from  living 
among  the  whites,  and  if  he  were  not  more  comfortable  in  Philadelphia  than 
upon  the  banks  of  the  Wabash/ he  said,  “ Taking  all  things  together , you  have 
the  advantage  over  us ; but  here  I am  deaf  an  l dumb.  / do  not  talk  your  lan- 
guage ; I can  neither  hear , nor  make  myself  heard,  When  I walk  through  the 
streets , I see  every  person  in  his  shop  employed  about  som  thing : one  makes  shoes r 
another  hats , a third  sells  cloth,  and  every  one  lives  by  hislalor.  I say  to  myself 
Which  of  all  these  things  can  you  do  ? JYot  one.  I can  make  a bow  or  an 
arrow , catch fish,  kill  game,  and  go  to  ivar : but  none  of  these  is  of  any  use  here. 
To  learn  what  is  done  here  would  require  a long  time.”  “ Old  age  comes  on. 

“ I should  be  a piece  of  furniture,  useless  to  my  nation,  useless  to  the  whites,  and 
useless  to  myself.”  “ I must  return  to  my  own  country.” 

At  the  same  time,  (1797,)  among  other  eminent  personages  to  whom  this  chief 
became  attached  in  Philadelphia,  was  the  renowned  Koskiusko.  This  old 
Polish  chief  was  so  well  pleased  with  Little-turtle,  that  when  the  latter  went 
to  take  his  final  leave  of  him,  the  old  “ war-worn  soldier  ” and  patriot  pre- 
sented him  with  a beautiful  pair  of  pistols,  and  an  elegant  robe  made  of  sea- 
otter’s  skin,  of  the  value  of  “several”  hundred  dollars. 

Little-turtle  died  in  the  summer  of  1812,  at  his  residence,  but  a short  time 
after  the  declaration  of  war  against  England  by  the  United  States.  His  por- 
trait, by  Stewart,  graces  the  walls  of  the  war-office  of  our  nation.  The 
following  notice  appeared  in  the  public  prints  at  the  time  of  his  death  : 
“Fort  Wayne,  21  July,  1812.  On  the  14  inst.  the  celebrated  Miami  chief, 
the  Little-turtle,  died  at  this  place,  at  the  age  of  G5  years.|| — Perhaps  there  is 
not  left  on  this  continent,  one  of  his  color  so  distinguished  in  council  and  in 
war.  His  disorder  was  the  gout.  He  died  in  a camp,  because  he  chose  to 
be  in  the  open  air.  He  met  death  with  great  firmness.  The  agent  for  In- 
dian affairs  had  him  buried  with  the  honors  of  war,  and  other  marks  of  dis- 


* See  Volney  s Travels,  nt  supra.  t Memoires  de  L'  Amerique,  ii.  109. 

$ No  one  presumes  to  pronounce  Father  Hennepin  an  infidel,  and  he  denies,  (after  living 
much  among  the  Indians,)  that  they  have  any  notion,  or  belief,  of  what  Christians  call  Deity. 
But  M r.  Beverly  (Hist.  Virginia,  169.)  says,  “Baron  Lahontan,  on  the  other  hand,  makes 
them  have  such  refined  notions,  as  seem  almost  to  confute  his  own  belief  of  Christianity.” 

6 CEuvres  de  C.  F.  Volney,  t.  6.  129.  (Paris,  1826.) 

(I  There  was  a chief  of  the  same  name  among  the  Miamis  in  1818  who  is  mentioned  in 
the  treaty  made  with  those  Indians  on  6 October,  at  St.  Marys.  The  passage  in  the  treaty 
is  as  follows: — To  Meshenoqua  or  the  Little-turtle,  one  section  of  land  on  the  south  side  of 
the  Wabash,  where  the  portage  path  strikes  the  same.”  Indian  Treaties , 314. 


BLUE  JACKET, 


79 


Ckap.  IV.j 

tinction  suited  to  his  character.”  He  was,  generally,  in  his  time,  styled  the 
Messissago  chief,*  and  a gentleman  who  saw  him  soon  alter  St.  Clair's  de- 
feat, at  iVlontreal,  says  he  was  six  feet  high,  “ about  45  years  of  age,  of  a 
very  sour  and  morose  countenance,  and  apparently  very  crafty  and  subtle. 
His*  dress  was  Indian  moccasins,  a blue  petticoat  that  came  half  way  down 
his  thighs;  an  European  waistcoat  and  surtout ; his  head  was  bound  with 
an  Indian  cap  that  hung  half  way  down  Ins  back,  and  almost  entirely  filled 
with  plain  si.ver  broaches,  to  the  number  of  more  than  200 ; he  had  two 
ear-rings  to  each  ear,  the  upper  part  of  each  was  formed  of  three  silver 
medals,  about  the  size  of  a dollar ; the  lower  part  was  formed  of  quarters 
of  dollars,  and  fell  more  than  12  inches  from  his  ears — one  from  each  ear 
over  his  breast,  the  other  over  his  back  ; he  had  three  very  large  nose  jewels 
of  silver,  that  were  curiously  painted.  The  account  he  gave  of  the  action 
[with  the  Americans,  4 Nov.]  was,  that  they  killed  1400  of  them,  with  the  loss 
of  nine  only  of  their  par.y,  one  of  whom  killed  himself  by  accident.”  The 
person  who  gave  this  account  said  this  chief  was  in  Canada  for  the  purpose 
of  raising  all  the  Indian  force  he  could  to  go  out  again  in  the  spring  against  the 
whites. 

Mr.  Dawson  relates  a pleasant  anecdote  of  Little-turtle , which  happened 
while  he  was  sitting  for  his  portrait  in  Philadelphia.  A native  of  the 
Emerald  Isle  was  sitting  for  his  at  the  same  time,  who  prided  himself  upon 
his  ability  at  joking.  Little-turtle  was  not  backward  in  the  same  business, 
and  they  passed  several  meetings  very  pleasantly.  One  morning,  Little- 
turtle  did  not  take  much  notice  of  his  friend,  and  seemed  rather  sedate, 
which  was  construed  by  the  Hibernian  into  an  acknowledgment  of  victory 
on  the  part  of  the  chiefj  in  their  joking  game,  and  accordingly  b gan  to 
intimate  as  much.  When  Little-turtle  und  rstood  him,  he  said  to  the  inter- 
preter, “ He  mistakes  ; I was  just  thinking  of  proposing  to  this  man , to  paint  us 
both  on  one  board,  and  there  I would  stand  face  to  face  with  him , and  blackguard 
him  to  all  eternity .” 

Among  the  chiefs  associated  in  command,  in  the  wars  of  which  we  have 
been  speaking  with  the  iamous  Mishikinakwa,  was  another  of  nearly  equal 
note,  iamiliarly  called  Blue-Jacket  by  the  whit  s,  but  by  his  own  nation,  We- 
yapiersenwaw.  He  was  the  most  disiinguished  chief  of  the  Shawano se,  and 
we  hear  of  him  at  Fort  Industry,  on  the  Miami  of  the  Lake,  as  late  as  1605. 
By  some  particular  arrangement,  the  chief  command  seems  to  have  devolved 
on  him  of  opposing  General  Wayne.  He  was  more  bloody  and  precipitate 
than  Mishikinakwa,  and  possessed  less  discrimination  and  judgment.  He 
was  among  the  last  of  the  chiefs  who  came  in  to  treat  with  General  Wayne. 
The  Sliawanese  h id  out  as  long  as  they  could,  and  came  in  very  slowly. 
On  the  24  June,  a boy,  who  had  been  a captive  among  them,  (having  been 
lately  retaken,)  confidently  asserted  that  the  Sliawanese  would  not  make  peace. 
But  one  month  after,  23  July,  Blue-Jacket  made  his  appearance,  and  it  was  duly 
noticed  by  a gentleman  at  the  time,  who  kept  a journal  of  important  matters 
at  Greenville.  He  then  adds,  “ deputations  from  all  the  late  hostile  tribes 
north  of  the  Ohio  are,  consequently,  now  at  this  place.”f 

We  find  this  notice  of  Blue-jacket  in  August,  1 702:  “By  a gentleman  im- 

mediately from  Montreal,  we  learn  that  about  four  weeks  since,  the  famous 
Indian  partisan,  known  by  the  name  of  Captain  Blue- Jacket,  was  at  Detroit, 
with  about  2000  men,  waiting  for  the  Americans  to  come  out  into  the  woods: 
it  is  believed  at  Montreal,  that  in  case  the  Americans  do  not  go  out,  they 
will  be  divided  into  small  parties  to  harass  our  frontiers.”];  The  tribes 
which  furnished  warriors  to  oppose  the  Americans  were  the  Wyandots, 
Miatnis,  Pottowattomies,  Delawares,  Sliawanese,  Chippeways,  Ottaways, 
and  a few  Senecas.  Blue-Jacket  was  the  director  and  leader  of  this  mighty 
band  of  warriors. 

In  the  treaty  of  29  September,  1817,  at  the  “Foot  of  the  Rapids”  of  the 
Miami  of  the  Lakes,  with  the  Wyandots,  Senecas,  Delawares,  Sliawanese, 


* Those  of  this  tribe  in  the  vicinity  of  Lake  Ontario,  are  of  a much  darker  complexion  than 
she  other  Indians  of  the  west.  Weld,  Travels  in  America,  451. 
f See  Elliot’s  Works,  141, 142.  j Carey’s  Museum,  xii.  113. 


WAYNES  VICTORY  AT  MIAMI. 


[Book  Y» 


80 

&c.  there  is  a paragraph  which  it  is  presumed  lias  reference  to  a daughter* 
of  this  chief  It  proposes  to  give  “To  Nancy  Steivart , daughter  of  the  late 
Shawanee  chief  Blue- Jacket , one  section  of  land,  to  contain  six  hundred  and 
40  acres,  on  the  Great  Miami  river  below  Lewistown,  to  include  her  pr.  sent 
improvements,  three  quarters  of  the  said  section  to  be  on  the  S.  E.  side  of 
the  river,  and  one  quarter  on  the  N.  VV.  side  thereof”* 

From  the  time  General  St.  Clair  was  defeated,  in  1791,  murders  were  con- 
tinued upon  the  frontier,  and  all  attempts  on  the  pait  of  government  to  effect 
a peace,  proved  of  no  avail ; and  lastly  the  ambassadors  sent  to  them  were 
murdered,  and  that  too  while  the  army  was  progressing  towards  their 
country. 

Aiter  building  Fort  Greenville,  upon  the  Ohio,  six  miles  above  Fort  Jef- 
ferson, General  Wayne  took  possession  of  the  ground  where  General  St. 
Clair  had  been  defeated,  and  there  erected  a fort,  to  which  he  gave  the  name 
of  Recovery,  in  which  the  army  spent  the  winter  of  1793-4.  Many  censuies 
were  passed  upon  the  general  for  his  slow  progress ; hut  he  knew  much 
betier  what  he  was  doing  than  newspaper  vvr.ters  did  what  they  were 
writing,  when  they  undertook  to  censure  him,  as  the  event  proved. 

It  was  the  8 August,  1794,  when  the  army  anived  at  the  confluence  of  the 
rivers  An  Glaize  and  Maumee,  where  they  buiit  Fort  Defiance.  It  was  the 
general’s  design  to  have  met  the  enemy  unprepared,  in  this  move  ; but  a 
fellow  d.  serted  his  camp,  and  notified  the  Indians.  He  now  tried  again  to 
bring  them  to  an  accommodation,  and  from  the  answers  which  he  received 
from  them,  it  was  some  time  revolved  in  his  mind,  whether  they  were  lor 
peace  or  war ; so  artful  was  the  manner  in  which  their  repli  s were  lormed.f 
At  length,  being  fully  sa.isfied,  he  marched  down  the  Maumee,  and  arrived 
at  the  rapids,  18  August,  two  days  before  the  battle.  His  army  consisted  of 
upwards  of  3CC0  men,  ‘2CC0  of  whom  were  regulars.  Fort  Deposit  was 
erected  at  this  place,  for  the  s curity  of  their  supple  s.  They  now  set  out  to 
meet  the  enemy,  who  had  chosen  his  position  upon  the  bank  of  the  river, 
with  much  judgment.  They  had  a breastwoik  of  fallen  trees  in  fiout,  and 
the  high  rocky  shore  of  the  river  gave  them  much  security,  as  aho  did  the 
thick  wood  of  Presque  Isle.  Their  force  was  divided,  and  disposed  at 
supporting  distances  lor  about  two  miles.  When  the  Americans  had  arrived 
at  prop,  r distance,  a body  was  sent  out  to  b gin  the  attack,  “with  orders  to 
rouse  the  enemy  from  their  covert  with  the  bayonet ; and  when  up,  to  deliver 
a close  fire  upon  their  backs,  and  press  them  so  hard  as  net  to  give  them  time  to 
reload.”  J This  order  was  so  well  executed,  and  the  battle  at  the  point  of  attack 
so  short,  that  only  about  900  Americans  participated  in  it.  But  they  pursued 
the  Indians  with  great  slaughter  through  the  woods  to  Fort  Maumee,  where 
the  carnage  ended.  The  Indians  were  so  unexpectedly  driven  from  their 
strong  hold,  that  their  liumbe: s otdv  increased  their  distress  and  confusion; 
and  the  cavalry  made  horrible  havoc  among  them  with  their  long  sabres. 
Of  the  Americans,  there  were  killed  and  wounded  about  J30.  The  loss  of 
the  Indians  could  not  be  ascertained,  but  roust  have  been  very  severe.  The 
American  loss  was  chiefly  at  the  commencement  of  the  action,  as  they 
advanced  upon  the  mouths  of  the  Indians’  rifles,  who  could  not  be  seen  until 
they  had  discharged  upon  them.  They  maintained  their  coverts  but  a short 
time,  being  forced  in  every  direction  by  the  bayonet.  But  until  that  was 
effected,  the  Americans  fell  fast,  and  we  only  wonder  that  men  couid  be 
found  thus  to  advance  in  the  face  of  certain  death. 

This  horrid  catastrophe  in  our  Indian  annals  is  chargeable  to  certain  white 
men,  or  at  least  mainly  so ; for  some  days  before  the  battle,  General  Wayne 
sent  a flag  of  truce  to  them,  and  desired  them  to  come  and  treat  with  him. 
The  letter  which  he  sent  was  taken  to  Colonel  JSTKee , who,  it  appears,  was 
their  ill-adviser,  and  he,  by  putting  a false  construction  upon  it,  increased  the 
rage  of  the  Indians : he  then  informed  them  that  they  must  forthwith  fight 
the  American  army.  Some  of  the  chiefs,  learning  the  truth  of  the  letter,  were 
for  peace  ; but  it  was  too  late.  Little-turtle  was  known  to  have  been  in  favor 
of  making  peace,  and  seemed  well  aware  of  the  abilities  of  the  American 


Indian  Treaties,  90. 


f Marshall's  Washington,  v.  481.  ed.  4lo.  \ Schoolcraji. 


Chap.  V.] 


A V A N D AN  CCA , OR  BRANT. 


81 


general ; b:it  such  was  the  influence  of  traders  among  them,  that  no  argu- 
ments couid  prevail.  Thus,  instances  without  number  might  be  adduced, 
where  these  people  have  been  destroyed  by  placing  confidence  in  deceiving 
white  men. 

The  night  before  the  battle,  the  chiefs  assembled  in  council,  and  some  pro- 
posed attacking  the  army  in  its  encampment,  but  the  proposal  was  objected 
to  by  others;  finally  the  proposition  of  fighting  at  Presque  Isle  prevailed. 

In  this  battle  all  the  chiefs  of  the  Wyandots  were  killed,  being  nine  in 
number.  Some  of  the  nations  escaped  the  slaughter  by  not  coming  up  until 
after  the  defeat.  This  severe  blow  satisfied  the  western  Indians  of  the  folly 
of  longer  contending  against  the  Americans;  they  therefore  were  glad  to  get 
what  terms  they  could  from  them.  The  chiefs  of  twelve  tribes  met  commis- 
sioners at  Fort  Greenville,  3 August,  1795,  and,  as  a price  of  their  peace, 
gave  up  an  extensive  tract  of  country  south  of  the  lakes,  and  west  of  the  Ohio ; 
and  such  other  tracts  as  comprehended  all  the  military  posts  in  the  western 
region.  The  government  showed  some  liberality  to  these  tribes,  on  their  re- 
linquishing to  it  what  they  could  not  withhold,  and  as  a gratuity  gave  them 
20,000  dollars  in  goods,  and  agreed  to  pay  them  9000  dollars  a year  forever; 
to  be  divided  among  those  tribes  in  proportion  to  their  numbers.* * * § 


CHAPTER  V. 

Life  of  Thayandaneca,  called  by  the  whites , Brant — His  education — Visits  Eng - 
land — Commissioned  there — Hs  s'ster  a companion  to' Sir  Wm.  Johnson — His 
letter  to  the  Oneldas — Affair  icith  Herkimer  at  Umdiila — Cats  off  Herkimer  and 
2 JO  men  at  Ori.skana — Anecdote  of  Herkimer — Burns  Springfield — Horrid  affair 
of  Wyoming — Incidents — Destroys  Cherry  Valley — Barb  trities  of  the  tories — Sul- 
livan’s depredations  among  the  Five  Nations — Brant  defeated,  by  the  Americans  at 
Newtown — Destruct  on  of  Minisink , and  slaughter  of  100  people — Destruction  of 
Harpersfield — Brant's  letter  to  M Caus’ani — Marriage  of  his  daughter — Her  hus- 
band killed — Brant  becomes  the  friend  of  peace — Visits  Philadelphia — His  marriage 
— L inds  granted  him  by  the  king — His  death — His  son  John — Traits  of  character 
— One  of  It  s sons  killed  by  him , in  an  attempt  to  kill  his  father — Account  of  Brant's 
arrival  in  England — Some  account  of  his  children. 

Colonel  Joseph  Brant  was  an  Onondaga  of  the  Mohawk  tribe,  whose  In- 
dian name  was  Thaycndaneca,]  or  Tayadanagaf  signifying  a brant.§  But  as  he 
was  seldom  called  by  that  name  after  he  became  known  to  the  whites,  it  was 
generally  forgotten.  He  received  a very  good  English  education  at  “ Moor’s 
charity  school,”  at  Lebanon,  in  Connecticut,  where  he  was  placed  by  Sir 
William  Johns  m,  in  July,  1761.  His  age,  at  this  time,  we  have  not  learned. 

The  story  that  he  was  but  half  Indian,  the  son  of  a German,  has  been 
widely  spread,  but  is  denied  by  his  son,  and  now  believed  to  be  a falsehood, 
ignorantly  circulated.  This  error  might  have  arisen  either  from  the  known 
fact  of  his  being  of  rather  a f ighter  complexion  than  his  countrymen  in  general, 
or  from  his  having  married  a woman  who  was  a half-breed.|| 

Brant  went  to  England  in  1775,  in  the  beginning  of  the  great  revolutionary 
rupture,  where  he  was  received  with  attention,  and  doubtless  had  there  his 
mind  prepared  for  the  part  he  acted  in  the  memorable  struggle  which  ensued. 


* The  terms  of  this  treaty  were  the  same  as  were  offered  to  them  before  the  battle,  which 

should  be  mentioned,  as  adding  materially  to  our  good  feelings  towards  its  authors.  It  is 
generally  denominated  Wayne's  treaty,  ft  is  worthy  of  him. 

f Carey's  Museum,  v.  18.  f Annals  Tryon  County,  15. 

§ Generally  written  Brandt  by  those  who  are  unacquainted  with  the  meaning  of  his  In- 
dian name. 

||  It  has  been  mentioned  to  me  by  a gentleman,  (the  editor  of  Washington’s  Writings,) 
that  he  had  no  doubt  of  the  fact  that  Brant  was  the  son  of  Sir  William,  Johnson.  I am  not 
satisfied  upon  the  subject,  and,  therefore,  note  the  opinion  of  one  which  claims  primary  con- 
sideration on  all  subjects  connected  with  our  history.  The  only  author,  that  I recollect,  who 
has  circulated  a printed  opinion  of  this  kind,  is  Chapman.  See  Hist.  Wyoming,  121. 


82 


BRANT  MEETS  THE  AMERICANS  AT  UNADILLA.  [Book  V. 


He  had  a colonel’s  commission  in  the  English  army  upon  the  frontiers,  which 
consisred  of  such  of  th i Six  Nations  and  tories,  as  took  part  against  the  coun- 
try. General  Sir  William  Johnson  was  agent  of  Indian  affairs,  and  had  greatly 
ingratiated  himself  into  the  esteem  of  the  Six  Nations.  He  lived  at  the  place 
since  named  from  him,  upon  the  north  bank  of  the  Mohawk,  about  40  miles 
from  Albany.  Here  he  had  an  el  gant  seat,  and  would  often  entertain  seve- 
ral hundreds  of  his  red  friends,  and  share  all  in  common  with  them.  They 
so  much  respected  him,  that,  notwithstanding  they  had  the  full  liberty  of  his 
house,  yet  they  would  take  nothing  that  did  not  belong  to  them.  The  better 
to  rivet  their  esteem,  he  would,  at  certain  seasons,  accommodate  himself  to 
their  mode  of  dress,  and,  being  a widower,  took  as  a kind  of  companion  a 
sister  ot'  Brant,  by  the  name  of  Molley.  He  had  received  honors  and  emolu- 
ments from  the  British  government,  and  the  Indians  received  also,  through 
his  agency,  every  thing  which,  in  their  opinion,  conduced  to  their  happiness. 
Hence  it  is  not  strange  that  they  should  hold  in  the  greatest  reverence  the 
name  of  their  “ great  father,”  the  king,  and  think  the  few  rebels  who  opposed 
his  authority,  when  the  revolution  began,  most  ungratefully  wicked,  and  un- 
worthy a 1 mercy.  Sir  William  died  in  1774,  about  a year  before  the  battle 
of  Bunker’s  Hill. 

The  Butlers,  John  and  Walter,  whose  names  are  associated  with  the  recollec- 
tion of  the  horrid  barbarities  upon  Cherry- valley  and  Wyoming,  lived  at  Caugh- 
newaga,  four  miles  south-easterly  from  the  village  of  Johnston,  and  upon  the 
same  side  of  the  Mohawk. 

In  1775,  in  a letter  to  the  Oneidas,  our  chief  subscribes  himself  “secretary 
to  Guy  Johnson This  was  early  in  the  summer  of  that  year,  and  hence  he 
was  immediately  from  England.  Colonel  Guy  Johnson  was  son-in-law  of 
Sir  William.  The  letter  was  found  irl  an  Indian  path,  and  was  supposed  to 
have  been  lost  by  the  person  who  was  intrusted  with  it.  It  was  in  the  Mo- 
hawk language,  the  translation  of  which  commences  thus : “ Written  at  Guy 

Johnson’s,  May,  1775.  This  is  your  letter,  you  great  ones  or  sachems.  Guy 
Johnson  says  he  will  be  glad  if  you  get  this  intelligence,  you  Oneidas,  how  it  goes 
with  him  now,  and  he  is  now  more  certain  concerning  the  intention  of  the  Boston 
people.  Guy  Johnson  is  in  great  fear  of  being  taken  prisoner  by  the  Bostonians. 
We  Mohawks  arc  obliged  to  watch  him  constantly,”  &c. 

Alter  this,  Brant  accompanied  Guy  Johnson  when  he  fled  to  Canada.  The 
two  Butlers  were  also  in  the  train.  Being  now  in  a place  of  safety,  and  th  * 
means  in  their  hands,  plots  of  destruction  were  put  in  execution  in  rapid 
succession. 

Having  had  some  disagreement  with  Johnson,  Brant  came  again  to  the 
frontiers.  Some  of  the  peaceable  Mohawks  had  been  confined,  to  prevent 
their  doing  mischief,  as  were  some  of  the  Massachusetts  Indians  in  Philip's 
war.  Brant  was  displeased  at  this*  for  he  said,  if  the  distant  Indians  should 
come  down,  they  would  destroy  them  indiscriminately  with  the  whites.  He 
was  accompanied  by  a band  of  70  or  80  warriors,  who,  in  their  rambles, 
visited  Unadilla,  where  they  assembled  the  inhabitants,  and  told  them  that 
they  stood  in  need  of  provisions,  and  if  they  did  not  give  them  some,  they 
should  take  it  bv  force ; a refusal,  therefore,  would  have  been  worse  than 
useless.  Brant  further  observed,  “ that  their  agreement  with  the  king  was  strong, 
and  that  they  were  not  such  villains  as  to  break  their  covenant  with  him.”  General 
Herkimer  marched  up  to  Unadilla,  in  July,  with  380  men,  where  he  found 
Brant  with  130  of  his  warriors.  Here  he  had  an  interview  with  him,  in  which 
he  held  the  following  language  : — “ That  the  Indians  were  in  concert  with  the 
king,  as  their  fathers  and  grandfathers  had  been.  That  the  king's  belts  were  yet 
lodged  with  them,  and  they  could  not  falsify  their  pledge.  That  General  Herki- 
mer and  the  rest  had  joined  the  Boston  people  against  their  king.  That  Boston 
people  were  resolute,  but  the  king  ivould  humble  them.  That  Mr.  Schuyler,  or 
general,  or  what  you  please  to  call  him , was  very  smart  on  the  Indians  at  the  treaty 
at  German  Flatls ; but  was  not,  at  the  same  time,  able  to  afford  them  the  smallest 
article  of  clothing.  That  the  Indians  Imd  formerly  made  war  on  the  white  people 
all  unite  l ; and  no  w th  y were  divided,  the  Indians  were  not  frightened.”  Colonel 
Cox,  who  accompanied  Herkimer,  said,  if  war  was  his  determination,  the 
matter  was  ended.  Brant  then  spoke  to  his  warriors,  and  they  shouted,  and 


BRANT— BATTLE  OF  ORISKANA. 


83 


Chap.  V.] 

ran  to  their  place  of  encampment,  seized  their  arms,  fired  several  guns,  and, 
after  giving  the  war-whoop,  returned  in  warlike  array.  General  Herkimer 
then  told  Braid  lie  did  not  come  to  fight,  and  the  chief  motioned  for  his  men 
t>  remain  quiet.  Perhaps,  as  a worthy  author  observed  upon  a transaction 
in  Philip's  war,  it  is  better  to  omit  the  cause  of  the  conduct  of  Herkimer , 
than  too  critically  to  inquire  into  it.  His  men  vastly  outnumbered  the  Indians, 
and  his  authority  was  ample;  but  his  motives  were  no  doubt  pure,  and  his 
courage  must  not  now  be  called  in  question,  as  will  appear  from  what  is  to 
be  related.  To  put  the  most  favorable  construction  upon  his  neglecting  to 
break  down  the  power  of  Brant , is  to  suppose  that  he  was  impressed  with 
the  b lief  that  the  Indians  would  not  join  with  the  English  in  committing 
hostilities ; if  this  were  the  case,  he  too  late  discovered  the  error  of  his 
judgment. 

After  the  general  had  said  that  he  did  not  come  to  fight , Brant , with  an  air  of 
importance,  said,  “ If  your  purpose  is  war,  I am  ready  for  you."  A tempest, 
which  came  up  suddenly,  separated  the  parties,  and  each  retired  peaceably. 
This  is  said  to  be  the  last  talk  held  by  any  of  the  Americans  with  the  Six 
Nations,  previous  to  hos. Hides,  except  with  the  Oneidas;  all,  except  a very 
tew,  of  whom  remained  neutral. 

Towards  the  autumn  of  this  year,  (1777,)  Brant  was  under  the  direction  of 
General  St.  Lzger , who  detached  him  with  a considerable  body  of  warriors 
fir  the  investment  of  Fort  Stanwix.  Colonel  Bid’er  was  commander-in-chief, 
with  a band  of  tories.  The  inhabitants  in  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk  deter- 
mined to  march  for  the  relief  of  Colonel  Ganesvoort , who  commanded  the 
fort,  which  th  y did,  in  two  regiments,  with  Gen  iral  Herkimer  at  their  head. 
As  is  usual  with  militia,  they  marched  in  great  disorder, and  when  the  gene- 
ral ord  red  scouting  parties  to  march,  as  security  against  surprise,  upon  the 
flanks  of  the  main  body,  they  accused  him  with  cowardice,  which,  most 
unwarrantably,  had  more  influence  upon  his  mind,  than  the  safety  of  his 
army.  A catastrophe  ensued,  which,  though  not  so  mom  ntous  in  that  day, 
as  was  that  of  L throp  in  1676,  nor  so  complete  a victory  on  the  part  of  the 
Indians,  yet  it  was  a severe  fight,  in  which  ‘iOO  Americans  were  sluin.#  The 
place  of  attack  was  selected  by  Brant  or  Butler , and  was  a ravine  of  a broad 
bottom,  nearly  impassable,  except  a rough  track  covered  with  logs  of  from 
I'2  to  15  feet  in  length,  laid  transversely,!  which  extended  across  it.  General 
Ilrk'm  r arrived  at  this  pi  ce  about  two  hours  before  mid-day,  August  6. 
He  might  reasonably  have  expected  an  ambush,  but  his  first  intimations  of 
the  vie  nit v of  an  enemy  were  the  t rrifying  yells  of  the  Indians,  and  the 
still  more  lasting  impressions  of  their  rifles.  The  advanced  guard  were  all 
cut  oft!  Such  as  survived  the  first  fire,  were  hewn  down  with  the  tomahawk. 
The  f ital  causeway  was  semicircular,  and  Brant  and  his  forces  occupied  the 
surrounding  heights.  These  are  the  principal  events  in  the  battle  of  Oriskana. 
A surgeon,  Dr.  Moses  Younglove , was  taken  prisoner  in  this  battle,  and  after 
his  return  from  captivity,  he  wrote  a poem  upon  the  affair,  from  which  we 
extract  the  following: — 

u The  time  and  place  of  our  unhappy  fight, 

To  you  at  large  were  needless  to  recite: 

When  in  the  wood  our  fierce  inhuman  foes, 

With  piercing  yell  from  circling  ambush  rose, 

A sudden  volley  rends  the  vaulted  sky; 

Their  painted  bodies  hideous  to  the  eye, 

They  rush  like  hellish  furies  on  our  bands, 

Their  slaughter  weapons  brandish'd  in  their  hands.” 

Running  down  from  every  direction,  they  prevented  the  two  regiments 
from  forming  a junction,  one  of  them  not  having  entered  the  causeway ; 
and  a part  of  the  assailants  fell  upon  those  without,  and  the  remainder 
upon  those  within  it.  The  former  fared  worse  than  the  latter,  for  in  such 


* Their  whole  loss  was  about  400,  says  Marshall,  Life  Washington,  v.  261. 
f All  who  have  travelled,  even  within  a few  years,  in  this  part  of  the  state  of  New  York, 
cannot  but  well  remember  the  “ Corduroy  ” roads.  Such  was  the  road  over  this  memorable 
ravine. 


84 


BRANT. — BATTLE  OF  ORISKANA. 


[Book  V. 


cases  a flight  has  almost  always  been  a dismal  defeat.  It  was  now  the 
case.  The  other  regiment,  hemmed  in  as  they  were,  saw,  in  a moment, 
that, 

To  fight,  or  not  to  fight,  was  death. 

They,  therefore,  back  to  back,  forming  a front  in  every  direction,  fought  like 
men  in  despair.  This,  Dr.  Youngluve  thus  forcibly  depicts  : — 

“ Now,  hand  to  hand,  the  contest  is  for  life, 

With  bay 'net,  tom’hawk,  sword,  and  scalping  knife: 

Now  more  remote  the  work  of  death  we  ply, 

And  thick  as  hail  the  show’ring  bullets  fly  3 

Full  many  a hardy  warrior  sinks  supine  3 

Yells,  shrieks,  groans,  shouts  and  thund’ring  volleys  join  3 

The  dismal  dm  the  ringing  forest  fills. 

The  sound. ng  echo  roars  along  the  hills.7' 

The  poet  thus  presents  to  our  view  the  attacking  parties : — 

u Of  two  departments  were  the  assailing  foes  3 
Wild  savage  natives  lead  the  first  of  those  5 
Their  almost  naked  frames,  of  various  dyes, 

And  rings  of  black  and  red  surround  their  eyes: 

. On  one  side  they  present  a shaven  head  5 
The  naked  half  of  the  vermilion  red  } 

In  spots  the  party-color’d  face  they  drew, 

Beyond  description  horrible  to  view} 

Their  ebon  locks  in  braid,  with  paint  o’erspread  5 
The  silver’d  ears  depending  from  the  head ; 

Their  gaudry  my  descriptive  power  exceeds, 

In  plumes  of  feathers,  glitt’ring  plates  and  beads.” 

He  thus  speaks  of  the  tories : — 

“ These  for  the  first  attack  their  force  unite, 

And  most  sustain  the  fury  of  the  fight ; 

Their  rule  of  warfare,  devastation  dire, 

By  undistinguish’d  plunder,  death  and  fire ; 

They  torture  man  and  beast,  with  barbarous  rage, 

Nor  lender  infant  spare,  nor  rev’rend  sage.” 

And  Butler  is  noticed  as  follows : — 

“ O’er  them  a horrid  monster  bore  command, 

Whose  inauspicious  birth  disgrac’d  our  land  3 
By  malice  urg’d  to  ev’ry  barb’rous  art } 

Of  cruel  temper,  but  of  coward  heart.” 

With  such  bravery  did  they  fight  in  this  forlorn  condition,  that  the  Indians 
began  to  give  way ; and,  but  for  a reinforcement  of  tories,  under  Major  Wat- 
son, they  would  have  been  entirely  dispersed.*  This  reinforcement  is  thus 
characterized  by  the  surgeon : — 

“ The  second  was  a renegado  crew, 

Who  arm  and  dress  as  Christian  nations  do, 

Led  by  a chief  who  bore  the  first  command  } 

A bold  invader  of  his  native  land.” 

The  sight  of  this  reinforcement  greatly  increased  the  rage  of  the  Ameri- 
cans. It  was  composed  of  the  very  men  who  had  left  that  part  of  the  coun- 
try at  the  commencement  of  the  war,  and  were  held  in  abhorrence  for  their 
loyalty  to  the  king  The  fight  was  renewed  with  vigor,  and  the  reinforcement 
fought  also  with  bravery,  until  about  thirty  of  their  number  were  killed. 


* Dr.  Gordon  says  the  tories  and  Indians  got  into  a most  wretched  confusion,  and  fought 
one  another}  and  that  the  latter,  at  last,  thought  it  was  a plot  of  the  whites  on  both  sides,  to 
get  thetn  Into  that  situation,  that  they  might  cut  them  off. 


Chap.  V.]  BRANT.— ANECDOTE  OF  GEN.  HERKIMER.  85 

Major  Watson , their  leader,  was  wounded  and  taken  prisoner,  but  left  upon 
the  battle-ground. 

In  the  mean  time,  General  Herkimer  had  got  forward  to  the  fort  an  express, 
which  informed  Colonel  Ganesvoort  of  his  situation.  He  immediately  de- 
tached Colonel  Marinus  Willet  with  207  men,  who  succeeded  in  rescuing  the 
remnant  of  this  brave  band  from  destruction.  He  beat  the  enemy  from  the 
ground,  and  returned  to  the  fort  with  considerable  plunder.  Such  were  the 
events  of  the  battle  of  Oriskana. 

General  Herkimer  died  of  a wound  which  he  received  in  this  fight.  Near 
its  commencement,  he  was  severely  wounded  in  the  leg,  and  his  horse  was 
killed.  He  directed  his  saddle  to  be  placed  upon  a little  knoll,  and  resting 
himself  upon  it,  continued  to  issue  his  orders.  On  being  advised  to  remove 
to  a place  of  greater  safety,  he  said,  “ JVo — I will  face  the  enemy ; ” and,  adds 
the  historian  of  Tryon  county,  “ In  this  situation,  and  in  the  heat  of  the 
battle,  he  very  deliberately  took  from  his  pocket  his  tinderbox,  and  lit  his 
pipe,  which  he  smoked  with  great  composure.” 

The  Indians,  as  well  as  the  Americans,  suffered  dreadfully  in  this  fight. 
And  our  poet  writes, 

“ Such  was  the  bloody  fight : and  such  the  foe: 

Our  smaller  force  return’d  them  blow  for  blow ; 

By  turns  successfully  their  force  defy’d, 

And  conquest  wav’ring  seem’d  from  side  to  side.” 

BranVs  loss  being  about  100  men  ; we  are  inclined  to  think  the  loss  of  the 
Indians  exaggerated  in  these  lines : — 

“ Not  half  the  savages  returned  from  fight ; 

They  to  their  native  wilds  had  sped  their  flight.” 

The  Senecas  alone  lost  30,  and  the  tories  about  100.  The  regiment  which 
fled  suffered  severely,  but  would  have  suffered  still  more,  had  not  their  pur- 
suers been  apprized  of  the  desperate  case  of  their  fellows  engaged  in  the 
ravine,  which  caused  them  to  abandon  the  pursuit.  The  commanding  officer, 
Colonel  Cox,  was  killed,  and  the  command  devolved  upon  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Campbell  and  Major  Clyde , who  conducted  the  retreat. 

The  scene  in  the  night  following  the  battle  is  thus  strikingly  presented  by 
Dr.  Younglove,  the  eye-witness : — 

u Those  that  remain’d  a long  encampment  made, 

And  rising  fires  illumin’d  all  the  shade  : 

In  vengeance  for  their  num’rous  brothers  slain, 

For  torture  sundry  prisoners  they  retain } 

And  three  fell  monsters,  horrible  to  view, 

A fellow  pris’ner  from  the  sentries  drew ; 

The  guards  before  received  their  chief’s  command, 

To  not  withhold  from  the  slaught'ring  band  } 

But  now  the  sufferer’s  fate  they  sympathize, 

And  for  him  supplicate  with  earnest  cries. 

I saw  the  general  * slowly  passing  by, 

The  sergeant  on  his  knees,  with  tearful  eye, 

Implor’d  the  guards  might  wrest  him  frotn  their  hands, 

Since  now  the  troops  could  awe  their  lessen’d  bands. 

With  lifted  cane  the  gen’ral  thus  replies, 

(While  indignation  sparkles  from  his  eyes: ) 

* Go  ! sirrah ! mind  your  orders  giv’n  before  ! 

* And  for  infernal  rebels  plead  no  more ! ’ 

For  help  the  wretched  victim  vainly  cries, 

With  supplicating  voice  and  ardent  eyes  j 
With  horror  chill’d,  I turn  away  my  face, 

While  instantly  they  bear  him  from  the  place. 

Dread  scene ! — with  anguish  stung  I inly  groan, 

To  think  the  next  hard  lot  may  be  my  own.” 

The  poet  next  describes  his  dream,  in  which  he  was  carried  to  the  battle- 
ground ; and  then  thus  opens  the  morning  scene : — 


8 


* Butler • 


86 


BRANT.— DESTRUCTION  OF  CHERRY- VALLEY. 


[Book  V. 


u When  savages,  for  horrid  sport  prepar’d, 

Demand  another  pris'iier  from  the  guard, 

We  saw  their  fear’d  approach,  with  mortal  fright, 

Their  scalping-knives  they  sharpen'd  in  our  sight, 

Beside  the  guard  they  sat  them  on  the  ground, 

And  view’d,  with  piercing  eyes,  the  prisoners  round." 

u At  length,  one  rising  seized  me  by  the  hand  ; 

By  him  drawn  forth,  on  trembling  knees  1 stand  ; 

I bid  my  lellows  all  a long  adieu, 

With  answering  grief,  my  wretched  case  they  view. 

They  led  me  bound  along  the  winding  flood, 

Far  in  the  gloomy  bosom  of  the  wood  ; 

There,  (horrid  sight!)  a pris’ner  roasted  lay, 

The  carving-knife  had  cut  his  flesh  away." 

After  enduring  evefy  thing  but  death  in  his  captivity,  Dr.  Younglove  returned 
home  in  safety. 

In  1778,  a fort  was  built  at  Cherry- valley,  where  families  for  considerable 
extent  about  took  up  their  abode,  or  retired  occasionally  for  safety.  Brant 
intended  to  destroy  this,  and  came  into  the  neighborhood  for  the  purpose. 
It  happened  that,  at  the  time  he  chose  to  make  the  discovery  of  the  strength 
of  the  garrison,  the  boys  were  assembled  in  a training,  with  wooden  guns, 
for  amusement : not  having  a clear  view  of  them  from  the  foliage  of  the  trees 
which  intervened,  Brant  thought  them  to  be  men.  It  was  his  design  to  have 
made  the  attack  the  following  night ; but  on  this  discovery,  he  gave  up  the 
design.  He  still  remained  in  the  neighborhood ; secret°d  behind  a large  rock 
near  the  main  road  to  the  Mohawk,  and  about  two  miles  north  of  the  fort  in 
the  valley.  Here  he  waited  to  intercept  some  unwary  passenger,  and  gain 
more  certain  intelligence.  Near  this  place  is  the  little  cascade  called  by  the 
natives,  Tekaharawa.  The  inhabitants  of  the  valley  were  in  expectation  of  a 
company  of  soldiers  from  the  Mohawk,  to  reinforce  them,  and  the  same  day 
Lieutenant  Wormwood  came  from  thence,  and  informed  them  that  Colonel 
Klock  would  arrive  the  next  day  with  the  party.  Near  night  he  set  out  to 
return,  accompanied  by  one  Peter  Sitz,  the  bearer  of  some  despatches.  He 
was  a young  officer,  of  fine  personal  appearance,  and  was  to  return  the  next 
day  with  one  of  the  companies  of  soldiers.  He  had  been  out  of  sight  but  a 
few  minutes,  when,  as  he  passed  the  ambush  of  Brant , his  warriors  fired 
upon  him,  and  he  fell  from  his  horse.  The  chief,  springing  from  h.is  hiding- 
place,  tomahawked  him  with  his  own  hands.  Wormwood  and  his  companion 
were  ordered  to  stand,  but  not  obeying,  occasioned  their  being  fired  upon. 
Brant  was  acquainted  with  Lieutenant  Wormwood  before  the  war,  and  after- 
wards expressed  sorrow  at  his  fate,  pretending  that  he  took  him  to  be  a con- 
tinental officer.  His  horse  immediately  running  back  to  the  fort,  with  blood 
upon  the  saddle,  gave  some  indication  of  what  had  happened.  His  compan- 
ion, Sitz,  was  taken  prisoner. 

In  June,  the  same  summer,  Brant  came  upon  Springfield,  which  he  burned, 
and  carried  off  a number  of  prisoners.  The  women  and  children  were  not 
maltreated,  but  were  left  in  one  house  unmolested.  About  this  time,  great 
pains  were  taken  to  seize  the  wary  chief,  but  there  was  no  Captain  Church , 
or;  unlike  Philip  of  Pokanoket,  Brant  had  the  remote  nations  to  fly  to  without 
fear  of  being  killed  by  them.  Captain  M’Kean  hunted  him  for  some  time, 
and,  not  being  able  to  find  him,  wrote  an  insulting  letter  for  him,  and  left  it 
in  an  Indian  path.  Among  other  things,  he  challenged  him  to  single  combat, 
or  to  meet  him  with  an  equal  number  of  men ; and  “ that  if  he  would  come  to 
Cherry- valley,  and  have  a fair  fight,  they  would  change  him  from  a Brant 
into  a Goos.”  This  letter,  it  is  supposed,  Brant  received,  from  an  intimation 
contained  in  one  which  he  wrote  about  the  same  time  to  a tory.  To  this  man 
(Parcifer  Carr,  of  Edmeston)  he  writes  from  Tunadilla  [Unadilla]  under  date 
9 July,  3778, — “Sir:  I understand  by  the  Indians  that  ivas  at  your  house  last 
week,  that  one  Smith  lives  near  with  you,  has  little  more  com  to  spare.  I should  be 
much  obliged  to  you,  if  you  would  be  so  kind  as  to  try  to  get  as  much  corn  as 
Smith  can  spared;  he  has  sent  me  five  skipples  already,  of  which  lam  much  oblig- 
ed to  him,  and  will  see  him  paid,  and  would  be  very  glad  if  you  could  spare  one 
or  two  your  men  to  join  us,  especially  Elias.  I ivould  be  glad  to  see  him,  and  I 


Chap.  V.] 


BRANT.— DESTRUCTION  OF  WYOMING. 


87 


ncish  you  could  sent  me  as  many  guns  you  have,  as  I know  you  have  no  use  for 
them,  if  you  any ; as  I mean  now  to  fight  the  cruel  rebels  as  well  as  I can ; what- 
ever you  ivill  able  to  sent'd  me,  you  must  seat'd  by  the  bearer.  / am  your  sincere 
friend  and  humble  ser’t.  Joseph  Brant.  P.  S.  I heard  that  Cherry-valley 
people  is  very  bold,  and  intended  to  make  nothing  of  us  ; they  called  us  wild  geese , 
but  I know  the  contrary .”  This  we  suppose  to  be  a fair  specimen  of  the  com- 
position of  the  chief  who  afterwards  translated  the  Gospel  according  to  John 
into  the  Mohawk  language,  also  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer ; copies  of  which 
are  in  the  library  of  Harvard  college.* * * § 

The  next  event  of  importance  in  which  Brant  was  engaged,  was  the  destruc- 
tion of  Wyoming, f one  of  the  most  heart-rending  records  in  the  annals  of  the 
revolutionary  war.  In  that  horrid  affair,  about  300  settlers  were  killed  or 
carried  into  captivity ; from  the  greater  part  of  whom  no  intelligence  was  ever 
obtained. 

It  was  known  early  in  the  spring  of  1778,  that  a large  force  was  collecting 
at  Niagara  for  the  object  of  laying  waste  the  frontiers  of  Pennsylvania,  Vir- 
ginia and  New  York,  and  even  as  early  as  February,  General  Schuyler  wrote 
to  congress  to  inform  them  that  such  was  his  belief.  In  March  he  wrote 
again  to  congress,  saying,  “ A number  of  Mohawks,  and  many  of  the  Oponda- 
goes,  Cayugas,  and  Senecas,  will  commence  hostilities  against  us  as  soon  as 
they  can ; it  would  be  prudent,  therefore,  early  to  take  measures  to  carry  the 
war  into  their  country ; it  would  require  no  greater  body  of  troops  to  destroy 
their  towns  than  to  protect  the  frontier  inhabitants.”  J But  congress  had  more 
than  their  hands  full  in  other  directions,  and  nothing  was  done.  In  the  be- 
ginning of  July,  the  tory  and  Indian  force,  amounting  together  to  about  1600 
men,  were  discovered  in  possession  of  Fort  Wintennoot,§  a short  distance  from 
the  village  of  Wyoming.  Here  was  also  a fort,  at  which  were  collected  near 
400  men  for  the  defence  of  the  country,  who  were  under  the  immediate  com- 
mand of  Colonel  Zebulon  Butler.\\  On  the  3 July,  a council  of  war  was  held 
upon  the  propriety  of  marching  out  and  attacking  the  tory  and  Indian  army, 
and  it  was  finally  agreed  that  the  enemy  should  be  sought.  Accordingly  the 
Americans  marched  out  upon  this  expedition  the  same  day.  Having  sent 
forward  spies,  they  had  not  proceeded  far,  when  they  were  discovered  by  two 
Indians,  who  were,  doubtless,  upon  the  same  business.  The  scouts  fired  each 
upon  the  other,  and  then  hastened  to  their  respective  head-quarters.  Both 
parties  were  immediately  in  motion,  and  joined  battle  near  a thick  swamp. 
The  Indians  and  tories,  being  the  more  numerous,  outflanked  the  Americans, 
and  Brant , at  the  head  of  his  furious  warriors,  issuing  from  the  swamp,  turned 
their  left  flank,  and  creating  thereby  a confusion,  which  greatly  favored  his 
kind  of  warfare,  and  enabled  him  to  make  dreadful  havoc  among  them. 

The  Americans  were  in  two  lines,  and  it  was  the  line  commanded  by  Col- 
onel Dennison  that  Brant  successfully  encountered.  Butler,  at  the  same  time, 
was  gaining  some  advantage  over  the  other  line,  under  his  cousin  Zebulon , 
which,  added  to  the  raging  disaster  in  the  left,  became  immediately  a flight. 
Colonel  Dennison's  order  to  fall  back,  by  which  he  designed  to  make  an  ad- 
vantageous evolution,  was  distorted,  by  the  terrified  troops,  into  an  order  for 
flight;  and  all  was  in  a few  moments  lost.  And  from  Judge  Marshall  we  add 
as  follows : — “ The  troops  fled  towards  the  river,  which  they  endeavored  to 
pass,  in  order  to  enter  Fort  Wilkesbarre,  [in  the  village  of  that  name  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  Susquehannah.]  The  enemy  pursued  ‘with  the  fury  of 


* It  would  seem  from  Mr.  Weld,  (Travels  in  America,  485.)  that  he  translated  those 
works  before  the  war ; but  I have  heard  it  said  that  they  were  the  production  of  the  chief 
John  Norton;  my  authority,  however,  I do  not  remember. 

f This  name  is  said  to  signify  a field  of  blood,  from  a great  battle  fought  there  by  the 
Indians  before  its  settlement  by  the  whites.  This  derivation,  however,  is  not  according  to 
Heckewelder,  but  I must  refer  the  curious  philologist  to  Chapman's  Hist.  Wyoming,  p.  10, 
■or  to  his  authority,  since  printed  in  the  Trans.  Amer.  Philos.  Soc. 

f Gordon’s  American  Revolution,  iii.  184. 

§ This  was  garrisoned  by  a company  of  men,  who  had  been  suspected  of  torifism,  and  it 
now  appeared  that  they  had  not  only  given  up  the  fort,  but  joined  the  hostile  party.  Mar- 
shall’s Washington,  iii.  557. 

||  He  was  cousin  to  John  Butler , the  leader  of  the  tories.  Marshall,  ibid.  556,  and  iv. 
Appendix,  13. 


88 


BRANT.— DESTRUCTION  OF  WYOMING. 


[Book  V. 


devils ; ’ and  of  the  400  who  had  marched  out  on  this  unfortunate  parley, 
only  about  20  escaped,”  among  whom  were  the  commanding  officers. 

The  fort  at  Wyoming  was  now  closely  besieged,  and  seeing  no  chance  of 
escape,  Colonel  Butler  proposed  a parley  with  his  friend  and  namesake,  which 
was  assented  to.  The  place  of  meeting  was  appointed  at  some  distance  from 
the  fort,  and  the  Americans  marched  out  in  considerable  force,  to  prevent 
treachery,  to  the  place  appointed ; but  when  they  arrived  there,  they  found 
nobody  with  whom  to  parley.  The  commander  of  the  tories  has  been  brand- 
ed with  gross  infamy,  for  this  piece  of  treachery  with  his  kinsman ; for  he 
feigned  fear  from  his  approach,  and  had  retired  as  they  advanced,  displaying 
meanwhile  the  flag  of  truce.  The  unwary  Americans  were,  by  this  treacher- 
ous stratagem,  led  into  an  ambush  in  nearly  the  same  manner  as  were  Hutch- 
inson and  IV heeler,  at  Wickabaug  Pond,  in  Philip’s  war.  They  were,  in  a 
moment,  nearly  surrounded  by  Brant's  warriors,  and  the  work  of  death  raged 
in  all  its  fury.*  The  tories  “ were  not  a whit  behind  the  very  chiefest  ” of  them 
in  this  bloody  day.  A remnant  only  regained  the  fort,  out  of  several  hundreds 
that  went  forth.  They  were  now  more  closely  besieged  than  before ; and 
the  more  to  insult  the  vanquished,  a demand  was  sent  in  to  them  to  surrender, 
“ accompanied  by  196  bloody  scalps,  taken  from  those  who  had  just  been 
slain.”  When  the  best  terms  were  asked  of  the  besiegers,  the  “ infamous 
Butler  ” replied  in  these  two  words,  “f/te  hatchet."  This  was  the  only  truth 
we  hear  of  his  uttering.  It  was  the  hatchet , indeed — a few  only  fled  to  the 
surrounding  wilderness,  there  to  meet  a more  lingering  death  by  famine. 
These  were  chiefly  women  and  children. 

Thus  passed  the  fourth  of  My,  1778,  in  the  before  flourishing  settlement 
of  Wyoming,  on  the  eastern  branch  of  the  Susquehannah.  Barlow  knew' 
well,  in  his  early  day,  who  was  forever  to  be  branded  with  infamy  for  the  acts 
of  this  memorable  tragedy.  He  says, — 

11  His  savage  hordes  the  murderous  Johnson  leads, 

Files  through  the  woods  and  treads  the  tangled  weeds. 

Shuns  open  combat,  teaches  where  to  run, 

Skulk,  couch  the  ambush,  aim  the  hunter's  gun. 

Whirl  the  sly  tomahawk,  the  war-whoop  sing. 

Divide  the  spoils,  and  pack  the  scalps  they  bring.'' 

Columbiad,  vi.  389,  &c. 

Having  now  got  full  possession  of  Wyoming,  and,  observes  Dr.  Thacker , 
“after  selecting  a few  prisoners,  the  remainder  of  the  people,  including 
women  and  children,  were  enclosed  in  the  houses  and  barracks,  which  were 
immediately  set  on  fire,  and  the  whole  consumed  together.  Another  fort  was 
near  at  hard,  in  which  were  70  continental  soldiers  ; on  surrendering  without 
conditions,  these  were,  to  a man,  butchered  in  a barbarous  manner ; when 
the  remainder  of  the  men,  women  and  children  were  shut  up  in  the  houses, 
and  the  demons  of  hell  glutted  their  vengeance  in  beholding  their  destruction 
in  one  general  conflagration.”  The  houses  of  the  tories  were  spared.  As 
though  they  could  not  exercise  their  cruelty  enough  upon  human  beings, 
they  fell  upon  the  beasts  in  the  field — shooting  some,  wounding  and  man- 
gling others,  by  cutting  out  their  tongues,  &c.  and  leaving  them  alive.  Well 
does  Campbell  make  his  Oneida  chief  to  say,  (who  comes  as  a friend  ta 
warn  the  settlement  of  the  approach  of  the  combined  army  of  tories  and 
Indians,) 

“ ‘ But  this  is  not  a time,’ — lie  started  up, 

And  smote  his  breast  with  woe-denouncing  hand— 

‘ This  is  no  time  to  fill  thy  joyous  cup : 

The  mammoth  comes — the  foe — the  monster  Brandt , 

With  all  his  howling  desolating  band  ; — 

These  eyes  have  seen  their  blade,  and  burning  pine. 

Awake  at  once  and  silence  half  your  land. 

Red  is  the  cup  they  drink  ; but  not  with  wine: 

Awake  and  watch  to-night ! or  see  no  morning  shine. 


* There  is  much  incongruity  in  relation  to  the  affairs  of  Wyoming.  Chapman  distinctly 
states  that  Brant  commanded  the  right  wing  of  the  army  under  Butler,  when  he  was  met  by 
the  forces  that  marched  out  to  meet  them ; but  it  has  lately  been  denied  that  Brant  was  even 
at  Wyoming  during  these  affairs. 


CSSAP.  V.j 


BRANT.— CRUELTIES  AT  WYOMING. 


Ui  Scorning  to  wield  the  hatchet  for  his  bribe, 

’Gainst  Brandt  himself  I went  to  battle  forth  : 

Accursed  Brandt l he  left  of  all  my  tribe 
Nor  man,  nor  child,  nor  thing  of  living  birth  : 

No ! not  the  dog,  that  watched  my  household  hearth, 

Escaped,  that  night  of  blood,  upon  our  plains! 

All  perished  ! — 1 alone  am  left  on  earth  ! 

To  whom  nor  relative  nor  blood  remains, 

No  ! — not  a kindred  drop  that  runs  in  human  veins  ! ’ ” 

Gertrude  of  Wyoming . 

The  tones,  as  was  often  the  case,  were  attired  like  Indians,  and,  from  every 
account,  it  appears  that  they  exceeded  them  in  ferocity. 

Dr.  Thacker  gives  us  the  following  examples  of  horror,  which  were  of  no- 
toriety at  the  time,  and  “ promulgated  from  authentic  sources.  One  of  the 
prisoners,  a Captain  Badlock,  was  committed  to  torture,  by  having  his  body 
stuck  full  of  splinters  of  pine  knots,  and  a fire  of  dry  wood  made  round  him, 
when  his  two  companions,  Captains  Ranson  and  Durk.ee,  were  thrown  into 
the  same  fire,  and  held  down  with  pitchforks,  till  consumed.  One  Partial 
Terry , the  son  of  a man  of  respectable  character,  having  joined  the  Indian 
party,  several  times  sent  his  father  word  that  he  hoped  to  wash  his  hands  in  his 
heart's  blood.  The  monster,  with  his  own  hands,  murdered  his  father , mother , 
brothers  and  sisters,  stripped  off  their  scalps,  and  cut  off  his  father’s  head ! ” # 

It  was  upon  such  scenes  as  these,  that  the  mind  of  the  poet  just  cited  had 
dwelt,  which  caused  him  to  wield  the  pen  of  denunciation  with  such  effect 
upon  the  memory  of  Brant.  That  Butler  was  the  far  greater  savage,  none 
can  dispute,  and  Mr.  Campbell  has  long  since  acknowledged  his  too  great 
severity  upon  the  character  of  the  former.  We  should  explain  here,  that  a 
son  of  Colonel  Brant,  a chief  Mohawk,  of  the  name  of  Jlhyonwaeghs,  called 
by  the  English  John  Brant,  was  in  London  in  1822,  and  furnished  Mr.  Camp- 
bell with  documents,  which,  in  the  poet’s  own  words,  “ changed  his  opinion 
of  his  father.”  This  passage  was  contained  in  a long  and  interesting  latter 
upon  the  subject,  to  Ahyonwae.ghs,  which  appeared  at  that  time  in  the  news- 
papers. 

With  Wyoming  were  destroyed  Wilkesbarre  and  Kingston,  upon  the  other 
side  of  the  Susquehannah.  Though  Wyoming  is  generally  understood  to  be 
the  place  destroyed,  it  should  be  remembered  that  in  the  valley  bearing  that 
name,  there  were  three  other  towns,  which  were  all  destroyed,  as  well  as 
Wyoming.!  Thesa  towns  were  sefded  by  emigrants  from  Connecticut,  and 
"when  destroyed  contained  more  than  1000  families,  and  had  furnished  the 
continental  army  with  more  than  1000  men,  who  were  generally  the  young 
and  active  part  of  the  population.!  The  opposite  sides  which  the  inhabitants 
took  in  the  great  revolutionary  question,  created  the  most  violent  rancor  in 
the  bosoms  of  both  parties,  and  hence  the  barbarities  which  ensued. 

In  November  following,  Cherry- valley  met  with  a fate  similar  to  Wyoming. 
At  this  time,  Brant  was  returning  to  winter-quarters,  when  he  was  met  by  a 
tory  captain,  and  persuaded  to  engage  in  one  expedition  more.  This  was 
Walter  Butler,  son  of  John , the  hero  of  Wyoming.  He  went  to  Canada  with 
Guy  Johnson , in  1/75,  as  has  been  mentioned;  and  now  some  circumstances 
brought  him  among  the  frontier  settlements  of  New  York.  What  his  object 
was,  we  are  not  informed  ; but  it  was,  doubtless,  that  of  a spy.  However, 
he  was  taken  up  on  suspicion,  at  least,  and  confined  in  jail  at  Albany;  falling 
sick,  he  was  removed  to  a private  dwelling,  from  whence  he  soon  found 
means  to  escape.  Joining  his  father  at  Niagara,  he  succeeded  in  detaching  a 
part  of  his  regiment  upon  an  incursion.  Meeting  with  Brant,  as  was  just 
mentioned,  they  returned  to  the  frontier.  It  is  said  that  Brant  was  at  first 


* 7 'hacker’s  Journal. 

t The  settlement  of  Wyoming  consisted  of  eight  townships,  each  five  miles  square.  Annual 
Reg.  for  1779,  page  9.  u Each  containing  a square  of  rive  miles,”  is  the  language  of  the 
Register;  but  it  is  thought  unlikely  that  these  towns  were  so  small.  Writers,  and  good 
writers  too,  often  commit  mathematical  errors  of  this  kind  ; not  distinguishing  between  miles 
square,  and  square  miles:  Thus,  the  difference  between  five  square  miles,  and  five  miles 
square,  i.  e.  5? — 5=20  square  miles,  the  true  difference  between  the  two  quantities, 
f Marshall , iii.  555. 

8* 


90 


BRANT.— DESTRUCTION  OF  CHERRY-VALLEY 


[Book  V . 


displeased  with  the  project,  understanding  that  Captain  Walter  had  been  put 
in  office  over  him  by  his  old  general,  Walter's  father,  but  stifled  his  resent- 
ment. Their  whole  force  was  700  men,  500  of  whom  were  the  warriors  of 
Brant. 

Colonel  Ichabod  Alden,  of  Massachusetts,  was  in  command  at  Cherry- 
valley,  and  to  his  misguided  judgment  is  to  be  attributed  the  disaster  which 
ensued.  But,  like  Waldron  of  Cochecho,  he  was  doomed  to  escape  the  dis- 
grace. He  was  early  apprized  of  the  march  of  Brant , and  when  urged  to 
receive  the  inhabitants  into  the  fort,  observed  that  there  was  no  danger,  as 
he  would  keep  out  scouts  who  would  apprize  them  of  the  approach  of  an 
enemy  in  season  to  remove.  Scouts  were  accordingly  sent  out;  one  of 
which,  either  forgetting  the  business  they  were  upon,  or,  what  was  equally 
reprehensible,  made  a large  fire  and  lay  down  to  sleep.  Brant's  warriors 
were  not  misled  by  so  luminous  a beacon,  and  the  whole  were  made  prison- 
ers. This  was  on  the  night  of  the  9 November,  1778.  The  prisoners  now 
in  the  hands  of  Brant  were  obliged  to  give  the  most  exact  intelligence  con- 
cerning the  garrison.  On  the  morning  of  the  11,  favored  by  a thick  and  hazy 
atmosphere,  they  approached  the  fort.  Colonels  Alden  and  Stacia  quartered 
at  the  house  of  a Mr.  Wells.  A Mr.  Hamble  was  fired  upon  as  he  was  coming 
from  his  house  to  the  fort,  by  a scout,  which  gave  the  first  notice  of  the 
enemy.  He  escaped,  and  gave  the  alarm  to  Colonel  Alden , who,  strange  as 
it  may  appear,  was  still  incredulous,  and  said  it  was  nothing  more  than  some 
straggling  Indians.  The  last  space  of  time  was  thus  lost ! — and,  in  less  than 
half  an  hour,  all  parts  of  the  place  were  invested  at  once.  Such  of  the  sol- 
diers as  were  collected  being  immediately  all  killed  or  taken,  the  poor  inhab- 
itants fell  an  easy  prey.  Colonel  Alden  was  among  the  first  victims.  Like 
Chopart , in  the  massacre  at  Natchez,  he  fled  from  his  house,  and  was  pur- 
sued by  an  Indian  with  his  hatchet,  at  whom  the  colonel  endeavored  several 
times  to  discharge  his  pistol ; but  it  missing  fire,  and  losing  time  in  facing 
about  for  this  purpose,  the  Indian  was  sufficiently  near  to  throw  his  toma- 
hawk with  deadly  effect.  He  did  so.  Colonel  Alden  fell  upon  his  face,  and 
his  scalp  was  in  a moment  borne  off  in  triumph.  “Atory  boasted  that  he 
killed  Mr.  Wells  while  at  prayer.”  His  daughter,  a young  lady  of  great 
amiableness,  fled  from  the  house  to  a pile  of  wood  for  shelter ; but  an  In- 
dian pursued  her,  who,  coming  near,  composedly  wiped  his  long  knife, 
already  bloody,  upon  his  leggins,  then  returning  it  to  his  belt,  seized  her  by 
the  arm,  and  with  a blow  of  his  tomahawk  ended  her  existence.  She  could 
speak  some  Indian,  and  begged  her  murderer  to  spare  her  life,  and  a tory 
interceded,  who  stood  near,  urging  that  she  was  his  sister;  but  he  would 
hear  to  neither.  Other  transactions  in  this  affair,  of  still  greater  horror,  we 
must  pass  in  silence. 

Between  B0  and  40  prisoners  were  carried  off ; but  the  fort,  containing 
about  200  soldiers,  was  not  taken,  although  several  trials  were  made  upon  it. 

Brant  was  the  only  person  engaged  in  this  tragedy  of  whom  we  hear  any 
acts  of  clemency ; one  of  which  was  the  preservation  of  a poor  woman  and 
her  children,  who,  but  for  him,  would  have  met  the  tomahawk.  He  inquired 
for  Captain  M'Kean,  (who  wrote  him  the  letter  before  mentioned,)  saying  he 
had  now  come  to  accept  his  challenge.  Being  answered  that  “ Capt.  M'Kean 
would  not  turn  his  back  upon  an  enemy,”  he  replied,  “I  know  it.  He  is  a 
brave  man,  and  I would  have  given  more  to  have  taken  him  than  any  othei 
man  in  Cherry-valley ; but  I would  not  have  hurt  a hair  of  his  head.” 

Brant  had  seen  and  heard  so  much  of  what  is  called  civilized  warfare , that 
he  was  afraid  of  the  traduction  of  his  character,  and  always  said  that,  in  his 
councils,  he  had  tried  to  make  his  warriors  humane  ; and  to  his  honor  it  is 
said,  (but  in  proportion  as  his  character  is  raised,  that  of  the  white  man 
must  sink,)  that  where  he  had  the  chief  command,  few  barbarities  were 
committed. 

The  night  before  Brant  and  Butler  fell  upon  Cherry-valley,  some  of  the 
tories  who  had  friends  there,  requested  liberty  to  go  in  secretly  and  advise 
them  to  retire.  Butler,  though  some  of  his  own  friends  were  among  the 
inhabitants,  refused,  saying,  “ that  there  were  so  many  families  connected, 
that  the  one  w'ould  inform  the  others,  and  all  would  escape.  He  thus  sacri- 


91 


Chap.  V.]  BRANT.— DEFEATED  BY  COLONEL  WILLET. 

ficed  his  friends,  for  the  sake  of  punishing  his  enemies.”  This,  whether 
reported  by  Brant  to  magnify  his  own  humanity,  by  a contrast  with  the 
depravity  of  his  associate,  is  not  known,  but  it  may  have  been  the  fact. 

But  this  midnight  assassin  did  not  escape  his  retribution ; he  was  killed 
by  an  Oneida  Indian,  on  30  October,  1781,  under  the  following  circumstances : 
Colonel  fVillet  having  been  ordered  with  about  400  men  to  make  an  expedi- 
tion into  the  country  of  the  Mohawk,  he  surprised  a party  of  600  tories, 
and  130  Indians  at  Johnston,  and  drove  them  into  the  woods,  and  severely 
distressed  them  by  cutting  off  their  retreat  to  their  boats.  About  this  time 
Colonel  Willet  was  joined  by  60  Oneida  Indians,  and  he  shortly  after  came 
up  with  a party  which  formed  the  rear  of  the  British  and  Indians,  and  killed 
and  took  prisoners  the  most  of  them.  Walter  Butler  was  among  the  van- 
quished, and  being  wounded  by  one  of  Willet's  Indians,  cried  for  quarter ; 
upon  which  the  Indian  screamed  out  with  a dreadful  voice,  “ Sherry  Valley,” 
at  the  same  time  cleaving  his  head  with  his  tomahawk ! * 

Whether  the  following  interesting  affair  belongs  to  Walter  or  John  Butler , 
or  whether  it  happened  at  Wyoming  or  at  Cherry- valley,  it  equally  affects 
the  character  of  Brant  It  is  said,  that  Butler , on  entering  a house,  ordered 
a woman  and  child  to  be  killed,  whom  they  found  in  a bed ; but  Brant  said, 
“ Wkat  ? kill  a icoman  and  child ! No ! that  child  is  not  an  enemy  to  the  king , 
nor  a friend  to  the  congress.  Long  before  he  will  be  big  enough  to  do  any 
mischief  the  dispute  will  be  settled." f 

The  depredations  of  the  Indians  and  tories  at  Wyoming  and  other  places 
in  that,  region,  caused  General  Washington  to  order  General  Sullivan  with 
2500  men  into  the  Indian  country.  Considerable  delay  was  experienced, 
and  the  forces  were  not  concentrated  at  Wyoming  until  a year  after  it  was 
destroyed.  On  22  July,  a company  of  Pennsylvania  militia  who  had  marched 
from  this  place  to  Lackawaxen  to  protect  the  settlers  there,  were  attacked 
by  140,  and  40  or  50  of  them  were  killed  or  made  prisoners.! 

It  was  said  that  this  summer,  (1779,)  160,000  bushels  of  their  corn  was 
destroyed.  As  soon  as  it  was  known  that  Sullivan  was  advancing  into  the 
country,  Brant  and  Butler , with  600  Indians,  and  Johnson , with  200  tories, 
took  a position  on  his  route,  to  cut  him  off  Sullivan  came  upon  them, 
August  29,  at  a place  called  Newtown,  on  Tioga  River, § where  they  had  en- 
trenched themselves,  and  immediately  attacked  them.  The  battle  lasted 
about  two  hours,  when,  by  a successful  movement  of  General  Poor,  at  the 
head  of  his  New  Hampshire  regiment,  Brant's  warriors  were  thrown  into 
confusion,  and  the  whole  were  put  to  flight.||  Few  were  killed,  and  they 
made  no  other  stand  against  the  Americans  during  the  expedition.il  The 
historian  adds,  “ They  utterly  destroyed  40  villages,  and  left  no  single  trace 
of  vegetation  upon  the  surface  of  the  ground.”**  All  their  cattle  were  either 
killed  or  brought  off,  many  of  which  they  had  before  taken  from  the  Ameri- 
cans. “ None  of  the  bounties  of  nature,  none  of  the  products  of  human 
industry,  escaped  the  fury  of  the  Americans.”ff  Upon  this  business  the 
same  author  writes,  that  “ the  officers  charged  with  the  execution  of  these 
devastations,  were  themselves  ashamed  of  them;  some  even  ventured  to 
remonstrate  that  they  were  not  accustomed  to  exercise  the  vocation  of  ban- 
ditti.” General  Poor , doubtless,  was  the  efficient  man  in  this  expedition, 
but  the  ostentation  of  Sullivan  gained  him  the  honor ! of  it.  Thus  were  the 


* Marshall’s  Washington,  iv.  Appendix,  13. — Allen’s  Biog.  Diet.  Article,  Butler , John. 

t Allen,  ibid. 

j Chapman,  131.  $ Chapman’s  Hist.  Wyoming,  132. 

||  Nine  only  of  the  Indians  were  killed  ; of  the  Americans,  four.  It  is  said  to  be  owing  to 
the  sagacity  of  Brant,  that  his  whole  force  escaped  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans 
Annals  Trtjon  Co.  125. 

IT  Botta,  Hist.  Rev.  ii.  206. 

**  Ibid.  Some  of  the  officers  thought  it  too  degrading  to  the  army  to  be  employed  in 
destroying  fruit-trees,  and  remonstrated  to  Gen.  Sullivan  against  the  order.  He  replied, 
u The  Indians  shall  see  that  there  is  malice  enough  in  our  hearts  to  destroy  every  thing  that 
contributes  to  their  support.”  Gordon,  Amer.  Rev.  iii.  21. 

ft  Gordon,  Amer.  Rev.  iii.  207. 


BRANT.— DESTROYS  MINISINK. 


02 


[Book  V. 


Five  Nations  chastised  for  acting  as  they  had  been  taught  by  the  white 
people  ; yea,  by  the  Americans  themselves.* * * § 

The  loilowing  summer,  (23  July,  1779,)  Colonel  Brant , with  60  of  his  war- 
riors and  27  white  men,  came  suddenly  upon  Minisink,  in  Orange  county, 
New  York,  where  they  killed  sundry  of  the  inhabitants  and  made  others 
captives.  They  burnt  ten  houses,  twelve  barns,  a garrison  and  two  mills, 
and  then  commenced  their  retreat.  The  militia  from  Goshen  and  places 
adjacent,  to  the  number  of  149,  collected,  pursued,  and  came  up  with  them, 
when  a most  bloody  battle  was  fought.  The  Indians  were  finally  victorious, 
and  30  only,  out  of  the  149  whites,  escaped.  Some  were  carried  into  cap- 
tivity, and  the  rest  were  killed.  Not  being  sufficiently  cautious,  they  fell 
into  an  ambush,  and  so  fought  at  great  disadvantage.} 

In  1821,  a county  meeting  was  held,  by  which  it  was  voted  that  the  bones 
of  the  slain  should  be  collected,  and  deposited  under  a suitable  monument 
at  the  same  time  ordered  to  be  erected.}  In  1822,  the  committee  appointed 
to  collect  the  bones  “ which  had  been  exposed  to  the  suns  and  snows  for  43 
years,”  had  found  those  of  44  persons,  which  were,  with  much  formality, 
publicly  interred.§ 

In  the  spring  of  1780,  Brant  surprised  Harpersfield,  with  a company  of 
his  warriors,  and  a few  tories.  He  took  19  prisoners,  and  killed  several 
others.  On  2 August  following,  he  fell  upon  Canajoharrie,  with  about 
400  mixed  warriors,  killed  16  people,  took  about  55  prisoners,  chiefly  women 
and  children  ; they  killed  and  drove  away,  at  the  same  time,  about  300  cattle 
and  horses,  burnt  53  houses,  and  as  many  barns,  besides  out-houses,  a new 
and  elegant  church,  a grist-mill  and  two  garrisons. 

Doubtless  there  were  many  other  warlike  scenes  in  which  Brant  was 
engaged  personally ; but  we  have  already  dwelt  longer  upon  them  than  we 
intended. 

European  writers,  for  a long  time,  contended  that  the  N.  American  Indians 
had,  naturally,  no  beards.||  A Mr.  M'Causland  took  the  trouble  of  writing 
to  Brant , after  the  revolution,  to  get  the  truth  of  the  matter.  The  following 
is  Brant's  letter  to  his  inquiry : — “ Niagara , 19  April , 1783.  The  men  of  the 
Six  Nations  have  all  beards  by  nature  ; as  have  likewise  all  other  Indian  nations 
of  North  America , which  I have  seen.  Some  Indians  allow  a part  of  the  beard 
upon  the  chin  and  upper  lip  to  grow , and  a few  of  the  Mohawks  shave  with  razors , 
in  the  same  manner  as  Europeans;  but  the  generality  pluck  out  the  hairs  of  the 
beard  by  the  roots , as  soon  as  they  begin  to  appear ; and  as  they  continue  this  prac- 
tice all  their  lives , they  appear  to  have  no  beard , or,  at  most , only  a few  straggling 
hairs,  which  they  have  neglected  to  pluck  out.  I am,  however,  of  opinion,  that  if 
the  Indians  were  to  shave,  they  would  never  have  beards  altogether  so  thick  as  the 
Europeans ; and  there  are  some  to  be  met  with  who  have  actually  veiy  little  beard.*: 

Jos.  Brant  Thayendaneua.” 


A daughter  of  Colonel  Brant  married  a Frenchman,  who  in  June,  1789, 
was  killed  by  a party  of  Indians,  while  peaceably  travelling  up  the  Wabash 
River.  He  was  in  company  with  nine  others,  four  of  whom  were  killed  and 
three  wounded.  When  the  hostile  party  came  up  to  them,  and  discovered 


* See  the  speech  of  Big-tree,  Corn-plant,  and  Half-town,  to  which  nothing  need  be  added 

by  way  of  commentary  upon  such  affairs. 

f Gordon's  America,  iii.  22.  f Spafford's  Gaz.  328. 

§ Holmes's  Apier.  Annals,  ii.  302. 

11  Even  the  great  luminary  Voltaire  fell  into  this  error.  He  says,  “ Les  Iroquois,  les 
Hurons,  et  tous  les  peoples  jusqu'a  la  Floride,  parurent  olivatres  et  sans  aucun  poil  sur  U 
corps  excepte  la  tele."  That  is,  all  from  the  60°  of  N.  latitude.  Voyez  CEuvres  completes, 
iv.  708,  ed.  Paris,  1817,  8vo.  See  also  Raynal,  viii.  210. 

A gentleman,  Mr.  W.  J.  Snelling,  who  resided  among  the  western  Indians  for  some  time, 
says,  It  is  not  an  error  that  the  Indians  have  no  beard  j that  the  “ Saques  and  Foxes  have  but 
very  few  hairs  upon  their  faces,  nor  have  they  any  instrument  for  extirpating  it ; and  what 
makes  the  fact  certain  is,  they  have  no  hair  on  the  concealed  parts  of  their  bodies.”  Accord- 
ing to  Lawson,  Account  of  the  Indians  of  North  Carolina,  190,  191,  the  same  is  true  with 
regard  to  them.  Lawson  travelled  much  among  the  southern  Indians. 

IT  This  is  the  case  with  many  of  the  whites. 


Chap.  V.]  BRANT.— HIS  EXERTIONS  FOR  PEACE.  93 

the  son-in-law  of  Brant , they  assisted  in  drawing  the  arrows  from  the  wound- 
ed, and  then  went  off.# 

When  the  Indians  upon  the  southern  and  western  frontier  were  showing 
themselves  hostile,  in  1791,  Colonel  Brant  used  his  exertions  to  prevent  hos- 
tilities, by  visiting  such  tribes  as  appeared  hostile.  His  name  appears  in 
many  important  transactions  of  those  times.  The  boundary  line  between 
the  United  States  and  the  Indian  nations  had  not  been  satisfactorily  estab- 
lished, which  was  the  cause  of  much  trouble.  A gentleman  in  Canada  wrote 
to  another  in  the  state  of  New  York,  under  date  of  2 August,  1791, 
wherein  Colonel  Brant  is  thus  mentioned : “ Capt.  Joseph  Brant , alter  having 
attended  for  some  time  the  councils  of  the  western  Indians  at  the  Miami 
River,  set  off  a few  days  ago  for  Quebec,  attended  with  several  of  the  chiefs 
from  that  quarter  ; as  they  avowedly  go  to  ask  Lord  Dorchester's  advice,  and 
as  we  well  know  his  and  government’s  strong  desire  for  peace,  we  would 
gladly  hope  that  it  may  be  the  means  of  bringing  on  an  accommodation.” 

In  1792,  his  arrival  in  Philadelphia  is  thus  publicly  noticed  in  the  Gazette 
of  that  city : — u Capt.  Joseph  Brant,  the  principal  warrior  chief  of  the  Six 
Nations,  arrived  in  this  city  on  Wednesday  evening  last,  (June  20.)  It  is  said 
his  errand  is  a visit  to  a number  of  his  acquaintance  residing  here,  and  to 
pay  his  respects  to  the  president  of  the  United  States.”  He  left  there  about 
the  beginning  of  July,  upon  another  peace  excursion  among  the  western 
tribes,  which  still  remained  hostile. 

When  General  Wayne  was  marching  into  the  Indian  country,  in  1793,  many 
of  the  tribes  were  alarmed,  having  heard  that  his  army  consisted  of  8000 
men.  Learning,  also,  that  commissioners  accompanied  the  army,  authorized 
to  treat  of  peace,  and  wishing  to  know  the  strength  of  the  Americans,  thirty 
chiefs  of  different  tribes  were  despatched  upon  this  important  business. 
Colonel  Brant  was  one  of  these  30  Indian  ambassadors.  If  the  Americans 
would  make  the  Ohio  the  boundary,  they  wished  peace.  The  whole  cause 
of  General  Wayne's  war  appears  to  have  been  about  the  lands  lying  west  of 
the  Ohio  and  Alleghany  Rivers.  We  have  no  doubt  Brant  secretly,  if  not 
openly,  advocated  the  establishment  of  this  boundary ; yes,  and  we  must 
acknowledge  that  if  he  did,  it  was  from  the  best  of  reasons.  We  know  that 
Tccumseli  labored  incessantly  for  this  boundary.  Rightly  did  they  conceive 
of  the  mighty  wave  of  population  rolling  westward,  southward  and  north- 
ward. Truly,  they  must  have  been  blind  not  to  have  seen  that  it  was  about 
to  engulf  them  forever ! When  they  had  met  the  commissioners,  and  fouud 
them  inflexible  in  their  determination,  Brant , with  most  of  the  chiefs  of  the 
Six  Nations,  gave  up  the  point  as  hopeless,  preferring  peace,  on  any  terms, 
to  war.  But  the  Wyandots,  Delawares,  Shawanees  and  Miamis  would  not 
agree  to  it. 

Mention  will  be  found  in  the  account  of  Farmers-brother  of  a great  council 
held  by  the  chiefs  of  most  of  the  western  nations  at  Niagara,  in  April,  1793. 
In  this  council  it  was  agreed  that  peace  should  be  maintained ; and  “ they 
unanimously  agreed  to  meef  the  Americans  in  a grand  council,  to  be  holden 
the  June  following,  upon  the  south  side  of  Lake  Erie  ; and  for  the  purpose 
of  making  the  peace  more  permanent  and  extensive,  they  have  appointed 
Brant  who  is  now  their  king  of  kings,  to  go  and  convene  all  those  tribes  who 
live  to  the  north-west  of  Lake  Ontario.  He  accordingly,  the  day  after, 
set  out  for  that  purpose.”  The  Indians  did  not  assemble  until  July,  from  the 
difficulty  of  their  journeys  and  other  causes,  which  is  generally  the  case  with 
meetings  of  this  kind.  The  council  was  held  at  Sandusky,  and  Colonel 
Brant  set  out  from  Niagara  for  that  place  in  May.  Before  leaving,  he  had 
frequent  conversations  with  a gentleman  of  respectability,  to  whom  he  gave 
it  as  his  opinion,  that  no  peace  could  take  place,  until  the  Ohio  and  Muskin- 
gum should  make  the  boundary  between  the  Americans  and  the  red  men. 
He  still  expressed  good  feelings  towards  the  United  States,  and  hoped  that 
they  would  see  it  to  be  their  interest  to  agree  to  that  boundary,  as  he  firmly 
believed  war  would  ensue  should  they  refuse.  He  even  said,  that,  in  case 
they  would  not  consent  to  make  these  rivers  the  boundary,  he  should  take 


Carey’s  Museum,  vi,  178 


94 


BRANT.— CONTENDS  FOR  THE  OHIO  BOUNDARY.  {Book  V , 

part  against  them.  It  was  not  agreed  to  ; but  we  do  not  hear  that  the  old 
chief  was  actually  engaged  in  the  hosiilities  that  followed. 

How  much  the  English  of  Canada  influenced  the  measures  of  the  Indians, 
it  is  difficult  to  determine  ; # bur.  men  like  Pontiac , Brant  and  Tecumseh  could 
easily  see  through  such  duplicity  as  was  practised  by  a few  unprincipled 
speculators,  as  M'Kee,  Girty  and  Elliot.  They  had,  doubtless,  conceived  that 
if  the  Ohio  and  Muskingum  were  made  the  boundary,  it  would  be  an  easy 
matter  for  them  to  possess  themselves  of  the  country  from  thence  to  the 
lakes,  and  thus  enlarge  the  extent  of  Canada.  They  knew  well  that  if  the 
Indians  possessed  this  tract  of  country,  it  would  be  no  difficult  matter  to 
purchase  it  from  them  by  means  of  a lew  trifling  articles,  comparatively  of 
no  consideration,  and  that  worst  of  calamities,  ardent  spirits ! In  this  they 
were  disappointed,  and,  with  the  battle  of  Presque  Isle,  resigned  their  hopes, 
at  least  for  a season.  They  urged  upon  the  Indians  what  they  must  have 
been  well  assured  of — their  destruction  ! 

Much  has  been  said  and  written  of  the  cold-blooded  atrocities  of  Brant , 
but  which,  in  our  opinion,  will  be  much  lessened  on  being  able  to  come 
pretty  near  the  truth  of  his  history.  Every  successful  warrior,  at  least  in  his 
day,  is  denounced  by  the  vanquished  as  a barbarian.  Napoleon  was  thus 
branded  by  all  the  world — we  ask  no  excuse  for  our  chief  on  this  score — all 
wars  are  barbarous,  and  hence  those  who  wage  them  are  barbarians  ! This 
we  know  to  be  strong  language ; but  we  are  prepared  to  prove  our  assertion. 
When  mankind  shall  have  been  cultivated  and  improved  to  that  extent  which 
human  nature  is  capable  of  attaining, — when  the  causes  of  avarice  and 
dissension  are  driven  out  of  the  human  mind,  by  taking  away  the  means 
which  excite  them, — then,  and  not  till  then,  will  wars  and  a multitude  of 
attending  calamiiies  cease. 

As  a sample  of  the  stories  circulating  about  Colonel  j Brant,  while  the  af- 
fairs of  Wyoming  and  Cherry-valley  were  fresh  in  the  recollections  of  all, 
we  extract  from  Weld's  Travels  the  following: — f 

<k  With  a considerable  body  of  his  troops  he  joined  the  forces  under  the 
command  of  Sir  John  Johnston.”  “A  skirmish  took  place  with  a body  of 
American  troops ; the  action  was  warm,  and  Brant  was  shot  by  a musket 
ball  in  his  heel ; but  the  Americans,  in  the  end,  were  defeated,  and  an  officer 
with  about  60  men  were  taken  prisoners.  The  officer,  after  having  delivered 
up  his  sword,  had  entered  into  conversation  with  Colonel  Johnston , who  com- 
manded the  British  troops,  and  they  were  talking  together  in  the  most  friend- 
ly manner,  when  Brant  having  stolen  slily  behind  them,  laid  the  American 
officer  lifeless  on  the  ground  with  a blow  of  his  tomahawk.  The  indignation 
of  Sir  John  Johnston , as  may  be  readily  supposed,  was  roused  by  such  an  act 
of  treachery,  and  he  resented  it  in  the  warmest  terms.  Brant  listened  to 
him  unconcernedly,  and  when  he  had  finished,  told  him,  that  he  was  sorry  for 
his  displeasure , but  that , indeed , his  heel  was  extremely  painful  at  the  moment,  and 
he  could  not  help  revenging  himself  on  the  only  chief  of  the  party  that  he  saw  taken.” 

Upon  this  passage  the  author  of  the  Annals  of  Tryon  County  j;  observes: 
“ I have  heard  a story  somewhat  similar  told  of  him,  but  it  was  said  that 
the  officer  was  killed  to  prevent  his  being  retaken  by  the  Americans,  who 
were  in  pursuit.”  This  we  should  pronounce  very  ch’s-similar  to  the  story 


* We  will  hear  a great  writer  and  traveller  upon  this  subject,  whose  means  of  forming  a 
correct  judgment,  it  is  presumed,  will  not  be  questioned.  “ Je  remarquerai  a cette  occasion 
sans  m’etendre  davanlage  sur  ce  sujel,  que  toute  la  politque  de  fAngleterre  avec  les  Indiens 
esl  absolumenl  dans  les  mains  des  agens,  qui  seuls  en  entendent  la  langue  ; et  qui  seuls  sont 
les  distributeurs  des  presens &.c.  Voyage  dans  les  Etats-unis  en  1795,  etc.  Par  La 
Rochefoucauld- Liancourt,  ii.  78.  The  duke  was  at  Newark,  U.  C.,  at  this  time,  where  he 
witnessed  a business  assemblage  of  Indians.  After  a dance,  which  they  held  before  their 
audience  with  the  governor  of  Canada,  the  duke  says  that,  11  Pendant  ces  jeux,  l’agent  s’est 
approche  du  general  avec  un  des  chefs,  et  lui  a dit  que  sa  nation  de  Tuscorora  le  consultait 
pour  savoir  si  elle  ira.il  a un  couseil  tenu  par  les  Indiens  Oneydas  a Onondago  pour  vendre 
ieurs  terres  de  reserve,  que  1’Etat  de  New  Yorck  desirait  acheter.  Le  gouverneur  a repondu 
tres-vaguement  a cette  question  ; l’agent  a traduit  comme  il  a voulu  cette  reponse;  mais  il  a 
r^plique  au  gouverneur  de  la  part  des  Indiens  qui  comme  ils  croyaient  etre  plus  agreables  au 
xoy  d’Angleterre  en  n’y  allant  pas  ; ils  n'iraient  pas.”  Ibid.  77. 
t Page  486,  octavo  ed.  London,  1800,  \ In  the  Appendix,  p.  16. 


BRANT.— HIS  DEATH. 


95 


Chap.  V.] 

told  by  Mr.  Weld.  But  there  was,  no  doubt,  some  circumstance  out  of  which 
a story  has  grown,  the  truth  of  which,  we  apprehend,  is  now  past  find- 
ing out. 

Colonel  Brant  was  married,  in  the  winter  of  1779,  to  a daughter  of  Colonel 
Croghan  hy  an  Indian  woman.  He  had  lived  with  her  some  time  ad  libitum, 
according  to  the  Indian  manner,  but  at  this  time  being  present  at  the  wedding 
of  . a Miss  Moore , at  Niagara,  (one  of  the  captives  taken  from  Cherry-valley,) 
insisted  on  being  married  himself ; and  thus  his  consort’s  name  was  no 
longer  Miss  Crogkan , but  Mrs.  Brant.  The  ceremony  was  performed  by  his 
companion-in-arms,  Colonel  John  Butler,  who,  although  he  had  left  his 
country,  yet  carried  so  much  of  his  magistrate’s  commission  with  him,  as  to 
solemnize  marriages  according  to  law. 

King  George  conferred  on  his  famous  ally  a valuable  tract  of  land  situated 
upon  the  west  shore  of  Lake  Ontario,  where  he  finally  settled  and  lived  after 
the  English  fashion.  His  wife,  however,  would  never  conform  to  this  mode 
of  life,  but  would  adhere  to  the  custom  of  the  Indians,  and  on  the  death  of 
her  husband,  which  happened  24  November,  1807,  she  repaired  to  Grand 
River,  there  to  spend  her  days  in  a wigwam,  with  some  of  her  children, 
while  she  left  behind  others  in  a commodious  dwelling.*  A son,  of  whom 
we  have  spoken,  with  a sister,  lately  occupied  this  mansion  of  their  father, 
and  constituted  an  amiable  and  hospitable  family.  This  son,  whose  name  is 
John,  is  a man  of  note,  and  is  the  same  who  was  in  England  in  1822,  as  has 
been  mentioned,  and  the  same,  we  conclude,  who  has  been  returned  a mem- 
ber of  the  colonial  assembly  of  Upper  Canada.  His  place  of  residence  was 
in  the  county  of  Haldiman,  in  Brantford,  so  called,  probably,  in  honor  of  the 
old  chief.f  Several  other  places  are  mentioned  as  having  been  the  residence 
of  Brant — Unadilla,  or  Anaquaqua,  (which  is  about  36  miles  south-west  from 
the  present  site  of  Cooperstovvn,)  and  Niagara.  He  resided  at  these  places 
before  the  Mohawks  removed  to  Canada,  which  was  soon  after  the  war  of 
the  revolution  was  ended.  They  made  their  principal  residence  upon 
Grand  River,  which  falls  into  Lake  Erie  on  the  north  side,  about  60  miles 
from  the  town  of  Newark,  or  Niagara.  At  one  time,  he  had  no  less  than  30 
or  40  negroes,  who  took  care  of  his  horses  and  lands.  “ These  poor  crea- 
tures,” says  Mr.  Weld,  “are  kept  in  the  greatest  subjection,  and  they  dare  not 
attempt  to  make  their  escape,  for  he  has  assured  them,  that  if  they  did  so,  he 
would  follow  them  himself)  though  it  were  to  the  confines  of  Georgia,  and 
would  tomahawk  them  wherever  he  met  them.  They  know  his  disposition 
too  well  not  to  think  that  he  would  adhere  strictly  to  his  word.”  The  same 
author  says  that  Brant  received  presents,  which,  together  with  his  half-pay 
as  captain,  amounted  to  £500  per  annum. 

An  idea  of  the  importance  of  this  chief,  in  1795,  may  be  formed  from  the 
circumstance,  that  a gentleman  considered  himself  a loser  to  the  amount  of 
£100,  at  least,  by  not  being  able  to  arrive  at  Niagara  in  season  to  attend  to 
some  law  case  for  him.  Contrary  winds  had  prevented  his  arrival,  and  the 
business  had  been  given  to  another.:): 

“ Whenever  the  affairs  of  his  nation  shall  permit  him  to  do  so,  Brant  de- 
clares it  to  be  his  intention  to  sit  down  to  the  further  study  of  the  Greek 
language,  of  which  he  professes  himself  to  be  a great  admirer,  and  to  trans- 
late from  the  original,  into  the  Mohawk  language,  more  of  the  New  Testament ; 
yet  this  same  man,  shortly  before  we  arrived  at  Niagara,  killed  his  own  son, 
with  his  own  hand.  The  son,  it  seems,  was  a drunken,  good-for-nothing 
fellow,  who  had  often  avowed  his  intention  of  destroying  his  father.  One 
evening,  he  absolutely  entered  the  apartment  of  his  father,  and  had  begun  to 
grapple  with  him,  perhaps  with  a view  to  put  his  unnatural  threats  in  execu- 
tion, when  Brant  drew  a short  sword,  and  felled  him  to  the  ground.  He 
speaks  of  this  affair  with  regret,  but,  at  the  same  time,  without  any  of  that 
emotion  which  another  person  than  an  Indian  might  be  supposed  to  feel.  He 


* Buchanan’s  Sketches,  i.  36. 

f Mr.  Campbell’s  Annals  of  Tryon  County  has  been  one  of  our  main  sources  of  information 
throughout  this  account,  especially  of  the  revolutionary  period. 

X Weld,  Travels,  487. 


96  BRANT.  [Book  V. 

consoles  himself  for  the  act,  by  thinking  that  he  has  benefited  the  nation,  by 
ridding  it  of  a rascal.”  * 

With  regard  to  the  dress  of  the  sachem,  there  has  been  some  contradiction. 
Mr.  Weld,  though  he  did  not  see  him,  says  he  wore  his  hair  in  the  Indian 
fashion,  as  he  also  did  his  clothes ; except  that,  instead  of  the  blanket,  he  wore 
a kind  of  hunting  frock.  This  was  in  1796.  But  it  was  reported,  that,  in 
1792,  Brant  having  waited  on  Lord  Dorchester , the  governor  of  Canada,  upon 
some  business,  his  lordship  told  him,  that 'as  he  was  an  officer  in  the  British 
service,  he  ought  to  lay  aside  the  Indian  dress,  and  assume  that  of  an  English 
captain ; and  that,  if  he  persisted  in  wearing  an  Indian  dress,  he  should  stop 
his  pay.  It  is  added  that  thereupon  he  changed  his  dress.f 

When  Colonel  Brant  arrived  at  any  principal  city,  his  arrival  was' publicly 
announced  in  the  gazettes  with  great  minuteness.  Although  we  have  given 
some  specimens  of  these,  we  will  add  one  more  : — 

“New  York,  June  20,  1792.  On  Monday  last  arrived  in  this  city,  from 
his  settlement  on  Grand  River,  on  a visit  to  some  of  his  friends  in  this  quar- 
ter, Captain  Joseph  Brandt , of  the  British  army,  the  famous  Mohawk  chief, 
who  so  eminently  distinguished  himself  during  the  late  war,  as  the  military 
leader  of  the  Six  Nations.  We  are  informed  that  he  intends  to  visit  the  city 
of  Philadelphia,  and  pay  his  respects  to  the  president  of  the  U.  States,”  { 
General  Washington , which  he  did.  We  have  before  mentioned  his  visit  to 
that  city. 

The  very  respectable  traveller  § Rochefoucauld  thus  notices  our  chief:  “At 
24  miles  from  this  place,  (Newark,  U.  C.)  upon  Grand  River,  is  an  establish- 
ment which  I had  been  curious  to  visit.  It  is  that  of  Colonel  Brant.  But 
the  colonel  not  being  at  home,  and  being  assured  that  I should  see  little  else 
than  what  I had  already  seen  among  those  people,  I gave  over  my  intention. 
Colonel  Brant  is  an  Indian  who  took  part  with  the  English,  and  having  been 
in  England,  was  commissioned  by  the  king,  and  politely  treated  by  every  one. 
His  manners  are  half  European.  He  is  accompanied  by  two  negro  servants, 
and  is  in  appearance  like  an  Englishman.  He  has  a garden  and  farm  under 
cultivation  ; dresses  almost  entirely  like  an  European,  and  has  great  influence 
over  the  Indians.  He  is  at  present  [1795]  at  Miami,  holding  a treaty  with 
the  United  States,  in  company  with  the  Indians  of  the  west.  He  is  equally 
respected  by  the  Americans,  who  extol  so  much  his  character,  that  I regret 
much  not  to  have  seen  him.”  || 

The  great  respect  in  which  Brant  was  held  in  England  will  be  very  appar- 
ent from  a perusal  of  the  following  letter, H dated  12  December,  1785:  “Mon- 
day last,  Colonel  Joseph  Brant , the  celebrated  king  of  the  Mohawks,  arrived 
in  this  city,  [Salisbury,]  from  America,  and  after  dining  with  Colonel  de  Peis- 
ter , at  the  head-quarters  here,  proceeded  immediately  on  his  journey  to 
London.  This  extraordinary  personage  is  said  to  have  presided  at  the  late 
grand  congress  of  confederate  chiefs  of  the  Indian  nation  in  America,  and  to 
be  by  them  appointed  to  the  conduct  and  chief  command  in  the  war  which 
they  now  meditate  against  the  United  States  of  America.  He  took  his  de- 
parture for  England  immediately  as  that  assembly  broke  up ; and  it  is  con- 


* Weld , Travels,  489.  f Apollo  for  1792.  % American  Apollo,  297. 

& Duke  de  Liancourt,  Travels,  ii.  81,  before  cited,  from  whom  we  translate  this. 

|j  This  French  traveller  seems  to  have  been  in  advance  of  history,  in  as  far  as  he  thus  early 
sets  in  their  proper  light  the  characters  of  the  heroes  of  Wyoming.  After  speaking  of  the 
influence  of  Indian  agents  over  those  people,  as  we  have  extracted  in  a previous  note,  he  thus 
consigns  to  Colonel  Butler  the  place  which  he  is  doubtless  to  hold  in  all  after-time  in  the 
annals  of  his  country V agent  anglais  dont  il  est  ici  queston,  est  le  Colonel  Buttler,  fameux 
par  ses  incendies,  ses  pillages  et  ses  meurtres  dans  la  guerre  d’Amerique.  II  est  lui-meme 
Americain  d’aupres  de  WiTkesbarre  ; [one  of  the  towns  in  the  valley  of  Wyoming ;]  son  pr6- 
tendu  loyalisme  qu’il  a su  se  faire  payer  de  brevets  et  de  traitemens,  lui  a fait  commettre  plus 
de  barbaries,  plus  d’infamies  contre  sa  patrie,  qu’a  qui  que  ce  soit.  II  conduisait  les  Indiens, 
leur  indiquait  les  fermes,  les  maisons  a bruler,  les  victimes  a scarpeler,  les  enfans  a d^chirer. 
L’Angleterre  a recompense  son  loyalisme  de  cinq  mille  acres  de  terre  pour  lui,  d’une  quantity 
pareille  pour  ses  enfans,  d’une  pension  de  deux  a trois  cents  livres  sterlings,  d'une  place 
d’agent  aupres  des  Indiens,  qui  lui  en  vaut  cinq  cents  autres,  avec  la  facility  de  puiser  a vo- 
lonte  dans  les  magasins  de  presens.”  Rochefoucauld,  ut  supra,  (ii.  78 — 9.) 

TT  There  is  no  name  to  this  letter but  it  was  written  in  Salisbury,  Eng,,  and  thence  sent  to 
Loudon,  where  it  was  published. 


§A©©YEWA.Tma-iia.s  Re  id  Jacket, 

Chief  of  the 


Senecas 


Chap.  VI.] 


RED-JACKET 


97 


jectured  that  his  embassy  to  the  British  court  is  of  great  importance.  This 
country  owes  much  to  the  services  of  Colonel  Brant  during  the  late  war  in 
America.  He  was  educated  at  Philadelphia,  [at  the  Moor’s  charity  school 
in  Lebanon,  Connecticut,]  is  a very  shrewd,  intelligent  person,  possesses  great 
courage  and  abilities  as  a warrior,  and  is  inviolably  attached  to  the  English 
nation.” 

It  has  been  denied  that  Brant  was  in  any  way  engaged  in  the  massacres 
at  Wyoming,  but  it  seems  hardly  possible  that  so  many  should  have  been 
deceived  at  that  time ; and,  moreover,  we  do  not  find  that  it  was  denied  until 
almost  every  one  of  that  age  had  left  the  stage  of  action.  Those  who  deny 
that  he  was  at  Wyoming  should,  at  least,  prove  an  alibi,  or  they  cannot  ex- 
pect to  be  believed.* * * § 

Brant  was  said  to  have  been  65  years  old  at  his  death.  A daughter  of  his  mar- 
ried William,  J.  Ker , Esq.  of  Niagara,  and  he  had  several  other  children  besides 
those  we  have  mentioned.  The  son  who  visited  England  in  1822,  and 
another  named  Jacob,  entered  Moor’s  school  at  Hanover,  N.  H.  in  1801,  under 
the  care  of  Dr.  WheelocL  The  former  son,  John,  died  about  two  years  since, 
in  the  winter  of  1831. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Facts  in  the  history  of  the  Seneca  nation — Sagoyewatha,  or  Red-jacket — His  fa- 
mous speech  to  a missionary — His  intervieic  with  Colonel  Snelling — British  invade 
his  country — Resolves  to  repel  them — His  speech  upon  the  event — Governor  Clinton's 
account  of  him — Witchcraft  affair — Complains  of  encroachments — One  of  his  people 
put  to  death  for  being  a witch — He  defends  the  executioner — His  interview  xvith 
Lafayette — Council  at  Canandaigua — Farmer s-br other — Red-jacket  visits  Phila- 
delphia— His  speech  to  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania — Speech  of  Agwelondongwas , 
or  Good-peter — Narrative  of  his  capture  during  the  revolutionary  war — Farmers- 
brother,  or  Honayawus — Visits  Philadelphia — Peter-jaquette — Visits  France 
— Account  of  his  death — Memorable  speech  of  Farmer  s-br  other — His  letter  to  the  sec- 
retary of  war — Notice  of  several  other  Seneca  chiefs — Koyingquatah,  or  Young- 
king — Juskakak  a, or  Little-billy — Achiout,  or  Half-town — Kiandogewa,  or 
Big-tree — Gyentwaia,  or  Corn-plant — dddress  of  the  three  latter  to  President 
Washington—  Grant  of  land  to  Big-tree — His  visit  to  Philadelphia , and  death — 
Further  account  of  Corn-plant — His  oxen  account  of  himself — Interesting  events  in 
his  life — His  sons. 

The  Senecas  were  the  most  important  tribe  among  the  Iroquois,  or  Five 
Nations,  and,  according  to  Conrad  Weiser,  they  were  the  fourth  nation  that 
joined  that  confederacy.  He  calls  them  f “ Ieuontowanois  or  Sinikers,”  and 
says,  “they  are  styled  by  the  Mohawks  and  Onondagos,  brothers;”  and  that 
their  title  in  councils  is  Onughkaurydaaug.  The  French  call  them  Tsonnon- 
thouans,  from  their  principal  castle,  or  council-house,  the  name  of  which, 
according  to  Colden,  is  Sinondowans.  { Other  particulars  of  this  nation  will 
be  related  as  we  proceed  in  detailing  the  lives  of  its  chiefs.  Among  these, 
perhaps,  the  most  illustrious  was 

SAGOYEWATHA,  § called  by  the  whites,  Red-jacket.  His  place  of  resi- 


* In  a late  criminal  trial  which  has  much  agitated  New  England,  reasonable  people  said, 
the  defendant,  out  of  respect  to  public  opinion,  ought  to  make  it  appear  where  he  was  at  the 

time  a murder  was  committed,  although  in  law  he  was  not  bound  so  to  do.  An  advocate  for 
his  innocence  told  the  writer,  that  “ he  was  not  obliged  to  tell  where  he  was,”  and  it  was 
nobody’s  business  ; and,  therefore,  we  were  bound,  according  to  law,  to  believe  him  innocent. 
This  we  offer  as  a parallel  case  to  the  one  in  hand.  But  it  happens  we  are  not  “ bound  by- 
law ” to  believe  our  chief  entirely  innocent  of  the  blood  shed  at  Wyoming. 

t American  Mag.  f Hist.  Five  Nations,  i.  42. 

§ The  common  method  of  spelling  Governor  Clinton  writes,  Saguoaha.  Written  to 
the  treaty  of  “ Konondaigua,”  (Nov.  1794,)  Soggooyawauthau ; to  that  of  Buffalo  Creek, 
(June,  1802,)  Soogooyawautau ; to  that  of  Moscow,  (Sept.  1823.)  Sagouata.  Tt  is  said 
to  signify  “ One  who  keeps  awake,”  or  simply,  Keeper-awake.  “ Sd-gwe'-el-wau"-toh  ; he 
is  wide  awake,  and  keeps  every  body  else  awake,  a very  appropriate  name  for  the  Cicero 

9 


93 


RED-JACKET. — SPEECH  TO  A MISSIONARY. 


[Hook  V , 


dence  was,  for  many  years  previous  to  his  d atli,  (which  happened  20  January, 
1830,  at  his  own  house,)  about  four  miles  from  Buffalo,  and  one  mile  north 
of  the  road  that  leads  through  the  land  reserved  for  the  remnant  of  the  Seneca 
nation,  called  the  Reservation.  His  house  was  a log-cabin,  situated  in  a retired 
place.  Some  of  his  tribe  are  Christians,  but  Red-jacket  would  never  hear 
to  any  thing  of  the  kind.  He  was  formerly  considered  of  superior  wisdom  in 
council,  and  of  a noble  and  dignified  behavior,  which  would  have  honored 
any  man.  But,  like  nearly  all  His  race,  he  could  not  withstand  the  temptation 
of  ardent  spirits,  which,  together  with  his  age,  rendered  him  latterly  less 
worthy  notice.  Formerly,  scarce  a traveller  passed  near  his  place  of  resi- 
dence, who  would  not  go  out  of  his  way  to  see  this  wonderful  man,  and  to 
hear  his  profound  observations. 

In  the  year  1805,  a council  was  held  at  Buffalo,  in  the  state  of  New  York, 
at  which  were  present  many  of  the  Seneca  chiefs  and  warriors,  assembled  at 
the  request  of  a missionary,  Mr.  Cram , from  Massachusetts.  It  was  at  this 
time  that  Red-jacket  delivered  his  famous  speech,  about  which  so  much  has 
been  said  and  written,  and  which  we  propose  to  give  here  at  length,  and  cor- 
rectly ; as  some  omissions  and  errors  were  contained  in  it  as  published  at  the 
time.  It  may  be  taken  as  genuine,  at  least  as  nearly  so  as  the  Indian  lan- 
guage can  be  translated,  in  which  it  was  delivered,  for  Red-jacket  would  not 
speak  in  English,  although  he  understood  it.  The  missionary  first  made  a 
speech  to  the  Indians,  in  which  he  explained  the  object  for  which  he  had  called 
them  together ; namely,  to  inform  them  that  he  was  sent  by  the  missionary 
society  of  Boston  to  instruct  them  “how  to  worship  the  Great  Spirit”  'and 
not  to  get  away  their  landvS  and  money ; that  there  was  but  one  religion,  and 
unless  they  embraced  it  they  could  not  be  happy;  that  they  had  lived  in 
darkness  and  great  errors  all  their  lives ; he  wished  that,  if  they  had  any 
objections  to  his  religion,  they  would  state  them ; that  he  had  visited  some 
smaller  tribes,  who  waited  their  decision  before  they  would  consent  to 
receive  him,  as  they  were  their  “ older  brothers.” 

After  the  missionary  had  done  speaking,  the  Indians  conferred  together 
about  two  hours,  by  themselves,  when  they  gave  an  answer  by  Red-jacket, 
which  follows : — 

“ Friend  and  brother,  it  was  the  will  of  the  Great  Spirit  that  we  should  meet 
together  this  day.  He  orders  all  things,  and  he  has  given  us  a fine  day  for 
our  council.  He  has  taken  his  garment  from  before  the  sun,  and  caused  it 
to  shine  with  brightness  upon  us  ; our  eyes  are  opened,  that  we  see  clearly  ; 
our  ears  are  unstopped,  that  we  have  been  able  to  hear  distinctly  the  words 
that  you  have  spoken ; for  all  these  favors  we  thank  the  Great  Spirit,  and 
him  only. 

“ Brother,  this  council  fire  was  kindled  by  you  ; it  was  at  your  request  that 
we  came  together  at  this  time  ; we  have  listened  with  attention  to  what  you 
have  said ; you  requested  us  to  speak  our  minds  freely ; this  gives  us  great 
joy,  for  we  now  consider  that  we  stand  upright  before  you,  and  can  speak 
what  we  think ; all  have  heard  youf  voice,  and  all  speak  to  you  as  one  man ; 
our  minds  are  agreed. 

“ Brother,  you  say  you  want  an  answer  to  your  talk  before  you  leave  this 
place.  It  is  right  you  should  have  one,  as  you  are  a great  distance  from 
home,  and  we  do  not  wish  to  detain  you ; but  we  will  first  look  back  a little, 
and  tell  you  what  our  fathers  have  told  us,  and  what  we  have  heard  from  the 
white  people. 

“ Brother,  listen  to  what  we  say.  There  was  a time  when  our  forefathers 
owned  this  great  island.* *  Their  seats  extended  from  the  rising  to  the  set- 
ting sun.  The  Great  Spirit  had  made  it  for  the  use  of  Indians.  He  had  cre- 
ated the  buffalo,  the  deer,  and  other  animals  for  food.  He  made  the  bear 
and  the  beaver,  and  their  skins  served  us  for  clothing.  He  had  scattered 


of  the  west.  His  English  appellation  had  its  origin  from  the  circumstance  of  his  wearing, 
when  a child,  a red.  jacket.1'  Alderts  Account  of  Missions,  162. — This  is  a very  natural 
derivation  ; but  from  what  circumstance  some  of  the  Indians  derived  their  names,  it  would  be 
hard  to  divine  : thus,  Red-jacket  had  an  uncle  whose  name  meant  a heap  of  dogs,  ib.  164. 

* A general  opinion  among  all  the  Indians  that  this  country  was  an  island. 


Chap.  VI.]  RED-JACKET.— SPEECH  TO  A MISSIONARY. 


99 


them  over  the  country,  and  taught  us  how  to  take  them.  He  had  caused 
the  earth  to  produce  corn  for  bread.  All  this  he  had  done  for  his  red  chil- 
dren because  he  loved  them.  If  we  had  any  disputes  about  hunting  grounds, 
they  were  generally  settled  without  the  shedding  of  much  blood : but  an  evil 
day  came  upon  us ; your  forefathers  crossed  the  great  waters,  and  landed  on 
this  island.  Their  numbers  were  small ; they  found  friends,  and  not  enemies ; 
they  told  us  they  had  fled  from  their  own  country  for  fear  of  wicked  men, 
and  come  here  to  enjoy  their  religion.  They  asked  for  a small  seat ; we  took 
pity  on  them,  granted  their  request,  and  they  sat  down  amongst  us ; we  gave 
them  corn  and  meat ; they  gave  us  poison  # in  return.  The  white  people  had 
now  found  our  country,  tidings  were  carried  back,  and  more  came  amongst 
us ; yet  we  did  not  fear  them,  we  took  them  to  be  friends ; they  called  us 
brothers ; we  believed  them,  and  gave  them  a larger  seat.  At  length  their 
numbers  had  greatly  increased ; they  wanted  more  land ; they  wanted  our 
country.  Our  eyes  were  opened,  and  our  minds  became  uneasy.  Wars  took 
place  ; Indians  were  hired  to  fight  against  Indians,  and  many  of  our  people 
were  destroyed.  They  also  brought  strong  liquors  among  us : it  was  strong 
and  powerful,  and  has  slain  thousands. 

“ Brother , our  seats  were  once  large,  and  yours  were  very  small ; you  have 
now  become  a great  people,  and  we  have  scarcely  a place  left  to  spread 
our  blankets ; you  have  got  our  country,  but  are  not  satisfied ; you  want  io 
force  your  religion  upon  us. 

“ Brother , continue  to  listen.  You  say  that  you  are  sent  to  instruct  us  how 
to  worship  the  Great  Spirit  agreeably  to  his  mind,  and  if  we  do  not  take  hold 
of  the  religion  which  you  white  people  teach,  we  shall  be  unhappy  here- 
after ; you  say  that  you  are  right,  and  we  are  lost ; how  do  we  know  this  to 
be  true  ? We  understand  that  your  religion  is  written  in  a book ; if  it  was 
intended  for  us  as  well  as  you,  why  has  not  the  Great  Spirit  given  it  to  us, 
and  not  only  to  us,  but  why  did  he  not  give  to  our  forefathers  the  knowledge 
of  that  book,  with  the  means  of  understanding  it  rightly?  We  only  know 
what  you  tell  us  about  it ; how  shall  we  know  when  to  believe,  being  so 
often  deceived  by  the  white  people  ? 

“ Brother , you  say  there  is  but  one  way  to  worship  and  serve  the  Great 
Spirit ; if  there  is  but  one  religion,  why  do  you  white  people  differ  so  much 
about  it  ? why  not  all  agree,  as  you  can  all  read  the  book  ? 

“ Brother,  we  do  not  understand  these  things ; we  are  told  that  your 
religion  was  given  to  your  forefathers,  and  has  been  handed  down  from 
father  to  son.  We  also  have  a religion  which  was  given  to  our  forefathers, 
and  has  been  handed  down  to  us  their  children.  We  worship  that  way.  It 
teachcth  us  to  be  thankful  for  all  the  favors  we  receive ; to  love  each  other,  and  to 
be  united ; we  never  quairel  about  religion. 

“ Brother,  the  Great  Spirit  has  made  us  all ; but  he  has  made  a great  differ- 
ence between  his  white  and  red  children ; he  has  given  us  a different  com- 
plexion, and  different  customs ; to  you  he  has  given  the  arts  ; to  these  he 
has  not  opened  our  eyes ; we  know  these  things  to  be  true.  Since  he  has 
made  so  great  a difference  between  us  in  other  things,  why  may  we  not  con- 
clude that  he  has  given  us  a different  religion  according  to  our  understand- 
ing ; the  Great  Spirit  does  right ; he  knows  what  is  best  for  his  children ; 
we  are  satisfied. 

“ Brother,  we  do  not  wish  to  destroy  your  religion,  or  take  it  from  you : we 
only  want  to  enjoy  our  own. 

“ Brother,  you  say  you  have  not  come  to  get  our  land  or  our  money,  but  to 
enlighten  our  minds.  I will  now  tell  you  that  I have  been  at  your  meetings, 
and  saw  you  collecting  money  from  the  meeting.  I cannot  tell  what  this 
money  was  intended  for,  but  suppose  it  was  for  your  minister,  and  if 
we  should  conform  to  your  way  of  thinking,  perhaps  you  may  want  some 
from  us. 

“ Brother,  we  are  told  that  you  have  been  preaching  to  white  people  in  this 
place ; these  people  are  our  neighbors,  we  are  acquainted  with  them ; we 
will  wait  a little  while  and  see  what  effect  your  preaching  has  upon  them. 


Spirituous  liquor  is  alluded  to,  it  is  supposed. 


100 


RED-JACKET.— ENGAGES  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812.  [Book  V. 

If  we  find  it  does  them  good,  makes  them  honest,  and  less  disposed  to  cheat 
Indians,  we  will  then  consider  again  what  you  have  said. 

“ Brother,  you  have  now  heard  our  answer  to  your  talk,  and  this  is  all  we 
have  to  say  at  present.  As  we  are  going  to  part,  we  will  come  and  take  you 
by  the  hand,  and  hope  the  Great  Spirit  will  protect  you  on  your  journey,  and 
return  you  safe  to  your  friends.” 

The  chiefs  and  others  then  drew  near  the  missionary  to  take  him  by  the 
hand ; but  he  would  not  receive  them,  and  hastily  rising  from  his  seat,  said, 
“ that  there  was  no  fellowship  between  the  religion  of  God  and  the  works 
of  the  Devil , and,  therefore,  could  not  join  hands  with  them.”  Upon  this 
being  interpreted  to  them,  “ they  smiled,  and  retired  in  a peaceable  manner.” 

The  Indians  cannot  well  conceive  how  they  have  any  participation  in  the 
guilt  of  the  crucifixion ; inasmuch  as  they  do  not  believe  themselves  of  the 
same  origin  as  the  whites ; and  there  being  no  dispute  but  that  they  com- 
mitted that  act.  Red-jacket  once  said  to  a clergyman  who  was  importuning 
him  on  this  subject, 

“ Brother,  if  you  white  men  murdered  the  Son  of  the  Great  Spirit,  we  Indians 
had  nothing  to  do  ivith  it,  and  it  is  none  of  our  affair.  If  he  had  come  among  us, 
we  ivould  not  have  killed  him ; we  would  have  treated  him  well.  You  must  make 
amends  for  that  crime  yourselves.”  * 

Red-jacket  took  part  with  the  Americans  in  the  war  of  1812,  but  was  not 
distinguished  for  that  prodigality  of  life  which  marked  the  character  of 
Tecumseh,  and  many  others,  but,  on  all  occasions,  was  cool  and  collected. 
He  had  become  attached  to  Colonel  Snelling  during  the  war,  and  when  he 
heard  that  that  officer  was  ordered  to  a distant  station,  he  went  to  take  his 
farewell  of  him.  At  that  interview  he  said, 

“ Brother,  I hear  you  are  going  to  a place  called  Governor’s  Island.  I hope 
you  will  be  a governor  yourself  I understand  that  you  white  people  think  children 
a blessing.  I hope  you  may  have  a thousand.  And,  above  all,  I hope,  wherever 
you  go,  you  may  never  fnd  whisky  more  than  two  shillings  a quart.”] 

Grand  Island,  in  Niagara  River,  just  above  the  famous  Niagara  Falls,  is 
owned  by  the  Senecas.  When  it  was  rumored  that  the  British  had  taken 
possession  of  it,  in  their  last  war  with  the  Americans,  Red-jacket  assem- 
bled his  people,  to  consult  with  Mr.  Granger,  their  agent.  After  having 
stated  to  him  the  information,  the  old  chief  made  the  following  profound 
speech : — 

“ Brother , you  have  told  us  that  we  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  war  that  has 
taken  place  betiveen  you  and  the  British.  But  we  fnd  the  war  has  come  to  our 
doors.  Our  property  is  taken  possession  of  by  the  British  and  their  Indian 
friends.  It  is  necessary  now  for  us  to  take  up  the  business,  defend  our  property , 
and  drive  the  enemy  from  it.  If  we  sit  still  upon  our  seats,  and  take  no  means 
of  redress,  the  British  ( according  to  the  customs  of  you  white  people 'j  will  hold 
it  by  conquest.  And  should  you  conquer  the  Canadas , you  will  claim  it  upon 
the  same  principles,  as  [ though ] conquered  from  the  British.  We,  therefore,  re- 
quest permission  to  go  ivith  our  warriors,  and  drive  off  those  bad  people , and  take 
possession  of  our  lands.”  Whereupon,  such  of  the  Senecas  as  had  an  in- 
clination, were  permitted  to  join  the  American  army. 

In  one  action  Red-jacket  acted  a conspicuous  part,  and  is  most  honorably 
mentioned  by  the  commanding  general.  The  action  took  place  near  Fort 
George,  on  the  17  August,  1813,  between  about  300  volunteers  and  Indians, 
supported  by  200  regulars.  These  surprised  the  British  and  Indian  camp  at 
day-light,  killed  75  and  took  16  prisoners.  The  success  of  the  expedition 
was  almost  entirely  owing  to  a stratagem  of  the  Indians,  who,  when  they 
had  formed  their  plan  of  attack,  decoyed  their  brethren,  on  the  British  side, 
into  an  ambush,  by  giving  a war-whoop  which  they  mistook  for  that  of 
their  friends.  General  Boyd,  who  commanded  here,  says,  “The  principal 
chiefs  who  led  the  warriors  this  day,  were  Farmer’s  Brother,  Red-jacket, 


* “ This  occurred  in  a conversation  between  Red-jacket  and  the  Reverend  Mr.  Bracken- 
ridge  ; Tommy- Jemmy,  Jack-Berry  and  myself  were  present.  I heard  the  remark,  and  will 
vouch  for  it.”  IV.  f.  Snelling. 
f N.  E.  Galaxy,  13  July,  1833. 


101 


Chap.  VI.]  RED-JACKET. — REFORMATION  IN  HIS  TRIBE. 


Little  Billy,  Pollard,  Black  Snake,  Johnson,  Silverheels,  Captain 
Half-town,  Major  Henry  O.  Ball,  (Corn-planter’s  son,)  and  Captain  Cold, 
chief  of  Onondago,  who  was  wounded.  In  a council  which  was  held  with 
them  yesterday,  they  covenanted  not  to  scalp  or  murder ; and  I am  happy  to 
say,  that  they  treated  the  prisoners  with  humanity,  and  committed  no  wanton 
cruelties  upon  the  dead.”  “ Their  bravery  and  humanity  were  equally  con- 
spicuous. Already  the  quietness  in  which  our  pickets  are  suffered  to  remain, 
evinces  the  benefit  arising  from  their  assistance.”* 

Governor  De  Witt  Clinton , in" his  most  valuable  discourse  before  the  His- 
torical Society  of  New  York,  thus  notices  Red-jacket: — “ Within  a few  years, 
an  extraordinary  orator  has  risen  among  the  Senecas;  his  real  name  is 
Saguoaha.  Without  the  advantages  of  illustrious  descent,  and  with  no 
extraordinary  talents  for  war,  he  has  attained  the  first  distinctions  in  the 
nation  by  the  force  of  his  eloquence.”  Red-jacket  having,  by  some  means, 
lost  the  confidence  of  his  countrymen,  in  order,  as  it  is  reported,  to  retrieve 
it,  prevailed  upon  his  brother  to  announce  himself  a prophet,  commissioned 
by  the  Great  Spirit  to  redeem  the  miserable  condition  of  his  countrymen. 
It  required  nothing  but  an  adroit  and  skilful  reasoner  to  persuade  the  igno- 
rant multitude,  given  to  the  grossest  superstition,  of  his  infallibility  in  the 
pretended  art  or  mystery.  If  good  ever  came  out  of  evil,  it  did  at  this  time. 
The  Onondagas  were,  at  that  period,  the  most  drunken  and  profligate  of  all 
the  Iroquois.  They  were  now  so  far  prevailed  upon  as  almost  entirely  to 
abstain  from  ardent  spirits,  became  sober  and  industrious,  and  observed  and 
respected  the  laws  of  morality.  This  good* effect  was  not  confined  to  the 
Onondagas,  but  shed  its  benign  influence  through  the  nations  adjacent.  But 
as  this  reform  was  begun  in  hypocrisy,  it  necessarily  ended  with  its  hypo- 
critical author.  The  greatest  check,  perhaps,  which  can  be  thrown  in  the 
way  of  imposture,  is  its  own  exposition.  In  this  case,  like  witchcraft  among 
us  in  former  times,  it  was  stayed  by  its  own  operations.  Many  were  de- 
nounced as  witches,  and  some  would  have  been  executed  but  for  the  inter- 
ference of  their  white  neighbors.  Red-jacket  was  denounced  in  a great 
council  of  Indians,  held  at  Buffalo  Creek,  as  the  chief  author  of  their, 
troubles.  He  was  accordingly  brought  to  trial,  and  his  eloquence  saved  his 
life,  and  greatly  increased  his  reputation.  His  defence  was  near  three  hours 
long.  And,  in  the  language  of  Governor  Clinton , “the  iron  brow  of  super- 
stition relented  under  the  magic  of  his  eloquence : he  declared  the  prophet 
(his  brother]  an  impostor  and  a cheat ; he  prevailed ; the  Indians  divided, 
and  a small  majority  appeared  in  his  favor.  Perhaps  the  annals  of  history 
cannot  furnish  a more  conspicuous  instance  6f  the  triumph  and  power  of 
oratory,  in  a barbarous  nation,  devoted  to  superstition,  and  looking  up  to  the 
accuser  as  a delegated  minister  of  the  Almighty.  I am  well  aware  that  the 
speech  of  Logan  will  be  triumphantly  quoted  against  me,  and  that  it  will 
be  said,  that  the  most  splendid  exhibition  of  Indian  eloquence  may  be  found 
out  of  the  pale  of  the  Six  Nations.  I fully  subscribe  to  the  eulogium  of  Mr. 
Jefferson , when  he  says,  ‘ I may  challenge  the  whole  orations  of  Demosthenes 
and  Cicero , and  of  any  more  eminent  orator,  if  Europe  has  furnished  more 
eminent,  to  produce  a single  passage  superior  to  the  speech  of  Logan.''  But 
let  it  be  remembered  that  Logan  was  a Mingo  chief,”  that  is,  an  Iroquois. 

The  time  is  not  far  distant,  if  not  already  arrived,  when  the  name  of  Red- 
jacket  will  be  heard,  in  the  most  august  assemblies,  to  give  weight  to  the 
mightiest  efforts  of  eloquence.  In  the  debate  on  the  Indian  bill,  in  1830,  in 
congress,  Mr.  Crockett, \ of  Tennessee,  said,  “ I am  forcibly  reminded  of  the 
remark  made  by  the  famous  Red-jacket,  in  the  rotunda  of  this  building, 
when  he  was  shown  the  panel  which  represented  in  sculpture  the  first 
landing  of  the  Pilgrims,  with  an  Indian  chief  presenting  to  them  an  ear  of 
corn,  in  token  of  friendly  welcome.  The  aged  Indian  said,  ‘ That  was 


* Niles’  Register,  iv.  418,  and  v.  7. — Brannari s Official  Letters,  200. — Shallus's  Tables  ii. 
120. 


+ The  pitiful  crusade  in  which  this  brave  man  lost  his  life,  will  as  long-  be  remembered  for 
its  unjustifiable  origin,  as  the  many  valuable  but  misguided  men  who  have  been  sacrificed  in 
it.  Having  joined  the  army  of  Texas,  Colonel  Crockett  was  there  murdered  with  the  rest 
of  a garrison  which  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Mexicans  j this  present  year,  1836. 


102 


RED  JACKET.— COMPLAINS  OF  THE  MISSIONARIES.  [Book  V, 


good?  He  said  he  knew  they  came  from  the  Great  Spirit,  and  he  was  will- 
ing  to  share  the  soil  with  his  brothers.  But  when  he  turned  round  to  view 
another  panel,  representing  Penn’s  treaty,  he  said,  ‘Ah!  all’s  gone  now / 
There  was  a great  deal  of  truth  in  this  short  saying.” 

Nothing  seems  more  to  have  troubled  the  peace  of  Red-jacket  than  the 
intrusion  of  missionaries  among  his  people.  With  the  merits  or  demerits 
of  the  manner  in  which  particular  creeds  have  been  forced  upon  the  In- 
dians in  general,  we  have  nothing  to  do,  but  we  will  refer  the  reader  to  Mr, 
Buchanan’s  Sketches,*  where,  in  our  opinion,  every  sectarian  will  glean  some 
useful  hints  upon  that  head. 

Red-jacket  and  his  council,  in  1821,  made  a formal  complaint  to  the  gov- 
ernor of  New  York,  of  the  arbitrary  conduct  of  some  teachers  among  his 
people,  and  of  their  undue  influence  generally.  Considering  it  to  contain  a 
most  important  and  valuable  piece  of  information,  we  will  give  it  entire  : — 

“ Brother  Parish , I address  myself  to  you,  and  through  you  to  the  govern- 
or. The  chiefs  of  Onondaga  have  acc’ompanied  you  to  Albany,  to  do  busi- 
ness with  the  governor ; I also  was  to  have  been  with  you,  but  I am  sorry 
to  say  that  bad  health  has  put  it  out  of  my  power.  For  this  you  must  not 
think  hard  of  me.  I am  not  to  blame  for  it.  It  is  the  will  of  the  Great 
Spirit  that  it  should  be  so.  The  object  of  the  Onondagas  is  to  purchase  our 
lands  at  Tonnewanta.  This  and  all  other  business  that  they  may  have  to  do 
at  Albany,  must  be  transacted  in  the  presence  of  the  governor.  He  will 
see  that  the  bargain  is  fairly  made,  so  that  all  parties  may  have  reason  to  be 
satisfied  with  what  shall  be  done ; and  when  our  sanction  shall  be  wanted 
to  the  transaction,  it  will  be  freely  given.  I much  regret  that,  at  this  time, 
the  state  of  my  health  should  have  prevented  me  from  accompanying  you  to 
Albany,  as  it  was  the  wish  of  the  nation  that  I should  state  to  the  governor 
some  circumstances  which  show  that  the  chain  of  friendship  between  us 
and  the  white  people  is  wearing  out,  and  wants  brightening.  1 proceed 
now,  however,  to  lay  them  before  you  by  letter,  that  you  may  mention  them 
to  the  governor,  and  solicit  redress.  He  is  appointed  to  do  justice  to  all, 
and  the  Indians  fully  confide  that  he  will  not  suffer  them  to  be  wronged 
with  impunity.  The  first  subject  to  which  we  would  call  the  attention  of 
the  governor,  is  the  depredations  that  are  daily  committed  by  the  white 
people  upon  the  most  valuable  timber  on  our  reservations.  This  has  been  a 
subject  of  complaint  with  us  for  many  years ; but  now,  and  particularly  at 
this  season  of  the  year,  it  has  become  an  alarming  evil,  and  calls  for  the 
immediate  interposition  of  the  governor  in  our  behalf.  Our  next  subject 
of  complaint  is,  the  frequent  thefts  of  our  horses  and  cattle  by  the  white 
people,  and  their  habit  of  taking  and  using  them  whenever  they  please,  and 
without  our  leave.  These  are  evils  which  seem  to  increase  upon  us 
with  the  increase  of  our  white  neighbors,  and  they  call  loudly  for  redress. 
Another  evil  arising  from  the  pressure  of  the  whites  upon  us,  and  our 
unavoidable  communication  with  them,  is  the  frequency  with  which  our 
chiefs,  and  warriors,  and  Indians,  are  thrown  into  jail,  and  that,  too,  for 
the  most  trifling  causes.  This  is  very  galling  to  our  feelings,  and  ought  not 
to  be  permitted  to  the  extent  to  which,  to  gratify  their  bad  passions,  our 
white  neighbors  now  carry  this  practice.  In  our  hunting  and  fishing,  too, 
we  are  greatly  interrupted  by  the  whites.  Our  venison  is  stolen  from  the 
trees  where  we  have  hung  it  to  be  reclaimed  after  the  chase.  Our  hunting 
camps  have  been  fired  into,  and  we  have  been  warned  that  we  shall  no 
longer  be  permitted  to  pursue  the  deer  in  those  forests  which  were  so  lately 
all  our  own.  The  fish,  which,  in  the  Buffalo  and  Tonnewanta  Creeks,  used 
to  supply  us  with  food,  are  now,  by  the  dams  and  other  obstructions  of  the 
white  people,  prevented  from  multiplying,  and  we  are  almost  entirely  de- 
prived of  that  accustomed  sustenance.  Our  great  father,  the  president,  has 
recommended  to  our  young  men  to  be  industrious,  to  plough,  and  to  sow. 
This  we  have  done,  and  we  are  thankful  for  the  advice,  and  for  the  means 
he  has  afforded  us  of  carrying  it  into  effect.  We  are  happier  in  conse- 
quence of  it.  But  another  thing  recommended  to  us,  has  created  great  confusion 


* Vol.  i.  chap.  ix. 


CtfAP.  VI.] 


RED-JACKET.— WITCHCRAFT  AFFAIR. 


m 


among  us,  and  is  making  us  a quarrelsome  and  divided  people  ; and  that  is,  the 
introduction  of  preachers  into  our  nation.  These  black  coats  contrive  to  get 
the  consent  of  some  of  the  Indians  to  preach  among  us,  and  wherever  this 
is  the  case,  confusion  and  disorder  are  sure  to  follow,  and  the  encroach- 
ments of  the  whites  upon  our  lands  are  the  invariable  consequence.  The 
governor  must  not  think  hard  of  me  for  speaking  thus  of  the  preachers.  I 
have  observed  their  progress,  and  when  I look  back  to  see  what  has  taken 
place  of  old,  I perceive  that  whenever  they  came  among  the  Indians,  they 
were  the  forerunners  of  their  dispersion  ; that  they  always  excited  enmities 
and  quarrels  among  them ; that  they  introduced  the  white  people  on  their 
lands,  by  whom  they  were  robbed  and  plundered  of  their  property  ; and 
that  the  Indians  were  sure  to  dwindle  and  decrease,  and  be  driven  back  in 
proportion  to  the  number  of  preachers  that  came  among  them.  Each  nation 
has  its  own  customs  and  its  own  religion.  The  Indians  have  theirs,  given  to 
them  by  the  Great  Spirit,  under  which  they  were  happy.  It  was  not  in- 
tended that  they  should  embrace  the  religion  of  the  whites,  and  be  destroyed 
by  the  attempt  to  make  them  think  differently  on  that  subject  from  their 
lathers.*  It  is  true,  these  preachers  have  got  the  consent  of  some  of  the 
chiefs  to  stay  and  preach  among  us,  but  I and  my  friends  know  this  to  be 
wrong,  and  that  they  ought  to  be  removed  ; besides,  we  have  been  threatened 
by  Mr.  Hyde,  who  came  among  us  as  a school-master  and  a teacher  of  our 
children,  but  has  now  become  a black  coat,  and  refused  to  teach  them  any 
more,  that  unless  we  listen  to  his  preaching  and  become  Christians,  we  will 
be  turned  off  our  lands.  We  wish  to  know  from  the  governor  if  this  is  to 
be  so  ; and  if  he  has  no  right  to  say  so,  we  think  he  ought  to  be  turned  off 
our  lands,  and  not  allowed  to  plague  us  any  more.  We  shall  never  be  at 
peace  while  he  is  among  us.  Let  them  be  removed,  and  we  will  be  happy 
and  contented  among  ourselves.  We  now  cry  to  the  governor  for  help,  and 
hope  that  he  will  attend  to  our  complaints,  and  speedily  give  us  redress. 

Red-jacket.” 

“ This  letter  was  dictated  by  Red-jacket,  and  interpreted  by  Henry  Obeal, f 
in  the  presence  of  the  following  Indians  : Red-jacket's  son,  Corn-planter,  John- 
cobb,  Peter,  Young -kings-brother,  Tom-the-infant , [ Onnonggaiheko ,]  Blue-sky , 
[ Towyocauna ,]  John-sky,  Jemmy-johnson , Marcus,  Big-fire,  Captain- Jemmy." 

The  success  this  petition  met  with,  it  is  presumed,  was  full  and  satisfactory 
to  hi;n,  in  respect  to  one  particular ; for  no  ministers,  for  some  time  afterwards, 
were  admitted  upon  the  reservation. 

In  the  spring  of  1821,  a man  of  Red-jacket's  tribe  fell  into  a languishment  and 
died.  His  complaint  was  unknown,  and  some  circumstances  attended  his 
illness  which  caused  his  friends  to  believe  that  he  was  bewitched.  The  wo- 
man that  attended  him  was  fixed  upon  as  the  witch,  and  by  the  law,  or 
custom,  of  the  nation,  she  was  doomed  to  suffer  death.  A chief  by  the  name 
of  Tom-jemmy , called  by  his  own  people  Soo-nong-gise,  executed  the  decree 
by  cutting  her  throat.  The  Americans  took  up  the  matter,  seized  Tom-jemmy , 
and  threw, him  into  prison.!  Some  time  after,  when  his  trial  came  on,  Red- 
jacket  appeared  in  court  as  an  evidence.  The  counsel  for  the  prisoner  denied 
that  the  court  had  any  jurisdiction  over  the  case,  and  after  it  was  carried 
through  three  terms,  Soo-nong-gise  wds  finally  cleared.  Red-jacket  and  the 
other  witnesses  testified  that  the  woman  was  a witch,  and  that  she  had  been 
tried,  condemned  and  executed  in  pursuance  of  their  laws,  which  had  been 
established  from  time  immemorial;  long  before  the  English  came  into 
the  country.  The  witch  doctrine  of  the  Senecas  was  much  ridiculed  by 
some  of  the  Americans,  to  which  Red-jacket  thus  aptly  alludes  in  a speech 
which  he  made  while  upon  the  stand : — 

“ What ! do  you  denounce  us  as  fools  and  bigots,  because  we  still  continue  to 
believe  that  which  you  yourselves  sedulously  inculcated  two  centuries  ago  ? Your 
divines  have  thundered  this  doctrine  from  the  pidpit,  your  judges  have  pronounced 


* A happy  illustration  of  the  force  of  education,  f Son  of  Corn-planter,  or  Corn-plant. 

+ Information  of  a gentleman  ( W.  J.  Snelling,  Esq  ) who  was  on  the  spot,  and  saw  him 
brought  to  Buffalo.  This  was  the  next  day  after  the  murder,  and  the  blood  was  yet  upon 
his  hands. 


104 


RED-JACKET— INTERVIEW  WITH  LAFAYETTE.  [Book  V 

it  from  the  bench , your  courts  of  justice  have  sanctioned  it  with  the  formalities  of 
law,  and  you  would  now  punish  our  unfortunate  brother  for  adherence  to  the  su- 
perstitions of  his  fathers ! Go  to  Salem ! Look  at  the  records  of  your  government , 
and  you  will  find  hundreds  executed  for  the  very  crime  which  has  called  forth  the 
sentence  of  condemnation  upon  this  woman , and  drawn  down  the  arm  of  vengeance 
upon  her.  What  have  our  brothers  done  more  than  the  rulers  of  your  people  have 
done  ? and  what  crime  has  this  man  committed  by  executing,  in  a summary  way , 
the  laws  of  his  country,  and  the  injunctions  of  his  God  ? ” Before  Red-jacket 
was  admitted  to  give  evidence  in  the  case,  he  was  asked  if  he  believed  in 
future  rewards  and  punishments,  and  the  existence  of  God.  With  a piercing 
look  into  the  face  of  his  interrogator,  and  with  no  little  indignation  of  expres- 
sion, he  replied : “ Yes ! much  more  than  the  white  men,  if  ive  are  to  judge  by 
their  actions .”  Upon  the  appearance  of  Red-jacket  upon  this  occasion,  one 
observes : “ There  is  not,  perhaps,  in  nature,  a more  expressive  eye  than  that 
of  Red-jacket ; when  fired  by  indignation  or  revenge,  it  is  terrible  ; and  when 
he  chooses  to  display  his  unrivalled  talent  for  irony,  his  keen  sarcastic  glance 
is  irresistible.”  # 

When  Lafayette,  in  1825,  was  at  Buffalo,  among  the  persons  of  distinction 
who  called  upon  him,  was  Red-jacket.  Of  the  old  chief,  M.  Levasseur  ob- 
serves:! This  extraordinary  man,  although  much  worn  down  by  time  and 
intemperance,  preserves  yet,  in  a surprising  degree,  the  exercise  of  all  his 
faculties.  He  had  ever  remembered  Lafayette  since  1784,  at  which  time  he, 
with  others,  met  a great  council  of  all  the  Indian  nations  at  Fort  Schuyler, 
when  the  interest  of  all  those  nations,  friends  and  enemies,  was  regulated 
with  the  United  States.  He  asked  the  general  if  he  recollected  that  me,  ting. 
He  replied  that  he  had  not  forgotten  that  great  event,  and  asked  Red-jacket  if 
he  knew  what  had  become  of  the  young  chief,  who,  in  that  council,  opposed 
with  such  eloquence  the  “ burying  of  the  tomahawk.”  Red-Jacket  replied, 
“He  is  before  you.''1  His  speech  was  a master-piece,  and  every  warrior  who 
heard  him  was  carried  away  with  his  eloquence.  He  urged  a continuation  of  the 
war  against  the  Americans,  having  joined  against  them  in  the  revolution. 
The  general  observed  to  him  that  time  had  much  changed  them  since  that 
meeting.  “Ah!  ” said  Red-jacket,  “time  has  not  been  so  severe  upon  you  as 
it  has  upon  me.  It  has  left  to  you  a fresh  countenance,  and  hair  to  cover 

your  head;  while  to  me behold !”  and  taking  a handkerchief  iroiri 

his  head,  with  an  air  of  much  feeling,  showed  his  head,  which  was  almost 
entirely  bald.J 

At  this  interview,  was  fully  confirmed  what  we  have  before  stated.  Le- 
vasseur continues:  Red-jacket  obstinately  refuses  to  speak  any  language  but 
that  of  his  own  country,  and  affects  a great  dislike  to  all  others ; although 
it  is  easy  to  discern  that  he  perfectly  understands  the  English  ; and  refust  d, 
nevertheless,  to  reply  to  the  general  before  his  interpreter  had  translated  his 
questions  into  the  Seneca  language.  The  general  spoke  a few  words  in 
Indian,  which  he  had  learned  in  his  youth,  at  which  Red-Jacket  was  highly 
pleased,  and  which  augmented  much  his  high  opinion  of  Lafayette. 

The  author  of  the  following  passage  is  unknown  to  us ; but  presuming  it 
to  be  authentic,  we  quote  it.  “ More  than  30  years  § have  rolled  away  since 
a treaty  was  held  on  the  beautiful  acclivity  that  overlooks  the  Canandaigua  [| 


* Niles’s  Weekly  Register,  vol.  xx.  359,  411. 

t In  his  Lafayette  en  Arwerique,  tome  ii.  437-8. 

+ “ Les  assistants  ne  purent  s'empecher  de  sourire  de  la  simplicity  de  VIndien,  qui  semblait 
ignorer  fart  de  riparer  les  injures  du  temps ; mais  on  se  gar  da  bien  de  detruire  son  err  ear  ; 
et  peut-itre  fit-on  bien,  car  il  eht  pu  confondre  une  perruque  avec  une  chevehire  scalpee,  ei 
concevoir  t’idee  de  regarnir  sa  tete  aux  depens  de  la  tite  d'une  de  ses  voisons.”  Ibid. 
—This  attempt  at  facetiousness  by  Mons.  Levasseur  is  entirely  a failure,  and  in  very  bad 
taste.  Had  it  had  reference  to  an  obscure  person,  it  would  have  been  different.  For  a parcel 
of  white  ignoramuses  to  make  themselves  merry  at  the  simple  but  dignified  appearance  of  the 
old  chief,  only  shows  them  off  in  their  true  light ; and  the  assertion  that  he  covered  his  own 
head  at  the  expense  of  that  of  his  neighbor,  too  nearly  classes  the  writer  writh  his  companions. 

§ This  w'riter,  I conclude,  wrote  in  1822.  I copy  it  from  Miscellanies  selected  from  the 
Public  Journals,  by  Mr.  Buckingham. 

||  Signifying,  in  the  Seneca  language,  a town  set  off.  The  lake  received  its  name  from 
the  town  upon  its  shore.— Spaffoms  Gaz, 


Chap.  VI.] 


RED-JACKET.— VISIT  TO  PHILADELPHIA. 


105 


Lake.  The  witnesses  of  the  scene  will  never  forget  the  powers  of  native 
oratory.  Two  days  had  passed  away  in  negotiation  with  the  Indians  for  a 
cession  of  their  lands.  The  contract  was  supposed  to  be  nearly  completed, 
when  Red-jacket  arose.  Witli  the  grace  and  dignity  of  a Roman  senator,  he 
drew  his  blanket  around  him,  and,  with  a piercing  eye,  surveyed  the  multi- 
tude. All  was  hushed.  Nothing  interposed  to  break  the  silence,  save  the 
gentle  rustling  of  the  tree  tops,  under  whose  shade  they  were  gathered.  After 
a long  and  solemn,  but  not  unmeaning  pause,  he  commenced  his  speech  in  a 
low  voice  and  sententious  style.  Rising  gradually  with  the  subject,  he  de- 
picted the  primitive  simplicity  and  happiness  of  his  nation,  and  the  wrongs 
they  had  sustained  from  the  usurpations  of  white  men,  with  such  a bold  but 
faithful  pencil,  that  every  auditor  was  soon  roused  to  vengeance,  or  melted 
into  tears.  The  effect  was  inexpressible.  But  ere  the  emotions  of  admira- 
tion and  sympathy  had  subsided,  the  white  men  became  alarmed.  They  were 
in  the  heart  of  an  Indian  country — surrounded  by  more  than  ten  times  their 
number,  who  were  inflamed  by  the  remembrance  of  their  injuries,  and  ex- 
cited to  indignation  by  the  eloquence  of  a favorite  chief.  Appalled  and 
terrified,  the  white  men  cast  a cheerless  gaze  upon  the  hordes  around  them. 
A nod  from  the  chiefs  might  be  the  onset  of  destruction.  At  this  portentous 
moment,  Farmers-brother  interposed.  He  replied  not  to  his  brother  chief, 
but,  with  a sagacity  truly  aboriginal,  he  caused  a cessation  of  the  council,  in- 
troduced good  cheer,  commended  the  eloquence  of  Red-jacket,  and,  before 
the  meeting  had  reassembled,  with  the  aid  of  other  prudent  chiefs,  he  had 
moderated  the  fury  of  his  nation  to  a more  salutary  review  of  the  question 
before  them.  Suffice  it  to  say,  the  treaty  was  concluded,  and  the  Western 
District,  at  this  day,  owes  no  small  portion  of  its  power  and  influence  to  the 
counsels  of  a savage,  in  comparison  with  whom  for  genius,  heroism,  virtue, 
or  any  other  quality  that  can  adorn  the  bawble  of  a diadem,  not  only  George  the 
IV7.  and  Louis  le  Desire , but  the  German  emperor  and  the  czar  of  Muscovy,  alike 
dwindle  into  insignificance.”  We  can  add  nothing  to  this  high  encomium. 

Red-jacicet  was  of  the  number  who  visited  Philadelphia  in  1792,  as  will  be 
found  mentioned  in  the  account  of  Jaquette;  at  which  time  he  was  welcomed 
by  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania  to  that  city,  and  addressed  by  him,  in  behalf 
of  the  commonwealth,  in  the  council-chamber.  The  following  is  the  closing 
paragraph  of  the  governor’s  speech  : “ Brothers ! I know  the  kindness  with 
which  you  treat  the  strangers  that  visit  your  country;  and  it  is  my  sincere 
wish,  that,  when  you  return  to  your  families,  you  may  be  able  to  assure  them 
that  the  virtues  of  friendship  and  hospitality  are  also  practised  by  the  citi- 
zens of  Pennsylvania.”  He  had  before  observed  that  the  government  had 
furnished  every  thing  to  make  them  comfortable  during  their  stay  at  Phila- 
delphia. This  was  upon  the  28  March,  1792,  and  on  2 April  following, 
they  met  again,  when  Red-jacket  spoke  in  answer  to  the  governor  as  fol- 
lows : — 

“Brother,  Onas*  Governor,  open  unprejudiced  ears  to  what  we  have  to 
say.  Some  days  since  you  addressed  us,  and  what  you  said  gave  us  great 
pleasure.  This  day  the  Great  Spirit  has  allowed  us  to  meet  you  again,  in 
this  council-chamber.  We  hope  that  your  not  receiving  an  immediate  an- 
swer to  your  address,  will  make  no  improper  impression  upon  your  mind. 
We  mention  this  lest  you  should  suspect  that  your  kind  welcome  and  friendly 
address  has  not  had  a proper  effect  upon  our  hearts.  We  assure  you  it  is  far 
otherwise.  In  your  address  to  us  the  other  day,  in  this  ancient  council-cham- 
ber, where  our  forefathers  have  often  conversed  together,  several  things 
struck  our  attention  very  forcibly.  When  you  told  us  this  was  the  place  in 
which  our  forefathers  often  met  on  peaceable  terms,  it  gave  us  sensible  pleas- 
ure, and  more  joy  than  we  could  express.  Though  we  have  no  writings 
like  you,  yet  we  remember  often  to  have  heard  of  the  friendship  that  existed 
between  our  fathers  and  yours.  The  picture  f to  which  you  drew  our  atten- 


* Onas  was  the  name  the  Indians  gave  William  Penn,  and  they  continue  the  same  name 
io  all  the  governors  of  Pennsylvania. 

f A fine  picture  representing  Penn’s  treaty  with  the  Indians. 


106 


RED-JACKET.— DOMINIE-PETER. 


[Book  V, 


tion,  brought  fresh  to  our  minds  the  friendly  conferences  that  used  to  be  held 
between  the  former  governors  of  Pennsylvania  and  our  tribes,  and  showed 
the  love  which  your  forefathers  had  of  peace,  and  the  friendly  disposition  of 
our  people.  It  is  still  our  wish,  as  well  as  yours,  to  preserve  peace  between 
our  tribes  and  you,  and  it  would  be  well  if  the  same  spirit  existed  among  the 
Indians  to  the  westward,  and  through  every  part  of  the  United  States.  You 
particularly  expressed  that  you  were  well  pleased  to  find  that  we  differed  in 
disposition  from  the  Indians  westward.  Your  disposition  is  that  for  which 
the  ancient  Onas  Governors  were  remarkable.  As  you  love  peace,  so  do  we 
also ; and  we  wish  it  could  be  extended  to  the  most  distant  part  of  this  great 
country.  We  agreed  in  council,  this  morning,  that  the  sentiments  I have 
expressed  should  be  communicated  to  you,  before  the  delegates  of  the  Five 
Nations,  and  to  tell  you  that  your  cordial  welcome  to  this  city,  and  the  good 
sentiments  contained  in  your  address,  have  made  a deep  impression  on  our 
hearts,  have  given  us  great  joy,  and  from,  the  heart  I tell  you  so.  This  is  all  I 
have  to  say.” 

When  Red-jacket  had  finished,  another  chief,  called  Agivelondongwas , (and 
sometimes  Good-peter ,*)  addressed  the  assembly.  His  speech  is  much  in  the 
style  of  Red-jacket's , and  was  chiefly  a repetition,  in  other  words,  of  it.  It 
was  short,  and  contained  this  passage  : “ What  is  there  more  desirable  than 
that  we,  who  live  within  hearing  of  each  other,  should  unite  for  the  common 
good  ? This  is  my  wish.  It  is  the  wish  of  my  nation,  although  I am  sorry  I 
can’t  say  so  of  every  individual  in  it ; for  there  are  differences  of  opinions 
among  us,  as  well  as  among  our  white  brethren.” 

Since  we  have  here  introduced  Dominie  Peter , we  will  so  far  digress  as 
to  relate  what  follows  concerning  him.  He  was  one  of  those  who  took  part 
against  the  Americans  in  the  revolutionary  war,  and  when  hostilities  com- 
menced, he  retired  and  joined  the  remote  tribes  towards  Canada.  Colonel 
John  Harper  (one  of  the  family  from  whom  Harpersfield,  New  York,  takes 
its  name)  was  stationed  at  the  fort  at  Schorrie,  in  the  state  of  New  York. 
Early  in  the  spring  of  1777,  in  the  season  of  making  maple  sugar,  when  all 
were  upon  the  look-out  to  avoid  surprise  by  the  Indians,  Colonel  Harper  left 
the  garrison  and  proceeded  through  the  woods  to  Harpersfield ; thence  by 
an  Indian  path  to  Cherry- valley.  In  his  way,  as  he  was  turning  the  point  of 
a hill,  he  saw  a company  of  Indians,  who,  at  the  same  time,  saw  him.  He 
dared  not  attempt  flight,  as  he  could  expect  no  other  than  to  be  shot  down  in 
such  attempt.  He,  therefore,  determined  to  advance  and  meet  them  without 
discovering  fear.  Concealing  his  regimentals  as  well  as  he  could  with  his 
great  coat,  he  hastened  onward  to  meet  them.  Before  they  met  him,  he  dis- 
covered that  Peter  was  their  chief,  with  whom  he  had  formerly  traded  much 
at  Oquago,  but  who  did  not  know  him.  Harper  was  the  first  to  speak,  as  they 
met,  and  his  words  were,  “ How  do  you  do , brothers  ? ” The  chief  answered, 
“ Well. — How  do  you  do , brother  ? Which  way  are  you  bound  ? ” The  colonel 
replied,  “ On  a secret  expedition.  And  which  ivay  are  you  bound , brothers  ? ” 
They  answered  without  hesitation  or  distrust,  thinking,  no  doubt,  they  had 
fallen  in  with  one  of  the  king’s  men,  “ Doivn  the  Susquehannah , to  cut  off  the 
Johnstone  settlement .”  This  place,  since  called  Sidney  Plains , consisted  of  a 
few  Scotch  families,  and  their  minister’s  name  was  Johnstone;  hence  the 
name  of  the  settlement.  The  colonel  next  asked  them  where  they  lodged 
that  night,  and  they  told  him,  “ At  the  mouth  of  Scheneva’s  Creek.”  After 
shaking  hands,  they  separated.  As  soon  as  they  were  out  of  sight,  Harper 
made  a circuit  through  the  woods  with  all  speed,  and  soon  arrived  at  the 
head  of  Charlotte  River,  where  were  several  men  making  sugar.  This  place 
was  about  ten  miles  from  Decatur  Hill,  where  he  met  the  Indians.  He 
ordered  them  to  take  each  a rope  and  provisions  in  their  packs,  and  assem- 
ble at  Evan’s  Place,  where  he  would  soon  meet  them : thence  he  returned 
to  Harpersfield,  and  collected  the  men  there,  which,  including  the  others  and 
himself,  made  15,  just  equal  to  Peter's  force.  When  they  arrived  at  Evan’s 
Place,  upon  the  Charlotte,  Harper  made  known  his  project.  They  set  oflj 
and  before  day  the  next  morning,  came  into  the  neighborhood  of  the  In- 


Aud  often  Domine-peter . 2 Coll.  N.  Y.  Hist.  Soc.  74, 


Chap.  VI.] 


FARMERS-BROTHER. 


107 


dians’  camp.  From  a small  eminence,  just  at  dawn  of  day,  their  fire  was 
seen  burning,  and  Peter , amidst  his  warriors,  lying  upon  the  ground.  All 
were  fast  asleep.  Harper  and  his  companions  each  crept  silently  up,  with 
their  ropes  in  their  hands,  man  to  man  ; and  each,  standing  in  a position  to 
grasp  his  adversary,  waited  for  the  word  to  be  given  by  their  leader.  The 
colonel  jogged  his  Indian,  and,  as  he  was  waking,  said  to  him,  “ Come,  it  is 
time  for  men  of  business  to  be  on  their  way .”  This  was  the  watchword  ; and 
no  sooner  was  it  pronounced,  than  each  Indian  felt  the  warm  grasp  of  his 
foe.  The  struggle  was  desperate,  though  short,  and  resulted  in  the  capture 
of  every  one  of  the  party.  When  it  was  sufficiently  light  to  distinguish 
countenances,  Peter , observing  Colonel  Harper , said,  “ Ha ! Colonel  Harper  ! 
Now  I know  you!  Why  did  I not  know  you  yesterday  ?”  The  colonel  observed, 
“ Some  policy  in  war,%  Peter”  To  which  Peter  replied,  “ Ah ! me  fnd  em 
so  now .”  These  captives  were  marched  to  Albany,  and  delivered  up  to 

the  commanding  officer.  By  this  capital  exploit  no  doubt  many  lives  were 
saved.* 

As  lias  been  noted,  Bed-jacket  died  at  his  residence  near  Buffalo,  on  the 
20th  of  January,  1830,  aged  about  80  years.  In  1833,  a grandson  of  his  was 
chosen  chief  of  the  Senecas. 

The  famous  Seneca  chief,  called  the  FARMERS-BROTHER,  is  often  men- 
tioned in  the  accounts  of  Red-jacket.  His  native  name  was  Ho  na-ya-wus. 

In  1792,  Farmers-brother  was  in  Philadelphia,  and  was  among  those 
who  attended  the  burial  of  Mr.  Peter  Jaquette,  and  is  thus  noticed  in  the 
Pennsylvania  Gazette  of  28  March,  of  that  year:  “ On  Monday  last,  the 
chiefs  and  warriors  of  the  Five  Nations  assembled  at  the  state-house,  and 
were  welcomed  to  the  city  of  Philadelphia  in  an  address  delivered  by  the 
governor.  Three  of  the  chiefs  made  a general  acknowledgment  for  the  cor- 
dial reception  which  they  had  experienced,  but  postponed  their  formal  answer 
until  another  opportunity.  The  room  in  which  they  assembled  was  mentioned 
as  the  ancient  council-chamber,  in  which  their  ancestors  and  ours  had  often 
met  to  brighten  the  chain  of  friendship  ; and  this  circumstance,  together  with 
the  presence  of  a great  part  of  the  beauty  of  the  city,  had  an  evident  effect 
upon  the  feelings  of  the  Indians,  and  seemed  particularly  to  embarrass  the 
elocution  of  the  Farmers -brother”  This  last  clause  does  not  correspond  with 
our  ideas  of  the  great  chief. 

Through  his  whole  life,  Farm°rs-brother  seems  to  have  been  a peacemaker. 
In  the  spring  of  the  next  year,  there  was  a great  council  held  at  Niagara, 
consisting  of  the  chiefs  of  a great  many  nations,  dwelling  upon  the  shores 
of  the  western  lakes.  At  this  time,  many  long  and  laborious  speeches  were 
made,  some  for  and  others  against  the  conduct  of  the  United  States.  Farm- 
ers-brother shone  conspicuous  at  this  time.  His  speech  was  nearly  three 
hours  long,  and  the  final  determination  of  the  council  was  peace.  We 
know  of  no  speeches  being  preserved  at  this  time,  but  if  there  could  have 
been,  doubtless  much  true  history  might  have  been  collected  from  them. 
He  seems  not  only  to  have  been  esteemed  by  the  Americans,  but  also  by  the 
English.]- 

Of  Peter  Jaquette , whom  we  have  several  times  incidentally  mentioned, 
we  will  give  some  account  before  proceeding  with  Honayawus.  He  was 
one  of  the  principal  sachems  of  the  Oneidas.  This  chief  died  in  Phila- 
delphia, 19  March,  1792.  He  had  been  taken  to  France  by  General  Lafay- 
ette, at  the  close  of  the  revolutionary  war,  where  he  received  an  education. 
Mr.  Jaquette,  having  died  on  Monday,  was  interred  on  the  following  Wednes- 
day. “ His  funeral  was  attended  from  Oder's  hotel  to  the  Presbyterian 
burying-ground  in  Mulberry-street.  The  corpse  was  preceded  by  a detach- 
ment of  the  light  infantry  of  the  city,  with  arms  reversed,  drums  muffled, 
music  playing  a solemn  dirge.  The  corpse  was  followed  by  six  of  the 


* Annals  of  Tryon  Co.  8vo.  N.  York,  18. 

f “ Le  village  de  Buffalo  est  habile  par  les  Senecas.  Le  chef  de  cette  nation  est  Brothers- 
farmer,  estime  par  toutes  les  tribus  comme  grand  guerrier  et  grand  politique,  et  fort  caressfc 
a ce  titre  par  les  agens  anglais  et  les  agens  Americains.  Buffalo  est  le  chef  lieu  de  la  nation 
Seneca,”  Rochefntcauld,  Voyage  dans  I’Amerique  en  1795,  6,  and  7,  t.  i.  299. 


108  FARMERS-BROTHER.—T1IS  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  MOUNDS.  [Book  V - 


chiefs  as  mourners,  succeeded  by  all  the  warriors ; the  reverend  clergy 
of  all  denominations ; secretary  of  war,  and  the  gentlemen  of  the  war  de- 
partment ; officers  of  the  federal  army,  and  of  the  militia ; and  a number  of 
citizens.”  * 

One  of  the  most  celebrated  speeches  of  Farmtrs-brother  was  delivered 
in  a council  at  Genesee  River,  in  1798,  and  after  being  interpreted,  was 
signed  by  the  chiefs  present,  and  sent  to  the  legislature  of  New  York.  It 
follows : — 

“ Brothers , as  you  are  once  more  assembled  in  council  for  the  purpose  of 
doing  honor  to  yourselves  and  justice  to  your  country,  we,  your  brothers, 
the  sachems,  chiefs  and  warriors  of  the  Seneca  nation,  request  you  to  open 
your  ears  and  give  attention  to  our  voice  and  wishes. — You  will  recollect  the 
late  contest  between  you  and  your  father,  the  great  king  of  England.  This 
contest  threw  the  inhabitants  of  this  whole  island  into  a great  tumult  and 
commotion,  like  a raging  whirlwind  which  tears  up  the  trees,  and  tosses  to 
and  fro  the  leaves,  so  that  no  one  knows  from  whence  they  come,  or  where 
they  will  fall. — This  whirlwind  was  so  directed  by  the  Great  Spirit  above,  as 
to  throw  into  our  arms  two  of  your  infant  children,  Jasper  Parrish  and  Horatio 
Jones .f  We  adopted  them  into  our  families,  and  made  them  our  children. 
We  loved  them  and  nourished  them.  They  lived  with  us  many  years.  At 
length  the  Great  Spirit  spoke  to  the  whirlwind , and  it  was  still.  A clear  and  un- 
interrupted sky  appeared.  The  path  of  peace  was  opened,  and  the  chain  of 
friendship  was  once  more  made  bright.  Then  these  our  adopted  children 
left  us,  to  seek  their  relations  ; we  wished  them  to  remain  among  us,  and 
promised,  if  they  would  return  and  live  in  our  country,  to  give  each  of  them 
a seat  of  land  for  them  and  their  children  to  sit  down  upon. — They  have  re- 
turned, and  have,  for  several  years  past,  been  serviceable  to  us  as  interpret- 
ers. We  still  feel  our  hearts  beat  with  affection  for  them,  and  now  wish  to 
fulfil  the  promise  we  made  them,  and  reward  them  for  their  services.  We 
have,  therefore,  made  up  our  minds  to  give  them  a seat  of  two  square  mile? 
of  land,  lying  on  the  outlets  of  Lake  Erie,  about  three  miles  below  Black- 
rock,  beginning  at  the  mouth  of  a creek  known  by  the  name  of  Scoyguquoy - 
descreek,  running  one  mile  from  the  River  Niagara  up  said  creek,  thence 
northerly  as  the  river  runs  two  miles,  thence  westerly  one  mile  to  the  river, 
thence  up  the  river  as  the  river  runs,  two  miles,  to  the  place  of  beginning,  so 
as  to  contain  two  square  miles. — We  have  now  made  known  to  you  our 
minds.  We  expect  and  earnestly  request  that  you  will  permit  our  friends 
to  receive  this  our  gift,  and  will  make  the  same  good  to  them,  according  to 
the  laws  and  customs  of  your  nation. — Why  should  you  hesitate  to  make  our 
minds  easy  with  regard  to  this  our  request  ? To  you  it  is  but  a little  thing ; 
and  have  you  not  complied  with  the  request  and  confirmed  the  gifts  of  our 
brothers  the  Oneidas,  the  Onondagas  and  Cayugas  to  their  interpreters? 
And  shall  we  ask  and  not  be  heard?  We  send  you  this  our  speech,  to 
which  we  expect  your  answer  before  the  breaking  up  our  great  council 
fire.” 

A gentleman  J who  visited  Buffalo  in  1810,  observes  that  Famiers-brother 
was  never  known  to  drink  ardent  spirits,  and  although  then  94  years  old, 
walked  perfectly  upright,  and  was  remarkably  straight  and  well  formed ; 
very  grave,  and  answered  his  inquiries  with  great  precision,  but  though  his 
interpreter,  Mr.  Parrish,  before  named.  His  account  of  the  mounds  in  that 
region  will  not  give  satisfaction.  He  told  Dr.  King  that  they  were  thrown 
up  against  the  incursions  of  the  French,  and  that  the  implements  found  in 
them  were  taken  from  them  ; a great  army  of  French  having  been  overthrown 
and  mostly  cut  off,  the  Indians  became  possessed  of  their  acoutrements, 
which,  being  of  no  use  to  them,  were  buried  with  their  owners. 

He  was  a great  warrior,  and  although  “ eighty  snows  in  years  ” wh*en  the 
war  of  1812  began,  yet  he  engaged  in  it,  and  fought  with  the  Americans. 

* Pennsylvania  Gazette. 

| Taken  prisoners  at  the  destruction  of  Wyoming  by  the  tories  and  Indians  nndier  Butler 
and  Brant. 

t Dr.  William  King,  the  celebrated  electrician,  who  give9  the  author  this  information 
verbally. 


Chap.  VI.]  FARMERS-BROTHER.— SURPRISE  AT  DEVIL’S  HOLE.  109 

He  did  not  live  till  its  close,  but  died  at  the  Seneca  village,  just  after  the 
battle  of  Bridgewater,  and  was  interred  with  military  honors  by  the  fifth 
regiment  of  United  States  infantry.  He  usually  wore  a medal  presented 
him  by  General  Washington . In  the  revolution,  he  fought  successfully 
against  the  Americans.  Perhaps  there  never  flowed  from  the  lips  of  man 
a more  sublime  metaphor  than  that  made  use  of  by  this  chief,  in  the 
speech  given  above,  when  alluding  to  the  revolutionary  contest.  It  is 
worth  repeating:  “ The  Great  Spirit  spoke  to  the  whirlwind , and  it  was 

still” 

This  celebrated  chief  was  engaged  in  the  cause  of  the  French,  in  the  old 
French  war,  as  it  is  termed,  and  he  once  pointed  out  the  spot  to  a traveller, 
where,  at  the  head  of  a band  of  his  warriors,  he  ambushed  a guard  that  ac- 
companied the  English  teams,  employed  between  the  Falls  of  Niagara  and 
Fort  Niagara,  which  had  then  recently  surrendered  to  the  English  under 
Sir  William  Johnson.  The  place  of  the  ambush  is  now  called  the  Devil’s 
Hole,  and  is  a very  noted  place  to  inquisitive  visitors  of  that  romantic  region, 
as  it  is  but  three  and  a half  miles  below  the  great  Falls,  and  upon  the  Ameri- 
can shore.  It  is  said  of  this  place,  that  “ the  mind  can  scarcely  conceive  of 
a more  dismal  looking  den.  A large  ravine,  made  by  the  falling  in  of  the 
perpendicular  bank,  darkened  by  the  spreading  branches  of  the  birch  and 
cedar,  which  had  taken  root  below,  and  the  low  murmuring  of  the  rapids  in 
the  chasm,  added  to  the  solemn  thunder  of  the  cataract  itself,  contribute  to 
render  the  scene  truly  awful.  The  English  party  were  not  aware  of  the  dread- 
ful fate  that  awaited  them.  Unconscious  of  danger,  the  drivers  were  gayly 
whistling  to  their  dull  ox-teams.  Farmers-brother  and  his  band,  on  their 
arrival  at  this  spot,  rushed  from  the  thicket  which  had  concealed  them,  and 
commenced  a horrid  butchery.”  So  unexpected  was  the  attack  that  all  pres- 
ence of  mind  forsook  the  English,  and  they  made  little  or  no  resistance.  The 
guard,  the  teamsters,  the  oxen  and  the  wagons  were  precipitated  down  into 
the  gulf.  But  two  of  the  men  escaped : a Mr.  Stedman,  who  lived  at  Scliio- 
per,  above  the  falls,  who,  being  mounted  on  a fleet  horse,  effected  his  escape  ; 
and  one  of  the  soldiers,  who  was  caught  on  the  projecting  root  of  a cedar, 
which  sustained  him  until  the  Indians  had  left  the  place.  He  soon  after  got 
to  Fort  Niagara,  and  there  gave  an  account  of  what  had  happened.  The 
small  rivulet  that  runs  into  the  Niagara  through  the  Devil’s  Hole,  was,  it  is 
said,  colored  with  the  blood  of  the  slain  on  that  unfortunate  day,  and  it  now 
bears  the  name  of  Bloody-Run. 

Farmers-brother  fought  against  the  Americans  in  the  Revolution,  and  was 
no  inconsiderable  foe ; but  his  acts  were  probably  mostly  in  council,  as  we 
hear  of  no  important  achievements  by  him  in  the  field.  . 

The  following  remarkable  incident  should  not  be  omitted  in  the  life  of 
this  chief.  In  the  war  of  1812,  a fugitive  Mohawk  from  the  enemy  had  en- 
deavored to  pass  for  a Seneca,  and  accordingly  came  among  those  under 
Red-jacket  and  Farmers-brother.  The  latter  discovered  him,  and  immediately 
appeared  in  his  presence,  and  thus  accosted  him.  “ I know  you  well.  You 
belong  to  the  Mohawks.  You  are  a spy.  Here  is  my  rifle — my  tomahawk — my 
scalping-knife.  Say , which  1 shall  use.  I am  in  haste.”  The  young  Mo- 
hawk knew  there  was  no  reprieve,  nor  time  to  deliberate.  He  chose  the 
rifle.  The  old  chief  ordered  him  to  lie  down  upon  the  grass,  and  with  one  foot 
upon  his  breast,  he  discharged  his  rifle  into  his  head.* 

The  following  letter  will,  besides  exhibiting  the  condition  of  the  Senecas, 
develop  some  other  interesting  facts  in  their  biographical  history. 

“ To  the  Honorable  William  Eustis , secretary  at  war. 

“The  sachems  and  chief  warriors  of  the  Seneca  nation  of  Indians,  under- 
standing you  are  the  person  appointed  by  the  great  council  of  your  nation  to 
manage  and  conduct  the  affairs  of  the  several  nations  of  Indians  with  whom 
you  are  at  peace  and  on  terms  of  friendship,  come,  at  this  time,  as 
children  to  a father,  to  lay  before  you  the  trouble  which  we  have  on  our 
minds. 


10 


Buckingham’s  Miscellanies,  i.  33,  34. 


no 


FARMER/S-BR  OTHER. 


[Book  V 


“Brother,  we  do  not  ♦hink  it  best  to  multiply  words:  we  will,  therefore, 
tell  you  what  our  complaint  is. — Brother,  listen  to  what  we  say  : Some  years 
since,  we  held  a treaty  at  Bigtree,  near  the  Genesee  River.  This  treaty  was 
called  by  our  great  father,  the  president  of  the  United  States.  He  sent  an 
agent,  Col.  Wadsworth , to  attend  this  treaty,  for  the  purpose  of  advising  us  in 
the  business,  and  seeing  that  we  had  justice  done  us.  At  this  treaty,  we  sold 
to  Robert  Morris  the  greatest  part  of  our  country ; the  sum  he  gave  us  was 
100,000  dollars.  The  commissioners  who  were  appointed  on  your  part, 
advised  us  to  place  this  money  in  the  hands  of  our  great  father,  the  president 
of  the  United  States.  He  told  us  our  father  loved  his  red  children,  and 
would  take  care  of  our  money,  and  plant  it  in  a field  where  it  would  bear 
seed  forever,  as  long  as  trees  grow,  or  waters  run.  Our  money  has  hereto- 
fore been  of  great  service  to  us ; it  has  helped  us  to  support  our  old  people, 
and  our  women  and  children;  but  we  are  told  the  field  where  our  money  was 
planted  is  become  barren. — Brother,  we  do  not  understand  your  way  of  doing 
business.  This  thing  is  very  heavy  on  our  minds.  We  mean  to  hold  our 
white  brethren  of  the  United  States  by  the  hand ; but  this  weight  lies  heavy  ; 
we  hope  you  will  remove  it. — We  have  heard  of  the  bad  conduct  of  our 
brothers  towards  the  setting  sun.  We  are  sorry  for  what  they  have  done; 
but  you  must  not  blame  us ; we  have  had  no  hand  in  this  bad  business. 
They  have  had  bad  people  among  them.  It  is  your  enemies  have  done  this. 
— We  have  persuaded  our  agent  to  take  this  talk  to  your  great  council.  He 
knows  our  situations,  and  will  speak  our  minds. 

[Subscribed  with  the  marks  of] 

Farmer’s  Brother,  [ Honayawus ,] 

Little  Billy,  [ Gishkaka ,] 

Young  King,  [Koyingquautah,] 

Pollard,  [ Kaoundoowand ,] 

Chief-warrior,  [ Lunuchsheiva ,] 

Two-guns, 

John  Sky, 

Parrot-nose,  [.Soocooica,] 

John  Pierce,  [ Teskaiy ,] 

Strong,  \Kafudsta,] 

“ N.  B.  The  foregoing  speech  was  delivered  in  council  by  Farmers- Brother, 
at  Buffalo  Creek,  19  Dec.  1811,  and  subscribed  to  in  my  presence  by  the 
chiefs  whose  names  are  annexed. 

Erastus  Granger.” 

Eight  thousand  dollars  * was  appropriated  immediately  upon  receipt  of  the 
above. 

Little-billy , or  Gishkaka,  is  the  same  of  whom  we  have  spoken  in  a prece- 
ding chapter,  and  called  by  Washington,  Juskakaka. 

Young-king,  the  third  signer  of  the  above  talk,  was  engaged  in  fighting 
for  the  Americans  in  the  last  war  with  England,  and  by  an  act  of  congress 
was  to  be  paid  yearly,  in  quarterly  payments,  200  dollars,  during  life.  The 
act  states  that  it  was  “ a compensation  for  the  brave  and  meritorious  services 
which  he  rendered”  in  that  war,  “and  as  a provision  for  the  wound  and 
disability  which  he  received  in  the  performance  of  those  services.”  This 
was  in  the  spring  of  1810. 

Of  Pollard , or  Captain  Pollard,  we  shall  have  occasion  elsewhere  to  say 
more. 

Jack-berry  was  sometimes  interpreter  for  Red-jacket. 

Half-town  was  very  conspicuous  in  the  affairs  of  the  Senecas,  but  as  he 
is  generally  mentioned,  in  our  documents,  in  connection  with  Corn-plant , or 
Corn-planter,  and  Big-tree,  we  had  designed  to  speak  of  the  three  collectively. 

We  find  among  the  acts  of  the  Pennsylvania  legislature  of  1791,  one  “ for 


Wheelbarrow, 

Jack-berry, 

Twenty  Canoes,  [Cachaunwasse,] 
Big-kettle,  [Smewa?] 
Half-town,  [Achiout,] 
Keyandeande, 

Captain-cold, 

Esq.  Blinkney, 

Capt.  Johnson,  [ Talwinaha .] 


* *•  In  lieu  of  the  dividend  on  the  bank  shares,  held  by  the  president  of  the  U.  States,  in 
trust  for  the  Seneca  nation,  in  the  bank  of  the  U.  States.” 
f Or  Kiandogewa,  Kayenthoghke,  & c. 

\ Benson's  Memoir,  before  the  N.  Y.  Hist.  Soc.  page  20.  Also  Amcr.  Magazine. 


Chap.  VI  ] 


HALF-TOWN— CORN-PLANT— BIG-TREE. 


Ill 


granting  800  dollars  to  Corn-planter , Half-town  and  Big-tree , Seneca  chiefs* 
in  trust  for  the  Seneca  nation.”  At  this  time  much  was  apprehended  from 
an  Indian  war.  Settlers  were  intruding  themselves  upon  their  country,  and 
all  experience  has  shown  that  whenever  the  whites  have  gone  among  them, 
troubles  were  sure  to  follow.  Every  movement  of  the  Indians  was  looked 
upon  with  jealousy  by  them  at  this  period.  Half-town  was  the  “white 
man’s  friend,”  and  communicated  to  the  garrisons  in  his  country  every  sus- 
picious movement  of  tribes  of  whom  doubts  were  entertained.  It  is  evident 
that  hostile  bands,  for  a long  time,  hovered  about  the  post  at  Venango,  and, 
but  for  the  vigilance  of  Half-town , and  other  friendly  chiefs,  it  would  have 
been  cut  off  In  April  this  year,  (1791,)  Corn-plant,  and  Half -town  had  up- 
wards of  100  warriors  in  and  about  the  garrison,  and  kept  runners  out  con- 
tinually, “ being  determined  to  protect  it  at  all  events.”  Their  spies  made 
frequent  discoveries  of  war  parties.  On  the  12  August,  1791,  Half-town  and 
New-arrow  gave  information  at  Fort  Franklin,  that  a sloop  full  of  Indians 
had  been  seen  on  Lake  Erie,  sailing  for  Presque  Isle ; and  their  object  was 
supposed  to  be  Fort  Franklin  ; but  the  conjecture  proved  groundless. 

The  Indian  name  of  Half -town  was  Achiout.  We  hear  of  him  at  Fort 
Harmer,  in  1789,  where,  with  23  others,  he  executed  a treaty  with  the  United 
States.  The  commissioners  on  the  part  of  the  latter  were  General  Arthur 
St.  Clair,  Oliver  Wolcut,  Richard  Butler  and  Arthur  Lee.  Among  the  signers 
on  the  part  of  the  Senecas  were  also  Big-tree,  or  Kiandogewa , Corn-planter, 
or  Gyantwaia,  besides  several  others  whose  names  are  familiar  in  history. 
Big-tree  was  often  called  Great-tree,  which,  in  the  language  of  the  Five 
Nations,  was  Nihorontagowa ,*  which  also  was  the  name  of  the  Oneida 
nation,  f Big-tree  was  with  General  Washington  during  the  summer  of 
1778,  but  returned  to  the  Indian  nations  in  the  autumn.  He  proceeded  to 
the  Senecas,  and  used  his  eloquence  to  dissuade  them  from  fighting  under 
Brant  against  the  Americans.  The  Oneidas  were  friendly  at  this  time,  and 
Big-tree  was  received  among  them  with  hospitality,  in  his  way,  upon  this 
mission.  Having  staid  longer  than  was  expected  among  the  Senecas,  the 
Oneidas  sent  a messenger  to  him  to  know  the  reason.  He  returned  answer 
that  when  he  arrived  among  his  nation,  he  found  them  all  in  arms,  and  their 
, villages,  Kanadaseago  and  Jennessee,  crowded  with  warriors  from  remote 
tribes ; that  they  at  first  seemed  inclined  to  hearken  to  his  wishes,  but  soon 
learning  by  a spy  that  the  Americans  were  about  to  invade  their  country,  all 
flew  to'  arms,  and  Big-tree  put  himself  at  their  head,  “ determined  to  chastise ,” 
he  said,  “ the  enemy  that  dared  presume  to  think  of  penetrating  their  country .” 
But  we  do  not  learn  that  he  was  obliged  to  maintain  that  hostile  attitude, 
and  doubtless  returned  soon  after. 

Corn-planter  was  a warrior  at  B ruddock’s  defeat,  but  whether  a chief  I do 
not  learn;  we  will,  however,  according  to  our  design,  give  an  account  of 
that  signal  disaster,  in  this  connection.  The  French  having  established 
themselves  upon  the  Ohio,  within  the  territory  claimed  by  the  English,  and 
built  a fort  upon  it,  as  low  down  as  the  confluence  of  that  river  with  the  Mo- 
nongahela,  the  latter  were  determined  to  dispossess  them.  This  was  under- 
taken by  a force  of  about  2200  men  under  the  command  of  General  Edward 
Braddock.  With  about  1300  of  these  he  proceeded  on  the  expedition,  leaving 
the  rest  to  follow  under  Colonel  Dunbar.  I Through  nearly  the  whole 
course  of  his  march,  he  was  watched  by  spies  from  Fort  Duquesne,  (the  name 
of  the  French  fort  on  the  Ohio,)  and  the  earliest  intelligence  of  his  move- 
ments was  carried  there  by  Indian  runners  with  the  utmost  despatch.  When 
it  was  told  among  the  Indians  that  the  army  was  marching  upon  them  in 
solid  columns,  they  laughed  with  surprise,  and  said,  one  to  another,  “ We'll 
shoot  'em  doivn,  all  one  pigeon!"  § and  it  will  always  be  acknowledged  that, 
in  this,  the  Indians  were  not  mistaken. 

The  French,  it  seems,  formed  but  a small  part  of  the  force  that  defeated 


* Or  Kiandogewa,  KayenthoghJce,  &c. 

f Benson's  Memoir,  before  the  N.  Y.  Hist.  Soc.  page  20.  Also  Amer.  Magazine. 
t Account  of  the  Ohio  Defeat,  p.  4,  4°.  Boston,  1755. 

$ Withers’s  Chronicles , 53,  54. 


112 


CORN-PLANTER. — BRADDOCKS  DEFEAT. 


[Book  V. 


Braddock's  army ; the  Indians  planned  and  executed  the  operations  chiefly 
themselves,  and  their  whole  force  is  said  not  to  have  exceeded  400  men ; hut 
from  the  accounts  of  the  French  themselves,  it  is  evident  there  were 
about  600  Indians,  and  not  far  from  250  French,*  who  marched  out  to  meet 
Braddock. 

Early  in  the  morning  of  the  9 July,  1755,  the  English  army  arrived  at  a 
fording-place  on  the  Monongahela,  at  the  junction  of  the  Youghiogany,  which 
it  passed  in  fine  order,  and  pursued  its  march  upon  the  southern  margin  of 
the  river,  to  avoid  the  high  and  rugged  ground  on  the  north,  which  they 
would  have  had  to  encounter  upon  the  other  side  of  it.  Washington  often  said 
afterwards,  “ that  the  most  beautiful  spectacle  which  he  had  ever  beheld  was 
the  display  of  the  British  troops  on  this  eventful  morning.”  They  were  in 
full  uniform,  and  marched  in  the  most  perfect  order,  and  dreamed  of  nothing 
but  an  easy  conquest.  About  noon  they  arrived  at  their  second  crossing 
place,  which  was  distant  only  10  miles  from  Fort  Duquesne.  It  was  here 
that  the  Indians  and  French  had  intended  to  commence  their  attack ; but 
ow  ing  to  some  delay,  they  did  not  arrive  in  season,  and  therefore  took  a posi- 
tion further  in  advance,  and  awaited  the  approach  of  the  English. 

The  French  were  commanded  by  M.  de  Beaujeu , who  had  for  his  lieuten- 
ant, M.  Dumas.  The  place  chosen  for  the  ambush  was  the  best  possible,  and 
the  Indians  never  showed  greater  courage  and  firmness.  It  is  said  by  the 
French,  that  they  were  for  some  time  opposed  to  going  out  to  fight  the 
English,  but  that  after  several  solicitations  from  M.  Beaujeu , they  consented; 
but  the  Indian  account  is  as  we  have  before  stated. 

Immediately  on  crossing  the  river  the  army  were  formed  in  three  divisions, 
which  was  the  order  of  march.  A plain,  or  kind  of  prairie,  which  the  army 
had  to  cross,  extended  from  the  river  about  half  a mile,  and  then  its  route 
lay  overall  ascending  ground,  of  very  gentle  ascent,  covered  with  trees  and 
high  prairie  grass.  At  the  commencement  of  this  elevation  began  a ravine, 
which,  as  it  extended  up  the  rising  ground,  formed  a figure  resembling  nearly 
that  of  a horse-shoe,  and  about  150  yards  in  extent.  Into  this  inclosure  two 
divisions  of  the  army  had  passed  when  the  attack  began. 

Notwithstanding  Washington  had  urged  upon  the  general  the  propriety  of 
keeping  out  scouting  parties  to  avoid  surprise,  yet  he  would  take  no  advice, 
and  it  is  said,  that  on  one  occasion,  he  boisterously  replied,  “ that  it  was  high 
times  for  a young  Buckskin  to  teach  a British  general  how  to  fight!”  Such 
was  his  contempt  for  scouting  parties,  that  he  accepted  w ith  cold  indiffer- 
ence the  services  of  George  Croghan , who  had  offered  himself  with  100 
Indians  for  the  important  business  of  scouring  the  woods.  The  consequence 
was,  the  Indians,  one  after  another,  left  the  army  in  its  march,  much  to  the 
regret  of  Washington  and  other  provincial  officers,  who  knew  how  to  ap- 
preciate their  value. 

When  the  first  division  of  the  army  had  nearly  ascended  the  hill,  as  the 
rising  ground  was  called,  the  Indians  broke  the  silence  of  the  morning  with 
a most  appalling  yell,  and  at  the  same*  moment  poured  a most  deadly  fire 
from  their  coverts  upon  the  devoted  column.  The  first  shocks  were  sus- 
tained with  firmness,  and  the  fire  was  returned,  by  which  a few  Indians  were 
killed,  and  the  French  commander-in-chief,  M.  de  Beaujeu , mortally  wounded. 
It  is  said  that  the  Indians  now  began  to  waver,  and  but  for  the  good  conduct 
of  M.  Dumas,  second  in  command,  would  have  fled ; but  by  his  exertions 
order  was  restored,  and  the  firing,  which  had  not  ceased,  was  redoubled. 

The  advanced  column  was  commanded  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Gage , since 
so  well  known  as  governor  of  Massachusetts,  in  1775.  This  column  was 
about  100  yards  in  advance  of  the  second,  which  had  just  begun  to  ascend 
the  hill  when  the  attack  began,  and  the  main  body,  under  the  general  in 
person,  was  but  a few  rods  in  the  rear  of  this,  and  on  hearing  the  firing  he 
pressed  forward  to  support  the  engaged  party. 

Meanwhile  the  extensive  line  of  Indians  upon  the  right  flank  made  an 
onset  from  their  section  of  the  ravine,  and  from  their  superior  numbers,  the 
shock  could  not  be  withstood,  and  the  column  was  immediately  broken,  and 


Sparks’s  Washington , ii.  468 — 76, 


1 lb.  c.  1.469. 


Chap.  VI.]  CORN-PLANT.— HIS  SPEECH  TO  WASHINGTON. 


113 


began  to  retreat  in  disorder  down  the  hill — confusion  and  di>may  ensued — ■ 
no  exertions  of  the  officers  could  prevent  the  panic  from  spreading  among 
the  regular  troops,  and  the  light  was  afterwards  continued  in  the  utmost  irreg- 
ularity. Imboldened  by  the  confusion  of  the  English,  the  Indians  now 
rushed  upon  thehi  with  their  tomahawks,  which,  after  near  two  hours,  ter- 
minated the  battle,  and  the  field  was  left  in  their  possession.  Not  only  the 
field  of  battle,  but  all  the  killed  and  many  of  the  wounded,  all  the  artillery, 
(eleven  pieces  of  cannon,)  all  the  general’s  baggage,  and  even  private  papers, 
and  all  the  ammunition  and  provisions,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors. 

All  but  the  Virginians  fought  for  some  time  in  the  most  wretched  confu- 
sion ; but  the  officers  were  mournfully  sacrificed — sometimes  charging  the 
enemy  in  a body  by  themselves,  hoping  by  their  example  to  draw  out  their 
meu  in  a manner  to  repel  their  adversaries ; but  all  to  no  purpose  : and  it  is 
not  doubted  but  that  the  confused  multitude  of  regulars  killed  many  of  their 
companions,  as  they  often  fired  fifty  or  a hundred  in  a huddle  together, 
seemingly  for  no  other  object  but  to  get  rid  of  their  ammunition.  The  Vir- 
ginians fought  in  the  Indian  manner,  behind  trees  and  coverts ; and  it  was 
owing  to  their  good  conduct  that  any  of  the  wretched  army  escaped. 

Alter  having  five  horses  shot  under  him,  General  Braddock  received  a 
wound  in  his  lungs,  of  which  he  died  on  the  13th  of  July,  4 days  alter  the 
battle,  at  Fort  Cumberland,  whither  he  had  arrived  with  a part  of  his  shat- 
tered army.  Washington  had  been  suffering,  for  some  time  before  arriving 
at  the  fatal  battle-field,  from  a fever ; and  in  a letter  which  he  wrote  to  his 
mother,  dated  July  18th,  he  thus  speaks  of  himself: — “The  Virginia  troops 
showed  a good  deal  of  bravery,  and  were  nearly  all  killed ; for  I believe,  out 
of  three  companies  that  were  there,  scarcely  30  men  are  left  alive.  Cap- 
tain Peyrouny,  and  all  his  officers  down  to  a corporal,  were  killed.  Captain 
Poison  had  nearly  as  hard  a fate,  for  only  one  of  his  were  left.  In  short,  the 
dastardly  behavior  of  those  they  call  regulars  exposed  all  others,  that  were 
inclined  to  do  their  duty,  to  almost  certain  death,  and  at  last,  in  despite  of 
all  the  efforts  of  the  officers  to  the  contrary,  they  ran,  as  sheep  pursued  by 
dogs,  and  it  was  impossible  to  rally  them.”  “ Sir  Peter  Halket  was  killed 
in  the  field,  where  died  many  other  brave  officers.  I luckily  escaped  with- 
out a wound,  though  I-  had  4 bullets  through  my  coat,  and  two  horses  shot 
under  me.  Captains  Orme  and  Morris,  two  of  the  aids-de-camp,  were  wound- 
ed early  in  the  engagement,  which  rendered  the  duty  harder  upon  me,  as  I 
was  the  only  person  then  left  to  distribute  the  general’s  orders,  which  I was 
scarcely  abie  to  do,  as  I was  not  half  recovered  from  a violent  illness,  that 
had  confined  me  to  my  bed  and  wagon  for  above  10  days.” 

We  know  of  no  battle,  in  which  so  great  a proportion  of  officers  fell. 
There  were  86  engaged  in  it,  and  63  were  killed  and  wounded,  of  whom  26 
were  killed.  Besides  those  already  named,  there  were  among  the  wounded 
Colonel  Burton , Sir  John  St.  Clair , Colonel  Orme , and  Major  Sparks.  Of  the 
private  so'diers  there  were  killed  and  wounded  714,  half  of  whom  were 
killed,  or  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians,  and  suffered  a cruel  death  after- 
wards. Mr.  John  Field , then  a lieutenant,  and  Mr.  Charles  Lewis , two  dis- 
tinguished officers  afterwards,  escaped  the  carnage  of  BraddocPs  field  to 
fall  in  a more  fortunate  place.  They  were  colonels  under  General  Andrew 
Lewis,  and  were  killed  in  the  battle  of  Point  Pleasant,  as  will  be  found  men- 
tioned in  the  life  of  Logan. 

In  the  year  1790,  Big-tree,  Corn-plant  and  Half-town  appeared  at  Philadel- 
phia, and,  by  their  interpreter,  communicated  to  President  Washington  as 
follows : — 

“ Father : The  voice  of  the  Seneca  nations  speaks  to  you  ; the  great  coun- 
sellor, in  whose  heart  the  wise  men  of  all  the  thirteen  fires  [13  U.  S.]  have 
placed  their  wisdom.  It  may  be  very  small  in  your  ears,  and  we,  therefore, 
entreat  you  to  hearken  with  attention ; for  we  are  able  to  speak  of  things 
which  are  to  us  very  great. 

“ When  your  army  entered  the  country  of  the  Six  Nations,  we  called  you 
the  town  destroyer ; to  this  day,  when  your  name  is  heard,  our  women  look 
behind  them  and  turn  pale,  and  our  children  cling  close  to  the  necks  of  their 
mothers.” 


10* 


114 


CORN-PLANT.— IIIS  SPEECH  TO  WASHINGTON.  [Rook  V, 


“ When  our  chiefs  returned  from  Fort  Stanwix,  and  laid  before  our  coun- 
cil what  had  been  done  there,  our  nation  was  surprised  to  hear  how  great  a 
country  you  had  compelled  them  to  give  up  to  you,  without  your  paying  to 
us  any  thing  for  it.  Every  one  said,  that  your  hearts  were  yet  swelled  with 
resentment  against  us  for  what  had  happened  during  the  war,  but  that  one 
day  you  would  consider  it  with  more  kindness.  We  asked  each  other,  What 
have  we  done  to  deserve  such  severe  chastisement  ? 

“ Father : when  you  kindled  your  13  fires  separately,  the  wise  men  assem- 
bled at  them  told  us  that  you  were  all  brothers ; the  children  of  one  great 
father,  who  regarded  the  red  people  as  his  children.  They  called  us 
brothers,  and  invited  us  to  his  protection.  They  told  us  that  he  resided 
beyond  the  great  water  where  the  sun  first  rises ; and  that  he  was  a king 
whose  power  no  people  could  resist,  and  that  his  goodness  was  as  bright  as 
the  sun.  What  they  said  went  to  our  hearts.  We  accepted  the  invitation, 
and  promised  to  obey  him.  What  the  Seneca  nation  promises,  they  faith- 
fully perform.  When  you  refused  obedience  to  that  king,  he  commanded 
us  to  assist  his  beloved  men  in  making  you  sober.  In  obeying  him,  we  did 
no  more  than  yourselves  had  led  us  to  promise.”  “ We  were  deceived  ; but 
your  people  teaching  us  to  confide  in  that  king,  had  helped  to  deceive  us ; 
and  we  now  appeal  to  your  breast.  Is  all  the  blame  ours  ? 

“ Father : when  we  saw  that  we  had  been  deceived,  and  heard  the  invita- 
tion which  you  gave  us  to  draw  near  to  the  fire  you  had  kindled,  and  talk 
with  you  concerning  peace,  we  made  haste  towards  it.  You  told  us  you 
could  crush  us  to  nothing ; and  you  demanded  from  us  a great  country,  as 
the  price  of  that  peace  which  you  had  offered  to  us : as  if  our  ivant  of 
strength  had  destroyed  our  rights.  Our  chiefs  had  felt  your  power,  and  were 
unable  to  contend  against  you,  and  they  therefore  gave  up  that  country. 
What  they  agreed  to  has  bound  our  nation,  but  your  anger  against  us  must 
by  this  time  be  cooled,  and  although  our  strength  is  not  increased,  nor  your 
power  become  less,  we  ask  you  to  consider  calmly — Were  the  terms  dictated 
to  us  by  your  commissioners  reasonable  and  just  ? ” 

They  also  remind  the  president  of  the  solemn  promise  of  the  commission- 
ers, that  they  should  be  secured  in  the  peaceable  possession  of  what  was 
left  to  them,  and  then  ask,  “ Does  this  promise  bind  you  ?”  And  that  no 
sooner  was  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix  concluded,  than  commissioners  from 
Pennsylvania  came  to  purchase  of  them  what  was  included  within  the  lines 
of  their  state.  These  they  informed  that  they  did  not  wish  to  sell,  but  being 
further  urged,  consented  to  sell  a part.  But  the  commissioners  said  that  “ they 
must  have  the  whole ; ” for  it  was  already  ceded  to  them  by  the  king  of  Eng- 
land, at  the  peace  following  the  revolution;  but  still,  as  their  ancestors  had 
always  paid  the  Indians  for  land,  they  were  willing  to  pay  them  for  it.  Being 
not  able  to  contend,  the  land  was  sold.  Soon  after  this,  they  empowered  a 
person  to  let  out  part  of  their  land,  who  said  congress  had  sent  him  for  the 
purpose,  but  who,  it  seems,  fraudulently  procured  a deed  instead  of  a power 
to  lease  ; for  there  soon  came  another  person  claiming  all  their  country  north- 
ward of  the  line  of  Pennsylvania,  saying  that  he  purchased  it  of  the  other, 
and  for  which  he  had  paid  20,000  dollars  to  him  and  20,000  more  to  the 
United  States.  He  now  demanded  the  land,  and,  on  being  refused,  threaten- 
ed immediate  war.  Knowing  their  weak  situation,  they  held  a council,  and 
took  the  advice  of  a white  man,  whom  they  took  to  be  their  friend,  but.  who, 
as  it  proved,  had  plotted  with  the  other,  and  was  to  receive  some  of  the 
land  for  his  agency.  He,  therefore,  told  them  they  must  comply.  “ Astonish- 
ed at  what  we  heard  from  every  quarter,”  they  say,  “with  hearts  aching  with 
compassion  for  our  women  and  children,  we  were  thus  compelled  to  give  up 
all  our  country  north  of  the  line  of  Pennsylvania,  and  east  of  the  Genesee 
River,  up  to  the  great  forks,  and  east  of  a south  line  drawn  up  from  that 
fork  to  the  line  of  Pennsylvania.”  For  this  he  agreed  to  give  them  10,000 
dollars  down,  and  1000  dollars  a year  forever.  Instead  of  that,  he  paid  them 
2500  dollars,  and  some  time  after  offered  500  dollars  more,  insisting  that 
that  was  all  he  owed  them,  which  he  allowed  to  be  yearly.  They  add, 

“j Father:  you  have  said  that  we  wpre  in  your  hand,  and  that  by  closing  it 
you  could  crush  us  to  nothing.  Are  you  determined  to  crush  us  ? If  you 


Chap.  VI.] 


CORN-PLANT.— DEATH  OE  BIG-TREE. 


115 


are,  tell  us  so ; that  those  of  our  nation  who  have  become  your  children,  and 
have  determined  to  die  so,  may  know  what  to  do.  In  this  case,  one  chief 
has  said,  he  would  ask  you  to  put  him  out  of  his  pain.  Another,  who  will 
not  think  of  dying  by  the  hand  of  his  father,  or  his  brother,  has  said  he  will 
retire  to  the  Chataughque,  eat  of  the  fatal  root,  and  sleep  with  his  fathers  in 
peace.” 

“ All  the  land  we  have  been  speaking  of  belonged  to  the  Six  Nations.  No  part 
of  it  ever  belonged  to  the  king  of  England,  and  he  could  not  give  it  to  you.” 

“ Hear  us  once  more.  At  Fort  Stanwix  we  agreed  to  deliver  up  those  of 
our  people  who  should  do  you  any  wrong,  and  that  you  might  try  them  and 
punish  them  according  to  your  law.  We  delivered  up  two  men  accordingly. 
But  instead  of  trying  them  according  to  your  law,  the  lowest  of  your  people 
took  them  from  your  magistrate,  and  put  them  immediately  to  death.  It  is 
just  to  punish  the  murder  with  death  ; but  the  Senecas  will  not  deliver  up 
their  people  to  men  who  disregard  the  treaties  of  their  own  nation.” 

There  were  many  other  grievances  enumerated,  and  all  in  a strain  which, 
we  should  think,  would  have  drawn  forth  immediate  relief.  In  his  answer, 
President  Washington  said  all,  perhaps,  which  could  be  said  in  his  situation ; 
and  his  good  feelings  are  manifest  throughout : still  there  is  something  like 
evasion  in  answering  some  of  their  grievances,  and  an  omission  of  notice  to 
others.  His  answer,  nevertheless,  gave  them  much  encouragement.  He 
assured  them  that  the  lands  obtained  from  them  by  fraud  was  not  sanctioned 
by  the  government,  and  that  the  whole  transaction  was  declared  null  and 
void ; and  that  the  persons  who  murdered  their  people  should  be  dealt  with 
as  though  they  had  murdered  white  men,  and  that  all  possible  means  would 
be  used  for  their  apprehension,  and  rewards  should  continue  to  be  offered  to 
effect  it.  But  we  have  not  learned  that  they  were  ever  apprehended.  The  land 
conveyed  by  treaty,  the  president  informed  them,  he  had  no  authority  to  con- 
cern with,  as  that  act  was  before  his  administration. 

The  above  speech,  although  appearing  to  be  a joint  production,  is  believed 
to  have  been  dictated  by  Corn-planter.  It,  however,  was  no  doubt  the  senti- 
ments of  the  whole  nation,  as  well  as  those  of  himself,  Half-town  and  Big- 
tree.  Of  this  last-named  chief  we  will  here  speak  as  follows : — In  1791,  an  act 
passed  the  legislature  of  Pennsylvania,  “ to  empower  the  governor  to  grant  a 
patent  to  Big-tree , a Seneca  chief,  for  a certain  island  in  the  Alleghany 
River.”  He  lamented  the  disaster  of  St.  Clair’s  army,  and  was  heard  to  say 
afterwards,  that  he  would  have  two  scalps  for  General  Butler’s , who  fell  and  was 
scalped  in  that  fight.  John  Deckard , another  Seneca  chief,  repeated  the  same 
words.  Being  on  a mission  to  Philadelphia,  in  April,  1792,  he  was  taken 
sick  at  his  lodgings,  and  died  after  about  20  hours’  illness.  Three  days  after, 
being  Sunday,  the  22d,  he  was  buried  with  all  requisite  attention.  The  river 
Big-tree  was  probably  named  from  the  circumstance  of  this  chief  having 
lived  upon  it.  His  name  still  exists  among  some  of  his  descendants,  or 
others  of  his  tribe,  as  we  have  seen  it  subscribed  to  several  instruments 
within  a few  years.  To  return  to  Corn-planter. 

His  Indian  name,  as  we  have  before  noted,  was  Gyantwaia ; and  most  of 
our  knowledge  concerning  him  is  derived  from  himself,  and  is  contained  in 
a letter  sent  from  him  to  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania ; and,  although  writ- 
ten by  an  interpreter,  is  believed  to  be  the  real  production  of  Corn-planter. 
It  was  dated  “ Alleghany  River,  2d  mo.  2d,  1822,”  and  is  as  follows : — 

“ I feel  it  my  duty  to  send  a speech  to  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania  at 
this  time,  and  inform  him  the  place  where  I was  from — which  was  at  Cone- 
waugus,*  on  the  Genesee  River. 

“ When  I was  a child,  I played  with  the  butterfly,  the  grasshopper  and  the 
frogs ; and  as  I grew  up,  I began  to  pay  some  attention  and  play  with  the 
Indian  boys  in  the  neighborhood,  and  they  took  notice  of  my  skin  being  a 
different  color  from  theirs,  and  spoke  about  it.  I inquired  of  my  mother  the 
cause,  and  she  told  me  that  my  father  was  a residenter  in  Albany.f  I still 


* This  was  the  Iroquois  term  to  designate  a place  of  Christian  Indians  5 hence  many 
places  bear  it.  It  is  the  same  as  Caughnewaga. 
f It  is  said  (Amer.  Reg.  ii.  228)  that  he  was  an  Irishman. 


116 


CORN-PLANT.— -COMPLAINT  TO  PENNSYLVANIA.  [Book  V. 


eat  my  victuals  out  of  a bark  dish.  I grew  up  to  be  a young  man,  and  mar-' 
ried  me  a wife,  and  I had  no  kettle  or  gun.  I then  knew  where  my  father 
lived,  and  went  to  see  him,  and  found  he  was  a white  man,  and  spoke  the 
English  larguage.  He  gave  me  victuals  whilst  I was  at  his  house,  but  when 
I started  to  return  home,  he  gave  me  no  provision  to  eat  on  the  way.  He- 
gave  me  neither  kettle  nor  gun,  neither  did  he  tell  me  that  the  United  States 
were  about  to  rebel  against  the  government  of  England. 

“ I will  now  tell  you,  brothers,  who  are  in  session  of  the  legislature  of 
Pennsylvania,  that  the  Great  Spirit  has  made  known  to  me  that  I have  been 
wicked ; and  the  cause  thereof  was  the  revolutionary  war  in  America.  The 
cause  of  Indians  having  been  led  into  sin,  at  that  time,  was  that  many  of 
them  were  in  the  practice  of  drinking  and  getting  intoxicated.  Great 
Britain  requested  us  to  join  with  them  in  the  conflict  against  the  Americans, 
and  promised  the  Indians  land  and  liquor.  I myself  was  opposed  to  joining 
in  the  conflict,  as  I had  nothing  to  do  with  the  difficulty  that  existed  between 
the  two  parties.  I have  now  informed  you  how  it  happened  that  the  Indians 
took  a part  in  the  revolution,  and  will  relate  to  you  some  circumstances  that 
occurred  after  the  close  of  the  war.  General  Putnam , who  was  then  at 
Philadelphia,  told  me  there  was  to  be  a council  at  Fort  Stanwix;  and  the 
Indians  requested  me  to  attend  on  behalf  of  the  Six  Nations ; which  I did, 
and  there  met  with  three  commissioners,  who  had  been  appointed  to  hold  the 
council.  They  told  me  they  would  inform  me  of  the  cause  of  the  r volu- 
tion, which  I requested  them  to  do  minutely.  They  then  said  that  it  had 
originated  on  account  of  the  heavy  taxes  that  had  been  imposed  upon  them 
by  the  British  government,  which  had  been  for  fifty  years  increasing  upon 
them;  that  the  Am:  ri  cans  had  grown  weary  thereof,  and  refused  to  pay, 
which  affronted  the  king.  There  had  likewise  a difficulty  taken  place  about 
some  tea,  which  they  wished  me  not  to  use,  as  it  had  been  one  of  the  causes 
that  many  people  had  lost  their  lives.  And  the  British  government  now 
being  affronted,  the  war  commenced,  and  the  cannons  began  to  roar  in  our 
country.  General  Putnam  then  told  me,  at  the  council  at  Fort  Stanwix, 
that,  by  the  late  war,  the  Americans  had  gained  two  objects:  they  had 
established  themselves  an  independent  nation,  and  had  obtained  some  land 
to  live  upon:  the  division  line  of  which,  from  Great  Britain,  run  through 
the  lakes.  I then  spoke,  and  said  that  I wanted  some  land  for  the  Indians  to 
live  on,  and  General  Putnam  said  that  it  should  be  granted,  and  I should  have 
land  in  the  state  of  New  York  for  the  Indians.  General  Putnam  then  en- 
couraged me  to  use  my  endeavors  to  pacify  the  Indians  generally;  and,  as 
he  considered  it  an  arduous  task  to  perform,  wished  to  know  what  I wanted 
for  pay  therefor.  I replied  to  him,  that  I would  use  my  endeavors  to  do  as 
he  had  requested,  with  the  Indians,  and  for  pay  thereof,  I would  take  land. 
I told  him  not  to  pay  me  money  or  dry  goods,  but  land.  And  for  having 
attended  thereto,  I received  the  tract  of  land  on  which  I now  live,  which  was 
presented  to  me  by  Governor  Miflin.  I told  General  Putnam  that  I wished 
the  Indians  to  have  the  exclusive  privilege  of  the  deer  and  wild  game,  which 
he  assented  to.  I also  wished  the  Indians  to  have  the  privilege  of  hunting 
in  the  woods,  and  making  fires,  which  he  likewise  assented  to. 

“ The  treaty  that  was  made  at  the  aforementioned  council,  has  been  broken 
by  some  of  the  white  people,  which  I now  intend  acquainting  the  governor 
with.  Some  white  people  are  not  willing  that  Indians  should  hunt  any  more, 
whilst  others  are  satisfied  therewith ; and  those  white  people  who  reside 
near  our  reservation,  tell  us  that  the  woods  are  theirs,  and  they  have 
obtained  them  from  the  governor.  The  treaty  has  been  also  broken 
by  the  white  people  using  their  endeavors  to  destroy  all  the  wolves,  which 
was  not  spoken  about  in  the  council  at  Fort  Stanwix,  by  General  Putnam , 
but  has  originated  lately. 

“It  has  been  broken  again,  which  is  of  recent  origin.  White  people  wish 
to  get  credit  from  Indians,  and  do  not  pay  them  honestly,  according  to  their 
agreement.  In  another  respect,  it  has  also  been  broken  by  white  people, 
who  reside  near  my  dwelling;  for  when  I plant  melons  and  vines  in  my 
field,  they  take  them  as  their  own.  It  has  been  broken  again  by  white 
people  using  their  endeavors  to  obtain  our  pine-trees  from  us.  We  have 


Chap.  VI.l 


CORN-PLANT. 


117 


very  few  pine-trees  on  our  land,  in  the  state  of  New  York  : and  white  people 
and  Indians  often  get  into  dispute  respecting  them.  There  is  also  a great 
quantity  of  whisky  brought  near  our  reservation  by  white  people,  and  the 
Indians  obtain  it  and  become  drunken.  Another  circumstance  has  taken 
place  which  is  very  trying  to  me,  and  I wish  the  interference  of  the  governor. 

“ The  white  people,  who  live  at  Warren,  called  upon  me,  some  time  ago, 
to  pay  taxes  for  my  land ; which  I objected  to,  as  1 had  nevfer  been  called 
upon  for  that  purpose  before ; and  having  refused  to  pay,  the  white  people 
became  irritated,  called  upon  me  frequently,  and  at  length  brought  four  guns 
with  them  and  seized  our  cattle.  I still  refused  to  pay,  and  was  not  willing 
to  let  the  cattle  go.  After  a time  of  dispute,  they  returned  home,  and  I under- 
stood the  militia  was  ordered  out  to  enforce  the  collection  of  the  tax.  I 
went  to  Warren,  and,  to  avert  the  impending  difficulty,  was  obliged  to  give 
my  note  for  the  tax,  the  amount  of  which  was  43  dollars  and  79  cents.  It  is 
my  desire  that  the  governor  will  exempt  me  from  paying  taxes  for  my  land 
to  white  people ; and  also  cause  that  the  money  I am  now  obliged  to  pay, 
may  be  refunded  to  me,  as  I am  very  poor.  The  governor  is  the  person 
who  attends  to  the  situation  of  the  people,  and  I wish  him  to  send  a person 
to  Alleghany,  that  I may  inform  him  of  the  particulars  of  our  situation,  and 
he  be  authorized  to  instruct  the  white  people  in  what  manner  to  conduct 
themselves  towards  the  Indians. 

“ The  government  has  told  us  that  when  any  difficulties  arose  between  the 
Indians  and  white  people,  they  would  attend  to  having  them  removed.  We 
are  now  in  a trying  situation,  and  I wish  the  governor  to  send  a person 
authorized  to  attend  thereto,  the  forepart  of  next  summer,  about  the  time 
that  grass  has  grown  big  enough  for  pasture. 

“ The  governor  formerly  requested  me  to  pay  attention  to  the  Indians,  and 
take  care  of  them.  We  are  now  arrived  at  a situation  that  I believe  In- 
dians cannot  exist,  unless  the  governor  should  comply  with  my  request,  and 
send  a person  authorized  to  treat  between  us  and  the  white  people,  the 
approaching  summer.  I have  now  no  more  to  speak.”* 

Whether  the  government  of  Pennsylvania  acted  at  all,  or,  if  at  all,  what 
order  they  took,  upon  this  pathetic  appeal,  our  author  does  not  state.  But 
that  an  independent  tribe  of  Indians  should  be  taxed  by  a neighboring 
people,  is  absurd  in  the  extreme;  and  we  hope  we  shall  learn  that  not 
only  the  tax  was  remitted,  but  a remuneration  granted  for  the  vexation  and 
damage. 

Corn-plant  was  very  early  distinguished  for  his  wisdom  in  council,  not- 
withstanding he  confirmed  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix  of  1784;  five  years 
after,  at  the  treaty  of  Fort  Harmer,  he  gave  up  an  immense  tract  of  their 
country,  and  for  which  his  nation  very  much  reproached  him,  and  even 
threatened  his  life.  Himself  and  other  chiefs  committed  this  act  for  the  best 
of  reasons.  The  Six  Nations  having  taken  part  with  England  in  the  revolu- 
tion, when  the  king’s  power  fell  in  America,  the  Indian  nations  were  reduced 
to  the  miserable  alternative  of  giving  up  so  much  of  their  country  as  the 
Americans  required,  or  the  whole  of  it.  In  1790,  Corn-plant , Half-town  and 
Big-tree,  made  a most  pathetic  appeal  to  congress  for  an  amelioration  of 
their  condition,  and  a reconsideration  of  former  treaties,  in  which  the  fol- 
lowing memorable  passage  occurs  : — 

“ Father : we  will  not  conceal  from  you  that  the  great  God,  and  not  men, 
has  preserved  the  Corn-plant  from  the  hands  of  his  own  nation.  For  they 
ask  continually,  “ Where  is  the  land  on  which  our  children,  and  their  chil- 
dren after  them,  are  to  lie  down  upon  ? You  told  us  that  the  line  drawn 
from  Pennsylvania  to  Lake  Ontario,  would  mark  it  forever  on  the  east,  and 
the  line  running  from  Beaver  Creek  to  Pennsylvania,  would  mark  it  on  the 
west,  and  we  see  that  it  is  not  so ; for,  first  one,  and  then  another,  come  and 
take  it  away  by  order  of  that  people  which  you  tell  us  promised  to  secure  it 
to  us.’  He  is  silent,  for  he  has  nothing  to  answer.  When  the  sun  goes 
down,  he  opens  his  heart  before  God,  and  earlier  than  the  sun  appears, 
again  upon  the  hills  he  gives  thanks  for  his  protection  during  the  night. 


* Buchanan's  Sketches. 


118 


CORN-PLANT. 


[Book  V, 


For  he  feels  that  among  men  become  desperate  by  the  injuries  they  sustain, 
it  is  God  only  that  can  preserve  him.  He  loves  peace,  and  all  he  had  in 
store  he  has  given  to  those  who  have  been  robbed  by  your  people,  lest 
they  should  plunder  the  innocent  to  repay  themselves.  The  whole  season, 
which  others  have  employed  in  providing  for  their  families,  he  has  spent  in 
endeavors  to  preserve  peace ; and  this  moment  his  wife  and  children  are 
lying  on  the  ground,  and  in  want  of  food.” 

In  President  Washington's  answer,  we  are  gratified  by  his  particular  notice 
of  this  chief.  He  says,  “The  merits  of  the  Corn-plant , and  his  friendship 
for  the  United  States,  are  well  known  to  me,  and  shall  not  be  forgotten ; and, 
as  a mark  of  esteem  of  the  United  States,  I have  directed  the  secretary  of 
war  to  make  him  a present  of  two  hundred,  and  fifty  dollars , either  in  money 
or  goods,  as  the  Corn-plant  shall  like  best.” 

There  was,  in  1789,  a treaty  held  at  Marietta,  between  the  Indians  and 
Americans,  which  terminated  “ to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  all  concerned. 
On  this  occasion,  an  elegant  entertainment  was  provided.  The  Indian 
chiefs  behaved  with  the  greatest  decorum  throughout  the  day.  After  dinner, 
we  were  served  with  good  wine,  and  Corn-planter , one  of  the  first  chiefs  of 
the  Five  Nations,  and  a very  great  warrior,  took  up  his  glass  and  said,  “/ 
thank  the  Great  Spirit  for  this  opportunity  of  smoking  the  pipe  of  friendship  and 
love.  May  we  plant  our  own  vines — be  the  fathers  of  our  own  children — and 
maintain  them' " * 

In  1790,  an  act  passed  the  legislature  of  Pennsylvania,  for  “ granting  800 
dollars  to  Corn-planter , Half-town  and  Big-tree,  in  trust  for  the  Seneca  nation, 
and  other  purposes  therein  mentioned.”  In  February,  1791,  Corn-plant  was 
in  Philadelphia,  and  was  employed  in  an  extremely  hazardous  expedition  to 
undertake  the  pacification  of  the  western  tribes,  that  had  already  shown 
themselves  hostile.  The  mission  terminated  unfavorably,  from  insurmount- 
able difficulties.1!-  There  were  many,  at  this  time,  as  in  all  Indian  wars,  who 
entertained  doubts  of  the  fidelity  of  such  Indians  as  pretended  friendship. 
Corn-plant  did  not  escape  suspicion ; but,  as  his  after-conduct  showed,  it 
was  entirely  without  foundation.  In  the  midst  of  these  imputations,  a letter 
written  at  Fort  Franklin  says,  “ I have  only  to  observe  that  the  Corn-plant 
has  been  here,  and,  in  my  opinion,  he  is  as  friendly  as  one  of  our  own 
people.  He  has  advised  me  to  take  care ; ‘for,'  said  he,  ‘ you  will  soon  have  a 
chance  to  let  the  world  know  whether  you  are  a soldier  or  not ' When  he  went 
off,  he  ordered  two  chiefs  and  ten  warriors  to  remain  here,  and  scout  about 
the  garrison,  and  let  me  know  if  the  bad  Indians  should  either  advance 
against  me,  or  any  of  the  frontiers  of  the  United  States.  He  thinks  the 
people  at  Pittsburgh  should  keep  out  spies  towards  the  salt  licks,  for  he 
says,  by  and  by,  he  thinks,  the  bad  Indians  will  come  from  that  way.” 

In  1792,  the  following  advertisement  appeared,  signed  by  Corn-plant : “My 
people  having  been  charged  with  committing  depredations  on  the  frontier 
inhabitants  near  Pittsburgh,  I hereby  contradict  the  assertion,  as  it  is  cer- 
tainly without  foundation,  and  pledge  myself  to  those  inhabitants,  that  they 
may  rest  perfectly  secure  from  any  danger  from  the  Senecas  residing  on  the 
Alleghany  waters,  and  that  my  people  have  been  and  still  are  friendly  to  the 
U.  States.” 

About  the  time  Corn-plant  left  his  nation  to  proceed  on  his  mission  to  the 
hostile  tribes,  as  three  of  his  people  were  travelling  through  a settlement 
upon  the  Genesee,  they  stopped  at  a house  to  light  their  pipes.  There  hap- 
pened to  be  several  men  within,  one  of  whom,  as  the  foremost  Indian  stoop- 
ed down  to  light  his  pipe,  killed  him  with  an  axe.  One  of  the  others  was 
badly  wounded  with  the  same  weapon,  while  escaping  from  the  house. 
They  were  not  pursued,  and  the  other,  a boy,  escaped  unhurt.  (The  poor 
wounded  man,  when  nearly  well  of  the  wound,  was  bitten  by  a snake,  which 
caused  his  immediate  death.)  When  Corn-plant  knew  what  had  happened, 
he  charged  his  warriors  to  remain  quiet,  and  not  to  seek  revenge,  and  was 


* Carey's  Museum,  v.  415. 

t “ Causes  of  the  existing  Hostilities,’’  &,c.  drawn  up  by  the  sec’y  of  war,  General  Knox , 
in  1791. 


CORN -PL ANT.— NOTION  OF  CIVILIZATION. 


119 


Chap.  VI.] 

heard  only  to  say,  “ It  is  hard,  ivhen  I and  my  people  are  trying  to  make  peace 
for  the  whites , that  we  should  receive  such  reward.  I can  govern  my  young  men 
and  warriors  better  than  the  thirteen  Jires  can  theirs .”  How  is  it  that  this  man 
should  practise  upon  the  maxims  of  Confucius , of  whom  he  never  heard  ? 
{Do  ye  to  others  as  ye  would  that  they  should  do  unto  you ;)  and  the  monster  in 
human  form,  in  a gospel  land,  taught  them  from  his  youth,  should  show,  by 
his  actions,  his  utter  contempt  of  them,  and  even  of  the  divine  mandate  ? 

In  1816,  the  Reverend  Timothy  Alden , then  president  of  Alleghany  college, 
in  Meadville,  Pennsylvania,  visited  the  Seneca  nation.  At  this  time,  Com- 
plant  lived  seven  miles  below  the  junction  of  the  Connewango  with  the 
Alleghany,  upon  the  banks  of  the  latter,  “on  a piece  of  first-rate  bottom 
land,  a little  within  the  limits  of  Pennsylvania.”  Here  was  his  village,* 
which  exhibited  signs  of  industrious  inhabitants.  He  then  owned  1300 
acres  of  land,  600  of  which  comprehended  his  town.  “ It  was  grateful  to 
notice,”  observes  Mr.  Alden,  “the  present  agricultural  habits  of  the  place, 
from  the  numerous  enclosures  of  buck-wheat,  corn  and  oats.  We  also  saw 
a n umber  of  oxen,  cows  and  horses;  and  many  logs  designed  for  the  saw- 
mill and  the  Pittsburgh  market.”  Corn-plant  had,  for  some  time,  been  very 
much  in  favor  of  the  Christian  religion,  and  hailed  with  joy  such  as  professed 
it.  When  he  was  apprized  ,of  Mr.  Alden's  arrival,  he  hastened  to  wel- 
come him  to  his  village,  and  wait  upon  him.  And  notwithstanding  his  high 
station  as  a chief,  having  many  men  under  his  command,  he  chose  rather, 
“ in  the  ancient  patriarchal  style,”  to  serve  his  visitors  himself ; he,  there- 
fore, took  care  of  their  horses,  and  went  into  the  field,  cut  and  brought  oats 
for  them. 

The  Western  Missionary  Society  had,  in  1815,  at  Corn-plant's  “ urgent 
request,”  established  a school  at  his  village,  which,  at  this  time,  promised 

success. 

Corn-plant  received  an  annual  annuity  from  the  U.  States  of  250  dollars, 
besides  his  proportion  of  9000  divided  equally  among  every  member  of  the 
nation. 

Gos-kuk-ke-wa-na-kon-ne-di-yu , commonly  called  the  Prophet , was  brother 
to  Corn-plant , and  resided  in  his  village.  He  was  of  little  note,  and  died 
previous  to  1816.f  Corn-plant , we  believe,  was,  when  living,  like  all  other 
unenlightened  people,  very  superstitious.  Not  long  since,  he  said  the  Good 
Spirit  had  told  him  not  to  have  any  thing  to  do  with  the  whites,  or  even  to 
preserve  any  mementoes  or  relics  they  had  from  time  to  time  given  him ; 
whereupon,  among  other  things,  he  burnt  up  his  belt  and  broke  his  elegant 
sword.  He  often  mentions  his  having  been  at  Braddock's  defeat.  Henry 
Obeale , his  son,  he  sent  to  be  educated  among  the  whites.  He  became  a 
drunkard  on  returning  to  his  home,  and  is  now  discarded  by  his  father. 
Corn-plant  has  other  sons;  but  he  says  no  more  of  them  shall  be  educated 
among  the  whites,  for  he  says,  “ It  entirely  spoil  Indian .”  And  although  he 
countenances  Christianity,  he  does  not  do  it,  it  is  thought,  from  a belief  of 
it,  but  probably  from  the  same  motives  as  too  many  whites  do.  | 

The  following  story,  M.  Bayard  says,§  was  told  him  by  Corn-planter . We 
have  often  heard  a similar  one,  and  as  often  a new  origin  ; but  never  before 
that  it  originated  with  William  Penn.  However,  as  our  author  observes,  as 
we  have  more  respect  for  truth  than  great  names,  we  will  relate  it.  Penn 
proposed  to  the  Indians  to  sell  him  as  much  land  as  he  could  encompass 
with  the  hide  of  a bullock.  They,  supposing  he  meant  only  what  ground 
would  be  covered  by  it,  when  it  was  spread  out,  and  looking  upon  what 
was  offered  as  a good  price,  consented  to  the  proposition.  Penn,  like  Didon , 
cut  the  skin  into  a line  of  immense  length,  to  the  astonishment  of  the  vend- 
ers, who,  in  silent  indignation,  religiously  observed  their  contract.  The 
quantity  of  land  encompassed  by  the  line  is  not  mentioned ; but,  more  or 
less,  the  Indians  had  passed  their  word,  and  they  scorned  to  break  it,  even 

* Formerly  called  Obaletown.  See  Pa.  Gaz.  1792,  and  Stanbury’s  Jour, 
f Amer.  Register  for  1816,  vol  ii.  226,  &c. 

j Verbal  account  of  E.  T,  Foote,  Esq.  of  Chatauque  co.  N.  Y.  who  possesses  much 
valuable  information  upon  matters  of  this  kind. 

$ Voyage  dans  LTntirieur  des  Etats-  Unis,  et  cet.  ps.  206.  207. 


120 


TECUMSEH. 


[Book  V. 


though  they  would  have  been  justified  by  the  discovery  of  the  fraud.  We 
do  not  vouch  for  the  truth  of  this  matter,  nor  do  we  believe  William  Penn 
ever  practised  a trick  of  the  kind.  No  doubt  some  person  did  ; and  perhaps 
Corn-planter  had  been  told  that  it  was  Penn . 

We  have  now  to  record  the  death  of  the  venerable  Corn-plant.  He  died 
at  his  residence  on  the  Seneca  reservation,  on  the  7th  of  March  last.  1836, 
aged  upwards  of  100  years. 

Teaslaegee , or  Charles  Corn-planter , was  a party  to  the  treaty  of  Moscow, 
N.  Y.  in  1823.  He  was  probably  a son  of  Koeenlwahk , or  Gyantivaia. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Tecumseh — His  great  exertions  to  prevent  the  whiles  from  overrunning  his  country — 
His  expedition  on  Hacker's  Creek — Cooperation  of  his  brother,  the  Prophet — Rise  of 
the  difficulties  between  Tecumseh  and  Governor  Harrison — Speech  of  the  former  in 
a council  at  Vincennes — Fearful  occurrence  in  that  council — Winnemak — Tecumseh 
visited  by  Governor  Harrison  at  his  camp — Determination  of  war  the  result  of  the 
interview  on  both  sides — Characteristic  anecdote  of  the  chief — Determines , in  the 
event  of  tear,  to  prevent  barbarities — Battle  of  Tippecanoe — Battle  of  the  Thames, 
and,  death  of  Tecumseh — Description  of  his  person — Important  events  in  hi s life — 
Pukeesheno , father  of  Tecumseh — His  death — Battle  of  Magaugo — Specimen  of 
the  Shaioanee  language — Particular  account  of  Ellskwatawa,  or  the  Prophet — 
Account  of  Round-head — Capture  and  massacre  of  General  Winchester' s army  at 
the  River  Raisin — Myeerah , or  the  Crane,  commonly  called  Walk-in-the-  Water 
— Teyoninhokerawen,  or  John  Norton — Logan  the  Shawanee — Black-bird — 
Massacre  at  Chicago — Wawnahton — Black-thunder — Ongpatonga,  or  Big-elk 
— Petalesharo — Mete  a. 

TECUMSEH,  by  birth  a Shawanee,  and  brigadier-general  in  the  army  of 
Great  Britain,  in  the  war  of  1812,  was  born  about  1770,  and,  like  his  great 
prototype,  Pometacom,  the  Wampanoag,  seems  always  to  have  made  his 
aversion' to  civilization  appear  a prominent  trait  in  his  character ; and  it  is 
not  presumed  that  he  joined  the  British  army,  and  received  the  red  sash  and 
other  badges  of  office,  because  he  was  fond  of  imitating  the  whites ; but  lie 
employed  them,  more  probably,  as  a means  of  inspiring  his  countrymen  with 
that  respect  and  veneration  for  himself  which  was  so  necessary  in  the  work 
of  expulsion,  which  he  had  undertaken. 

The  first  exploit  in  which  we  find  Tecumseh  engaged  was  upon  a branch 
of  Hacker’s  Creek,  in  May,  1792.  With  a small  band  of  warriors,  he  came 
upon  the  family  of  John  Waggoner , about  dusk.  They  found  Waggoner 
a short  distance  from  his  house,  sitting  upon  a log,  resting  himself  after  the 
fatigues  of  the  day.  Tecumseh  directed  his  men  to  capture  the  family,  while 
himself  was  engaged  with  Waggoner.  To  make  sure  work,  he  took  deliberate 
aim  at  him  with  his  rifle  ; but  fortunately  he  did  not  even  wound  him,  though 
the  ball  passed  next  to  his  skin.  Waggoner  threw  himself  off  the  log,  and 
ran  with  all  his  might,  and  Tecumseh  followed.  Having  the  advantage  of  an 
accurate  knowledge  of  the  ground,  Waggoner  made  good  his  escape.  Mean- 
while his  men  succeeded  in  carrying  off  the  family,  some  of  whom  they  bar- 
barously murdered.  Among  these  were  Mrs.  Waggoner  and  two  of  her 
children.  Several  of  the  children  remained  a long  time  with  the  Indians. 

This  persevering  and  extraordinary  man  had  made  himself  noted  and  con- 
spicuous in  the  war  which  terminated  by  the  treaty  of  Greenville,  in  1795. 
He  was  brother  to  that  famous  impostor  well  known  by  the  name  of  the 
Prophet , and  seems  to  have  joined  in  his  views  just  in  season  to  prevent  his 
falling  into  entire  disrepute  among  his  own  followers.  His  principal  place 
of  rendezvous  was  near  the  confluence  of  the  Tippecanoe  with  the  Wabash, 
upon  the  north  bank  of  the  latter.  This  tract  of  country  was  none  of  his, 
but  had  been  possessed  by  his  brother  the  Prophet , in  1808,  with  a motley 
baud  of  about  1000  yoiffig  warriors  from  among  the  Shawanesfe,  Dela- 
wares, Wyandots,  Potowatomies,  Ottowas,  Kikkapoos  and  Chippeways.  The 


Chap.  VII.] 


TECUMSEH. 


121 


Miamies  were  very  much  opposed  to  this  intrusion  into  their  country,  but 
were  not  powerful  enough  to  repel  it,  and  many  of  their  chiefs  were  put  to 
death  in  the  most  barbarous  manner,  for  remonstrating  against  their  conduct. 
The  maladministration  of  the  Prophet , however,  in  a short  time,  very  much 
reduced  his  numbers,  so  that,  in  about  a year,  his  followers  consisted  of  but 
about  300,  and  these  in  the  most  miserable  state  of  existence.  Their  habits 
had  been  such  as  to  bring  famine  upon  them ; and  but  for  the  provisions 
furnished  by  General  Harrison,  from  Vincennes,  starvation  would  doubtless 
have  ensued.*  At  this  juncture,  Tecumseh  made  his  appearance  among 
them  ; and  although  in  the  character  of  a subordinate  chief,  yet  it  was  known 
that  he  directed  every  thing  afterwards,  although  in  the  name  of  the  Prophet 
His  exertions  now  became  immense  to  engage  every  tribe  upon  the  continent 
in  a confederacy,  with  the  open  and  avowed  object  of  arresting  the  progress 
of  the  whites. 

Agreeably  to  the  direction  of  the  government,  Governor  Harrison  purchased 
of  the  Delawares,  Miamies,  and  Pottowatomies,  a large  tract  of  country  on 
both  sides  of  the  Wabash,  arid  extending  up  the  river  60  miles  above  Vin- 
cennes. This  was  in  1809,  about  a year  after  the  Prophet  settled  with  his  colony 
upon  the  Wabash,  as  before  stated.  Tecumseh  was  absent  at  this  time,  and 
his  brother,  the  Prophet,  was  not  considered  as  having  any  claim  to  the  coun- 
try, being  there  without  the  consent  of  the  Miamies.  Tecumseh  did  not  view 
it  in  this  light,  and  at  his  return  was  exceedingly  vexed  with  those  chiefs 
who  had  made  the  conveyance  ; many  of  whom,  it  is  asserted,  he  threatened 
with  death.  Tecumseh's  displeasure  and  dissatisfaction  reached  Governor 
Harrison,  who  despatched  a messenger  to  him,  to  state  “ that  any  claims  he 
might  have  to  the  lands  which  had  been  ceded,  were  not  affected  by  the 
treaty ; that  he  might  come  to  Vincennes  and  exhibit  his  pretensions,  and  if 
they  were  found  to  be  solid,  that  the  land  would  either  be  given  up,  or  an 
ample  compensation  made  for  it.”  f This,  it  must  be  confessed,  was  not  in  a 
strain  calculated  to  soothe  a mighty  mind,  when  once  justly  irritated,  as  was 
that  of  Tecumseh.  However,  upon  the  12  x\ugust,  1810,  (a  day  which  cannot 
fail  to  remind  the  reader  of  the  fate  of  his  great  archetype,  Philip,  of  Pokan- 
oket,)  he  met  the  governor  in  council  at  Vincennes,  with  many  of  his  war- 
riors ; at  which  time  he  spoke  to  him  as  follows : — 

“ It  is  true  I am  a Shawanee.  Myrforefathers  were  warriors.  Their  son  is 
a warrior.  From  them  I only  take  my  existence  ; from  my  tribe  I take  noth- 
ing. I am  the  maker  of  my  own  fortune  ; and  oh ! that  I could  make  that 
of  my  red  people,  and  of  my  country,  as  great  as  the  conceptions  of  my 
mind,  when  I think  of  the  Spirit  that  rules  the  universe.  I would  not  then 
come  to  Governor  Harrison,  to  ask  him  to  tear  the  treaty,  and  to  obliterate 
the  landmark ; but  I would  say  to  him,  Sir,  you  have  liberty  to  return  to 
your  own  country.  The  being  within,  communing  with  past  ages,  tells  me, 
that  once,  nor  until  lately,  there  was  no  white  man  on  this  continent.  That 
it  then  all  belonged  to  red  men,  children  of  the  same  parents,  placed  on  it  by 
the  Great  Spirit  that  made  them,  to  keep  it,  to  traverse  it,  to  enjoy  its  produc- 
tions, and  to  fill  it  with  the  same  race.  Once  a happy  race.  Since  made 
miserable  by  the  white  people,  who  are  never  contented,  but  always  encroach- 
ing. The  way,  and  the  only  way  to  check  and  to  stop  this  evil,  is,  for  all  the 
red  men  to  unite  in  claiming  a common  and  equal  right  in  the  land,  as  it  was 
at  first,  and  should  be  yet ; for  it  never  was  divided,  but  belongs  to  all,  for  the 
use  of  each.  That  no  part  has  a right  to  sell,  even  to  each  other,  much  less 
to  strangers  ; those  who  want  all,  and  will  not  do  with  less.  The  white  peo- 
ple have  no  right  to  take  the  land  from  the  Indians,  because  they  had  it  first; 
it  is  theirs.  They  may  sell,  but  all  must  join.  Any  sale  not  made  by  all  is 
not  valid.  The  late  sale  is  bad.  It  was  made  by  a part  only.  Part  do  not 
know  how  to  sell.  It  requires  all  to  make  a bargain  for  all.  All  red  men 
have  equal  rights  to  the  unoccupied  land.  The  right  of  occupancy  is  as 
good  in  one  place  as  in  another.  There  cannot  be  two  occupations  in  the 
same  place.  The  first  excludes  all  others.  It  is  not  so  in  hunting  or  travel- 
ling; for  there  the  same  ground  will  serve  many,  as  they  may  follow  each 


* Memoirs  of  Harrison. 

11 


t M’Afee. 


122 


TECUMSEH. — CONFERENCE  AT  VINCENNES. 


[Book  V. 


other  all  day ; but  the  camp  is  stationary,  and  that  is  occupancy.  It  belongs 
to  the  first  who  sits  down  on  his  blanket  or  skins,  which  he  has  thrown  upon 
the  ground,  and  till  he  leaves  it  no  other  has  a right.”  * 

How  near  this  is  to  the  original  is  unknown  to  us,  but  it  appears  too  much 
Americanized  to  correspond  with  our  notions  of  Tecumseh;  nevertheless  it 
may  give  the  true  meaning.  One  important  paragraph  ought  to  be  added, 
which  we  do  not  find  in  the  author  from  which  we  have  extracted  the  above  ; 
which  was,  “that  the  Americans  had  driven  them  from  the  sea-coasts,  and 
that  they  would  shortly  push  them  into  the  lakes,  and  that  they  were  deter- 
mined to  make  a stand  where  they  were.”  f This  language  forcibly  reminds 
us  of  what  the  ancient  Britons  said  of  their  enemies,  when  they  besought  aid 
of  the  Romans.  “ The  barbarians  (said  they)  drive  us  to  the  sea,  and  the  sea 
beats  us  back  upon  them  ; between  these  extremes  we  are  exposed,  either  to 
be  slain  with  the  sword,  or  drowned  in  the  waves.”  \ 

Tecumseh , having  thus  explained  his  reasons  against  the  validity  of  the 
purchase,  took  his  seat  amidst  his  warriors.  Governor  Harrison , in  his  reply, 
said,  “that  the  white  people,  when  they  arrived  upon  this  continent,  had 
found  the  Miamies  in  the  occupation  of  all  the  country  on  the  Wabash,  and 
at  that  time  the  Shawanese  were  residents  of  Georgia,  from  which  they 
were  driven  by  the  Creeks.  That  the  lands  had  been  purchased  from  the 
Miamies,  who  were  the  true  and  original  owners  of  it.  That  it  was  ridicu- 
lous to  assert  that  all  the  Indians  were  one  nation  ; for  if  such  had  been  the 
intention  of  the  Great  Spirit,  he  would  not  have  put  six  different  tongues 
into  their  heads,  but  have  taught  them  all  to  speak  a language  that  all  could 
understand.  That  the  Miamies  found  it  for  their  interest  to  sell  a part  of 
their  lands,  and  receive  for  them  a further  annuity,  the  benefit  of  which  they 
had  long  experienced,  from  the  punctuality  with  which  the  seventeen  fires 
[the  seventeen  United  States]  complied  with  their  engagements ; and  that  the 
Shawanese  had  no  right  to  come  from  a distant  country  and  control  the 
Miamies  in  the  disposal  of  their  own  property.”  The  governor  then  took 
his  seat,  and  the  interpreter  proceeded  to  explain  to  Tecumseh  what  he  had 
said,  who,  when  he  had  nearly  finished,  suddenly  interrupted  him,  and  ex- 
claimed, “ It  is  all  false ; ” at  the  same  time  giving  to  his  warriors  a signal, 
they  seized  their  war  clubs,  and  sprung  upon  their  feet,  from  the  green  grass 
on  which  they  had  been  sitting.  The  governor  now  thought  himself  in  im- 
minent danger,  and,  freeing  himself  from  his  arm-chair,  drew  his  sword,  and 
prepared  to  defend  himself.  He  was  attended  by  some  officers  of  his  gov- 
ernment, and  many  citizens,  more  numerous  than  the  Indians,  but  all  unarmed ; 
most  of  whom,  however,  seized  upon  some  weapon,  such  as  stones  and  clubs. 
Tecumseh  continued  to  make  gestures  and  speak  with  great  emotion ; and  a 
guard  of  12  armed  men  stationed  by  the  governor  in  the  rear  were  ordered 
up.  For  a few  minutes,  it  was  expected  blood  would  be  shed.  Major  G.  R. 
Floyde,  who  stood  near  the  governor,  drew  his  dirk,  and  Winnemak  cocked  his 
pistol,  which  he  had  ready  primed;  he  said  Tecumseh  had  threatened  his 
life  for  having  signed  the  treaty  and  sale  of  the  disputed  land.  A Mr.  Winas , 
the  Methodist  minister,  ran  to  the  governor’s  house,  and,  taking  a gun,  stood 
in  the  door  to  defend  the  family. 

On  being  informed  what  Tecumseh  had  said,  the  governor  replied  to  him, 
that  “ he  was  a bad  man — that  he  would  have  no  further  talk  with  him — that 
he  must  return  to  his  camp,  and  set  out  for  his  home  immediately.”  Thus 
ended  the  conference.  Tecumseh  did  not  leave  the  neighborhood,  but,  the 
next  morning,  having  reflected  upon  the  impropriety  of  his  conduct,  sent  to 
the  governor  to  have  the  council  renewed,  and  apologized  for  the  affront 
offered ; to  which  the  governor,  after  some  time,  consented,  having  taken  the 
precaution  to  have  two  additional  companies  of  armed  men  in  readiness,  in 
case  of  insult. 

Having  met  a second  time,  Tecumseh  was  asked  whether  he  had  any  other 
grounds,  than  those  he  had  stated,  by  which  he  could  lay  claim  to  the  land 
in  question  ; to  which  he  replied,  “No  other.”  Here,  then,  was  an  end  of 
all  argument.  The  indignant  soul  of  Tecumseh  could  not  but  be  enraged  at 


* Hist.  Kentucky. 


f Mem.  Harrison, 


J Seller’s  England. 


Chap,  VII.] 


TECUMSEH. 


123 


the  idea  of  an  “ equivalent  for  a country,”  or,  what  meant  the  same  thing,  a 
compensation  for  land,  which,  often  repeated,  as  it  had  been,  would  soon  amount 
to  a country ! “ The  behavior  of  Tecumseh , at  this  interview,  was  very  differ- 

ent from  what  it  had  been  the  day  before.  His  deportment  was  dignified 
and  collected,  and  he  showed  not  the  least  disposition  to  be  insolent.  He 
denied  having  any  intention  of  attacking  the  governor,  but  said  he  had  been 
advised  by  white  men  ” * to  do  as  he  had  done  ; that  two  white  men  had  visited 
him  at  his  place  of  residence,  and  told  him  that  half  the  white  people  were  op- 
posed to  Governor  Harrison , and  willing  to  relinquish  the  land,  and  told  him 
to  advise  the  tribes  not  to  receive  pay  for  it ; for  that  the  governor  would  be 
soon  put  out  of  office,  and  a “ good  man  ” sent  in  his  place,  who  would  give  up 
the  land  to  the  Indians.  The  governor  asked  him  whether  he  would  prevent 
the  survey  of  the  land : he  replied  that  he  was  determined  to  adhere  to  the 
old  boundary.  Then  arose  a Wyandot,  a Kikkapoo,  a Pottowattomie,  an 
Ottowas,  and  a Winnebago  chief,  each  declaring  his  determination  to  stand 
by  Tecumseh , whom  they  had  chosen  their  chief.  After  the  governor  had 
informed  Tecumseh  that  his  words  should  be  truly  reported  to  the  presi- 
dent, alleging,  at  the  same  time,  that  he  knew  the  land  would  not  be  re- 
linquished, and  that  it  would  be  maintained  by  the  sword,  the  council 
closed. 

The  governor  wished  yet  to  prolong  the  interview,  and  thought  that, 
possibly,  Tecumseh  might  appear  more  submissive,  should  he  meet  him  in 
his  own  tent.  Accordingly  he  took  with  him  an  interpreter,  and  visited 
the  chief  in  his  camp  the  next  day.  The  governor  was  received  with  kind- 
ness and  attention,  and  Tecumseh  conversed  with  him  a considerable  time. 
On  being  asked  by  the  governor  if  his  determination  really  was  as  he  had 
expressed  himself  in  the  council,  he  said,  “Yes;”  and  added,  “that  it  was 
with  great  reluctance  he  would  make  war  with  the  United  States — against 
whom  he  had  no  other  complaint,  but  their  purchasing  the  Indians’  land  ; 
that  he  was  extremely  anxious  to  be  their  friend,  and  if  he  (the  governor) 
would  prevail  upon  the  president  to  give  up  the  lands  lately  purchased,  and 
agree  never  to  make  another  treaty,  without  the  consent  of  all  the  tribes,  he 
would  be  their  faithful  ally,  and  assist  them  in  all  their  wars  with  the  English,” 
whom  he  knew  were  always  treating  the  Indians  like  dogs,  clapping  their 
hands  and  hallooing  stu-boy  ; that  he  would  much  rather  join  the  seventeen 
fires  ; but  if  they  would  not  give  up  said  lands,  and  comply  with  his  request 
in  other  respects,  he  would  join  the  English.  When  the  governor  told  him 
there  was  no  probability  that  the  president  would  comply,  he  said,  “Well,  as 
the  great  chief  is  to  determine  the  matter,  I hope  the  Great  Spirit  will  put 
sense  enough  into  his  head,  to  induce  him  to  direct  you  to  give  up  this  land. 
It  is  true,  he  is  so  far  off  he  will  not  be  injured  by  the  war.  He  may  sit  still 
in  his  town,  and  drink  his  wine,  whilst  you  and  I will  have  to  fight  it  out.” 
He  had  said  before,  when  asked  if  it  were  his  determination  to  make  war 
unless  his  terms  were  complied  with,  “ It  is  my  determination ; nor  will  I give 
rest  to  my  feet , until  I have  united  all  the  red  men  in  the  like  resolution .” 

Thus  is  exhibited  the  determined  character  of  Tecumseh , in  which  no 
duplicity  appears,  and  whose  resentment  might  have  been  expected,  when 
questioned,  again  and  again,  upon  the  same  subject.  Most  religiously  did  he 
prosecute  this  plan ; and  could  his  extraordinary  and  wonderful  exertions  be 
known,  no  fiction,  it  is  believed,  could  scarcely  surpass  the  reality.  The 
tribes  to  the  west  of  the  Mississippi,  and  those  about  Lakes  Superior  and 
Huron,  were  visited  and  revisited  by  him  previous  to  the  year  1811.  He  had 
raised  in  these  tribes  the  high  expectation  that  they  should  be  able  to  drive 
the  Americans  to  the  east  of  the  Ohio.  The  famous' Blue-jacket  was  as  san- 
guine as  Tecumseh , and  was  his  abettor  in  uniting  distant  tribes. 

The  following  characteristic  circumstance  occurred  at  one  of  the  meet- 
ings at  Vincennes.  After  Tecumseh  had  made  a speech  to  Governor  Har- 
rison, and  was  about  to  seat  himself  in  a chair,  he  observed  that  none  had 
been  placed  for  him.  One  was  immediately  ordered  by  the  governor,  and, 
as  the  interpreter  handed  it  to  him,  he  said,  “Your  father  requests  you  to  take 


Memoirs  of  Harrison. 


124 


TECUMSEII.— BATTLE  OF  TIPPECANOE. 


[Book  V- 


a chair.”  “ My  father  ? ” says  Tecumseh,  with  great  indignity  of  expression, 
“ the  sun  is  my  father , and  the  earth  is  my  mother ; and  on  her  bosom  I will  repose  ; ” 
and  immediately  seated  himself,  in  the  Indian  manner,  upon  the  ground.* 

The  fight  at  Tippecanoe  followed  soon  after.  This  affair  took  place  in  the 
night  of  Nov.  6,  1811,  in  which  62  Americans  were  killed,  and  126  wounded. 
Tecumseh  was  not  in  this  fight,  but  his  brother,  the  Prophet , conducted  or 
ordered  the  attack.  During  the  action,  he  was  performing  conjurations  on 
an  eminence  not  far  off|  but  out  of  danger.  His  men  displayed  great  bravery, 
and  the  fight  was  long  and  bloody.  Harrison  lost  some  of  his  bravest  offi- 
cers. The  late  Colonel  Snelling , of  Boston,  then  a captain,  was  in  this  fight, 
and  took  prisoner  with  his  own  hands  an  Indian  chief,  the  only  Indian  taken 
by  the  Americans.  The  name  of  the  captured  chief  we  do  not  learn,  but 
from  his  fear  of  being  taken  for  a Shawanee,  it  is  evident  he  was  not  of  that 
tribe.  When  he  was  seized  by  Capt.  Snelling , he  ejaculated,  with  hurried 
accents,  “ Good  man , me  no  Shawanee .”  f The  chiefs  White-lion  ( Wapamangiva,) 
Stone-eater  ( Sanamahhonga ,)  and  Winnemak , were  conspicuous  at  this  time. 
The  latter  had  been  the  pretended  friend  of  the  governor,  but  now  appeared 
his  enemy.  He  was  killed  the  next  year  by  the  lamented  Logan. 

Just  before  hostilities  commenced,  in  a talk  Governor  Harrison  had  with 
Tecumseh , the  former  expressed  a wish,  if  war  must  follow,  that  cruelty  to 
prisoners  should  not  be  allowed  on  either  side.  Tecumseh  assured  him  that 
he  would  do  all  in  his  power  to  prevent  it ; and  it  is  believed  he  strictly 
adhered  to  this  resolution.  Indeed,  we  have  one  example,  which  has  never 
been  called  in  question,  and  is  worthy  the  great  mind  of  this  chief.  When 
Colonel  Dudley  was  cut  off,  and  near  400  of  his  men,  not  far  from  Fort  Meigs, 
by  falling  into  an  ambush,  Tecumseh  arrived  at  the  scene  of  action  when  the 
Americans  could  resist  no  longer.  He  exerted  himself  to  put  a stop  to  the 
massacre  of  the  soldiers,  which  was  then  going  on  ; and  meeting  with  a 
Chippeway  chief  who  would  not  desist  by  persuasion  nor  threats,  he  buried 
his  tomahawk  in  his  head.  I 

It  is  said  that  Tecumseh  had  been  in  almost  every  important  battle  with  the 
Americans,  from  the  destruction  of  General  Harmed s army  till  his  death  upon 
the  Thames.  He  was  under  the  direction  of  General  Proctor , in  this  last 
great  act  of  his  life,  but  was  greatly  dissatisfied  with  his  course  of  proceed- 
ings, and  is  said  to  have  remonstrated  against  retreating  before  the  Americans 
in  very  pointed  terms.  Penfs  victory  had  just  given  the  Americans  the 
command  of  Lake  Erie ; and  immediately  after,  Proctor  abandoned  Detroit, 
and  marched  his  majesty’s  army  up  the  River  Thames,  accompanied  by  Gen- 
eral Tecumseh , with  about  1500  warriors.  Harrison  overtook  them  near  the 
Moravian  town,  Oct.  5,  1813,  and,  after  a bloody  battle  with  the  Indians, 
routed  and  took  prisoners  nearly  the  whole  British  army;  Proctor  saving 
himself  only  by  flight.  After  withstanding  almost  the  whole  force  of  the 
Americans  for  some  time,  Tecumseh  received  a severe  wound  in  the  arm,  but 
continued  to  fight  with  desperation,  until  a shot  in  the  head  from  an  unknown 
hand  laid  him  prostrate  in  the  thickest  of  the  fight.  § Of  his  warriors  120 
were  left  upon  the  field  of  battle. 

Thus  fell  Tecumseh , in  the  forty-fourth  year  of  his  age.  He  was  about  five 
feet  ten  inches  in  height,  of  a noble  appearance,  and  a perfectly  symmetrical 
form.  “ His  carriage  was  erect  and  lofty — his  motions  quick — his  eyes  pen- 
etrating— his  visage  stern,  with  an  air  of  hauteur  in  his  countenance,  which 
arose  from  an  elevated  pride  of  soul.  It  did  not  leave  him  even  in  death.” 
He  is  thus  spoken  of  by  one  who  knew  him. 

At  the  battle  of  the  Thames,  a chief  by  the  name  of  Shane  served  as  a 
guide  to  Colonel  Johnson’s  regiment.  He  informs  us  that  he  knew  Tecumseh 
well,  and  that  he  once  had  had  his  thigh  broken,  which  not  being  properly 
set,  caused  a considerable  ridge  in  it  always  after.  This  was  published  in  a 
Kentucky  newspaper,  lately,  as  necessary  to  prove  that  the  Indian  killed  by 


* Schoolcraft.  t Information  of  his  son,  W.  J.  Snelling,  Esq.  of  Boston. 

| James,  i.  291 — Perkins,  221. 

§ The  story  that  he  fell  in  a personal  rencounter  with  Colonel  Johnson,  must  no  longer  he- 
believed.  Facts  are  entirely  opposed  to  such  a conclusion.  Indeed,  we  cannot  learu  that 
the  colonel  ever  claimed  the  honor  of  the  achievement. 


Chap.  VII.] 


TECU5I3 EH.— BATTLE  OF  MAGAUGO. 


125 


Colonel  Johnson  was  Tecumseh-.  From  the  same  paper  it  would  seem,  that, 
even  on  the  day  of  battle,  it  was  doubted  by  some  whether  the  chief  killed 
were  Tecumseh,  and  that  a critical  inquest  was  held  over  his  body;  and 
although  it  was  decided  to  be  he,  yet  to  the  fact  that  the  colonel  killed  him, 
there  was  a demur,  even  then.  But,  no  doubt,  many  were  willing  it  should 
so  pass,  thinking  it  a matter  of  not  much  consequence,  so  long  as  Tecumseh , 
their  most  dreaded  enemy,  was  actually  slain ; and,  perhaps,  too,  so  near  the 
event,  many  felt  a delicacy  in  dissenting  from  the  report  of  Colonel  Johnson's 
friends;  but  when  time  had  dispelled  such  jealousy,  those  came  out  frankly 
with  their  opinion,  and  hence  resulted  the  actual  truth  ol  the  case. 

That  the  American  soldiers  should  have  dishonored  themselves,  after  their 
victory,  by  outraging  all  decency  by  acts  of  astonishing  ferocity  and  barbarity 
upon  the  lifeless  body  of  the  fallen  chief,  is  grievous  to  mention,  and  cannot 
meet  with  too  severe  condemnation.  Pieces  of  his  skin  were  taken  away  by 
some  of  them  as  mementoes ! # He  is  said  to  have  borne  a personal  enmity  to 
General  Harrison , at  this  lime,  for  having  just  before  destroyed  his  family. 
The  celebrated  speech,  said  to  have  been  delivered  by  the  great  “Shawanese 
warrior  ” to  General  Proctor , before  the  battle  of  the  Thames,  is  believed  by 
many  not  to  be  genuine.  It  may  be  seen  in  every  history  of  the  war,  and 
every  periodical  of  that  day,  and  not  a few  since,  even  to  this.  Therefore  we 
omit  it  here.  The  speech  of  Logan,  perhaps,  has  not  circulated  wider. 
Another,  in  our  opinion,  more  worthy  the  mighty  mind  of  Tecumseh,  published 
in  a work  said  to  be  written  by  one  who  heard  it,f  is  now  generally  (on  the 
authority  of  a public  journal  J)  discarded  as  a fiction. 

Among  the  skirmishes  between  the  belligerents,  before  General  Hull  sur- 
rendered the  north-western  army,  Tecumseh  and  his  Indians  acted  a con- 
spicuous part. 

Malden,  situated  at  the  junction  of  Detroit  River  with  Lake  Erie,  was 
considered  the  Gibraltar  of  Canada,  and  it  was  expected  that  General  Hull's 
first  object  would  be  to  possess  himself  of  it.  In  a movement  that  way, 
Colonel  M' Arthur  came  very  near  being  cut  off  by  a party  of  Indians  led  by 
Tecumseh.  About  4 miles  from  Malden,  he  found  a bridge  in  possession  of  a 
body  of  the  enemy;  and  although  the  bridge  was  carried  by  a force  under 
Colonel  Cass,§  in  effecting  which,  11  of  the  enemy  were  killed,  yet  it  seems, 
that  in  a “ few  days  afterwards  ” they  were  in  possession  of  it  again,  and 
again  the  Americans  stood  ready  to  repeat  the  attack.  It  was  in  an  attempt 
to  reconnoitre,  that  Colonel  M' Arthur  “advanced  somewhat  too  near  the 
enemy,  and  narrowly  escaped  being  cut  off  from  his  men”||  by  several 
Indians  who  had  nearly  prevented  his  retreat. 

Major  Vanhorn  was  detached  on  the  4 August  from  Aux  Canards,  with  200 
men,  to  convoy  150  Ohio  militia  and  some  provisions  from  the  River  Raisin. 
In  his  second  day’s  march,  near  Brownstown,  he  fell  into  an  ambush  of  70 
Indians  under  Tecumseh,  who,  firing  upon  him,  killed  20  men  ; among  whom 
were  Captains  M'Culloch ,1T  Hostler,  Gilcrease and  Ubry : 9 more  were 
wounded.  The  rest  made  a precipitate  retreat. 

Major  Vanhorn  having  failed  in  his  attempt,  Colonel  Miller  was  sent  on 
the  8th  of  August,  with  600  men  to  protect  the  same  provisions  and  trans- 
ports. The  next  day,  August  9th,  about  4 o’clock  in  the  afternoon,  the  van- 
guard, commanded  by  Captain  Snelling,  was  fired  upon  by  an  extensive  line 
of  British  and  Indians,  at  the  lower  end  of  the  village  of  Magaugo,  14  miles 
from  Detroit.  The  main  body  was  half  a mile  in  the  rear  when  the  attack 
began.  Captain  Snelling  maintained  his  position  in  a most  gallant  manner, 
under  a heavy  fire,  until  the  line  was  formed  and  advanced  to  his  relief. 
The  force  against  which  the  Americans  were  now  contending  was  made  up 


* We  have  often  heard  it  said,  but  whether  in  truth  we  do  not  aver,  that  there  are  those 
who  still  own  razor  straps  made  of  it. 

f John  Dunn  Hunter.  + North  American  Review. 

§ Since  governor  of  Michigan,  and  now  secretary  of  war. 

||  Brackenridge,  Hist.  War,  31. 

IT  In  this  officer’s  pocket,  it  is  said,  was  found  a letter  written  for  his  wdfe,  giving  an 
account  of  his  having  killed  an  Indian,  from  whose  head  he  tore  the  scalp  with  his  teeth. ° 

**  Gilchrist,  commonly  written. 

XI* 


126 


TECUMSEH. 


[Book  V, 


of  a body  of  500  Indians  under  Tecumseh,  JVulk-in-the-ivater , Marpot,  and  the 
since  famous  Black-hawk,  and  a considerable  number  of  whites  under  Major 
Muir.  They  were  formed  behind  a breastwork  of  felled  trees.  When 
Colonel  Miller  had  brought  his  men  into  line,  the  enemy  sprang  from  their 
hiding-places,  and  formed  in  line  of  battle,  and  a fierce  and  appalling  strife 
ensued.  The  British  and  Indian  force  was  one  third  greater  than  the  Ameri- 
can, but  nothing  could  withstand  them,  when  led  on  by  such  officers  as 
Miller  and  Snellwg,  and  the  ground  was  disputed  inch  by  inch  for  near 
two  miles,  to  the  village  of  Brownstown.  Here  the  British  took  to  their 
boats,  and  the  Indians  to  the  woods,  and  thus  the  battle  closed.  It  was  owing 
to  a disobedience  of  orders  on  the  part  of  the  cavalry,  that  the  British 
escaped  entire  destruction ; for  Colonel  Miller  ordered  them  to  rush  upon 
them  and  cut  them  up  when  their  guns  were  unloaded,  and  their  ranks  were 
in  confusion,  but  they  would  not,  although  Captain  Snelling  offered  to  lead 
them  in  person.  In  this  affair  the  Indians  and  British  lost  100  killed  and 
200  wounded,  and  the  Americans  had  18  killed  and  58  wounded.* 

A British  writer  upon  the  late  war,  f after  having  related  the  battle  of  the 
Thames,  in  which  Tecumseh  fell,  says:  “It  seems  extraordinary  that  General 
Harrison  should  have  omitted  to  mention,  in  his  letter,  the  death  of  a chief, 
whose  fall  contributed  so  largely  to  break  down  the  Indian  spirit,  and  to  give 
peace  and  security  to  the  whole  north-western  frontier  of  the  U.  States, 
Tecumseh , although  he  had  received  a musket-ball  in  the  left  arm,  was  still 
seeking  the  hottest  of  the  fire,”  when  he  received  the  mortal  wound  in  the 
head,  of  which  he  in  a few  moments  expired.  The  error,  which  for  some 
time  prevailed,  of  his  being  shot  by  Colonel  Johnson,  is  copied  into  this  author’s 
work.  The  following  descriptions,  though  in  some  respects  erroneous,  are 
of  sufficient  value  to  be  preserved. 

Tecumseh  was  endowed  “with  more  than  the  usual  stoutness,  possessed  all 
the  agility  and  perseverance,  of  the  Indian  character.  His  carriage  was 
dignified ; his  eye  penetrating ; his  countenance,  which,  even  in  death,  be- 
trayed the  indications  of  a lofty  spirit,  rather  of  the  sterner  cast.  Had  he  not 
possessed  a certain  austerity  of  manners,  he  could  never  have  controlled  the 
wayward  passions  of  those  who  followed  him  to  battle.  He  was  of  a silent 
habit ; but,  when  his  eloquence  became  roused  into  action  by  the  reiterated 
encroachments  of  the  Americans,!  his  strong  intellect  could  supply  him  with 
a flow  of  oratory,  that  enabled  him,  as  he  governed  in  the  field,  so  to  pre- 
scribe in  the  council.  Those  who  consider  that,  in  all  territorial  questions, 
the  ablest  diplomatists  of  the  U.  States  are  sent  to  negotiate  with  the  Indians, 
will  readily  appreciate  the  loss  sustained  by  the  latter  in  the  death  of  their 
champion.  The  Indians,  in  general,  are  full  as  fond  as  other  savages  of  the 
gaudy  decoration  of  their  persons ; but  Tecumseh  was  an  exception.  Clothes 
and  other  valuable  articles  of  spoil  had  often  been  his ; yet  he  invariably 
wore  a deerskin  coat  and  pantaloons.  He  had  frequently  levied  subsidies  to, 
comparatively,  a large  amount;  yet  he  preserved  little  or  nothing  for  himself. 
It.  was  not  wealth,  but  glory,  that  was  Tecumseh' s ruling  passion.  Fatal  day  ! 
when  the  ‘ Christian  people  ’ first  penetrated  the  forests,  to  teach  the  arts  of 
‘ civilization  ’ to  the  poor  Indian.  Till  then  water  had  been  his  only  beverage, 
and  himself  and  his  race  possessed  all  the  vigor  of  hardy  savages.  Now, 
no  Indian  opens  his  lips  to  the  stream  that  ripples  by  his  wigwam,  while  he 
has  a rag  of  clothes  on  his  back,  wherewith  to  purchase  rum ; and  he  and 
his  squaw  and  his  children  wallow  through  the  day,  in  beastly  drunkenness. 
Instead  of  the  sturdy  warrior,  with  a head  to  plan,  and  an  arm  to  execute, 
vengeance  upon  the  oppressors  of  his  country,  we  behold  the  puny,  besotted 
wretch,  squatting  on  his  hams,  ready  to  barter  his  country,  his  children,  or 
himself,  for  a few  gulps  of  that  deleterious  compound,  which,  far  more  than 
the  arms  of  the  United  States,  [Great  Britain  and  France,]  is  hastening  to 
extinguish  all  traces  of  his  name  and  character.  Tecumseh , himself,  in  early 
life,  had  been  addicted  to  intemperance ; but  no  sooner  did  his  judgment 


* Sketches  of  the  War.  i.  22.  t James,  i.  287,  &c. 

+ As  though  the  English  of  Canada  had  never  been  guilty  of  encroachments  ! 


TECUMSEH. 


Chap.  VII.] 


127 


decide  against,  than  his  resolution  enabled  him  to  quit,  so  vile  a habit. 
Beyond  one  or  two  glasses  of  wine,  he  never  afterwards  indulged.” 

It  was  said  not  to  be  from  good  will  to  the  Americans,  that  he  would  not 
permit  his  warriors  to  exercise  any  cruelty  upon  them,  when  fallen  into  their 
power,  but  from  principle  alone.  When  Detroit  was  taken  by  the  British 
and  Indians,  Tecumseh  was  in  the  action  at  the  head  of  the  latter.  After  the 
surrender,  General  Brock  requested  him  not  to  allow  his  Indians  to  ill-treat 
the  prisoners ; to  which  he  replied,  “ No ! I despise  them  too  much  to  meddle 
with  them 

Some  of  the  English  have  said  that  there  were  few  officers  in  the  U. 
States’  service  so  able  to  command  in  the  field  as  Tecumseh ..  This  it  will  not 
us  behove  to  question;  but  it  would  better  have  become  such  speech- 
makers,  if  they  had  added,  “in  his  peculiar  mode  of  warfare.”  That  he 
was  a more  wily  chief  than  Mishikinakwa,  may  be  doubted  • that  either  had 
natural  abilities  inferior  to  those  of  General  fVayne , or  General  Brock , we 
see  no  reason  to  believe.  But  this  is  no  argument  that  they  could  practise 
European  warfare  as  well  as  those  generals.  It  is  obvious,  from  his  inter- 
course with  the  whites,  that  Tecumseh  must  have  been  better  skilled  in  their 
military  tactics  than  most,  if  not  all,  of  his  countrymen,  whether  predecessors 
or  contemporaries. 

A military  man,*  as  we  apprehend,  says,  “He  [ Tecumseh ] was  an  excellent 
judge  of  position,  and  not  only  knew,  but  could  point  out  the  localities  of 
the  whole  country  through  which  he  had  passed.”  “ His  facility  of  commu- 
nicating the  information  he  had  acquired,  was  thus  displayed  before  a con- 
course of  spectators.  Previously  to  General  Brock's  crossing  over  to  Detroit, 
he  asked  Tecumseh  what  sort  of  a country  he  should  have  to  pass  through  in 
case  of  his  proceeding  farther.  Tecumseh , taking  a roll  of  elm-bark,  and  ex- 
tending it  on  the  ground  by  means  of  four  stones,  drew  forth  his  scalping- 
knife,  and  with  the  point  presently  etched  upon  the  bark  a plan  of  the  coun- 
try, its  hills,  woods,  rivers,  morasses,  and  roads  ; a plan  which,  if  not  as  neat, 
was,  for  the  purpose  required,  fully  as  intelligible  as  if  Arrowsmith  himself 
had  prepared  it.  Pleased  with  this  unexpected  talent  in  Tecumseh , also  with 
his  having,  by  his  characteristic  boldness,  induced  the  Indians,  not  of  his  im- 
mediate party,  to  cross  the  Detroit,  prior  to  the  embarkation  of  the  regulars 
and  militia,  General  Brock , as  soon  as  the  business  was  over,  publicly  took  off 
his  sash,  and  placed  it  round  the  body  of  the  chief.  Tecumseh  received  the 
honor  with  evident  gratification,  but  was,  the  next  day,  seen  without  his 
sash.  General  Brock,  fearing  something  had  displeased  the  Indian,  sent  his 
interpreter  for  an  explanation.  The  latter  soon  returned  with  an  account 
that  Tecumseh , not  wishing  to  wear  such  a mark  of  distinction,  when  an 
older,  and,  as  he  said,  abler,  warrior  than  himself  was  present,  had  transferred 
the  sash  to  the  Wyandot  chief  Round-head .” 

The  place  of  this  renowned  warrior’s  birth  was  upon  the  banks  of  the 
Scioto  River,  near  what  is  now  CLillicothe.  His  father’s  name  was  Pukeesheno , 
which  means,  I light  from  flying.  He  was  killed  in  the  battle  of  Kanhawa,  in 
1774.  His  mother’s  name  was  Meetheetashe , which  signifies,  a turtle  laying 
her  eggs  in  the  sand.  She  died  among  the  Cherokees.  She  had,  at  one  birth, 
three  sons : — Ellskwatawa,  which  signifies,  a door  opened , was  called  the 
Prophet ; Tecumseh,  which  is,  a tiger  crouching  for  his  prey ; and  Kumskaka , a 
tiger  that  flies  in  the  air.  f 

We  will  here  present  the  reader  with  a specimen  of  the  Shawanee  lan- 
guage, in  the  Lord's  Prayer. 


Coe-thin-a , spim-i-key  yea-taw-yan-oe , o-wes-sa-yeg  yey-sey-tho-yan-ae : Day - 
pale-i-tum-any-pay-itch  iha-key , yea-issi-tay-hay-yon-ae  issi-nock-i-key , yoe-ma 
assis-key-kie  pi-sey  spim-i-key.  Me-li-na-key  oe  noo-ki  cos-si-kie  ta-wa-it-thin  oe 
yea-wap-a-ki  tuck-whan-a ; puck-i-tum-i-iva-loo  kne-won-ot-i-they-way.  Yea-se- 
puck-i-tum-a  ma-chil-i-tow-e-ta  thick-i  ma-chaw-ki  tus-sy-neigh-puck-sin-a  wa- 
pun-si-loo  wau  po  won-ot-i-they  ya  key-la  toy  pale-i-tum-any  way  wis-sa  kie 
was-si-cut-i-we-way  thay-pay-we-way.\ 


* Mr.  James,  ut  supra.  f Schoolcraft. 


Carey’s  Museum,  vi.  318,  (for  1789.) 


128  ELLSivWATAWA,  THE  PROPHET.  [Book  V, 

In  1826,  the  only  surviving  son  of  Tecumseh , whose  name  is  Puchethei, 
which  signifies  crouching  or  watching  his  prey , left  the  Ohio  to  settle  beyond 
the  Mississippi.*  This  son,  when  his  father  was  slain,  was  fighting  by  his 
side.  “The  prince  regent,”  says  Mr.  Janies,  “in  1814,  out  of  respect  to  the 
memory  to  the  old,  sent  out  tis  a present  to  the  young  Tecumseh  a handsome 
sword  ; ” and  then  closes  this  paragraph  with  this  most  savage  lamentation : 
“ Unfortunately,  however,  for  the  Indian  cause  and  country,  faint  are  the 
prospects  that  Tecumseh  the  son  will  ever  equal,  in  wisdom  or  prowess, 
Tecumseh  the  father.”  f 

ELLSKWATAWA.  Although  we  have  given  some  important  facts  in 
the  life  of  this  impostor,  there  are  some  circumstances  which  claim  to  be 
related.  Alter  the  termination  of  the  war  of  1812,  he  received  a pension 
from  the  government  of  Great  Britain,  and  resided  in  Canada.  In  1826,  he 
was  prevailed  upon  to  leave  that  country,  and  went,  with  others,  to  settle  be- 
yond the  Mississippi.  At  the  same  time  also  went  the  only  surviving  son  of 
Tecumseh. 

Much  has  been  said  and  written  about  the  Prophet;  and,  as  is  generally 
the  case,  the  accounts  vary,  in  proportion  to  their  multiplicity.  From  a well- 
written  article  in  a foreign  periodical,^  it  is  said  that,  during  the  first  50  years 
of’ his  life,  he  was  remarkable  for  nothing  except  his  stupidity  and  intoxica- 
tion. In  his  50th  year,  while  in  the  act  of  lighting  his  pipe,  he  fell  back  in 
his  cabin,  upon  his  bed  ; and,  continuing  for  some  time  lifeless,  to  all  appear- 
ances, preparations  were  made  for  his  interment ; and  it  was  not  until  the 
tribe  was  assembled,  as  usual  on  such  occasions,  and  they  were  in  the  act  of 
removing  him,  that  he  revived.  His  first  words  were,  “ Don't  he  alarmed.  I 
have  seen  heaven.  Call  the  nation  together , that  I may  tell  them  ivhat  has  appeared 
to  me."  When  they  were  assembled,  he  told  them  that  two  beautiful  young 
men  had  been  sent  from  heaven  by  the  Great  Spirit,  who  spoke  thus  to  him: 
— The  Great  Spirit  is  angry  with  you,  and  will  destroy  all  the  red  men : unless 
you  refrain  from  drunkenness,  lying  and  stealing,  and  turn  yourselves  to  him, 
you  shall  never  enter  the  beautiful  place  which  we  will  now  show  you.”  He 
was  then  conducted  to  the  gates  of  heaven,  from  whence  he  could  behold 
all  its  beauties,  but  was  not  permitted  to  enter.  After  undergoing  several 
hours’  tantalization,  from  extreme  desire  of  participating  in  its  indescribable 
joys  and  pleasures,  he  was  dismissed.  His  conductors  told  him  to  tell  ali 
the  Indians  what  he  had  seen ; to  repent  of  their  ways,  and  they  would  visit 
him  again.  My  authority  says,  that,  on  the  Prophet's  visiting  the  neighboring 
nations,  his  mission  had  a good  effect  on  their  morals,  &,c.  But  this  part  of 
his  story,  at  least,  is  at  variance  with  facts ; for  none  would  hear  to  him,  ex- 
cept the  most  abandoned  young  warriors  of  those  tribes  he  visited,  and  their 
miserable  condition  in  colonizing  themselves  upon  the  Wabash,  in  1811,  is 
well  known.  § 

There  was  an  earthquake  said  to  have  taken  place  in  the  Creek  country, 
in  December,  1811.  ||  The  Prophet  visited  the  Creeks  in  the  previous  August, 
and  “ pronounced  in  the  public  square,  that  shortly  a lamp  would  appear  in 
the  west,  to  aid  him  in  his  hostile  attack  upon  the  whites,  and,  if  they  would 
not  be  influenced  by  his  persuasion,  the  earth  would  ere  long  tremble  to  its 
centre.  This  circumstance  has  had  a powerful  effect  on  the  minds  of  these 
Indians,  and  would  certainly  have  led  them,  generally,  to  have  united  with  the 
northern  coalition,  had  it  not  been  for  the  interposition  of  travellers.”  This 
statement  was  made  by  a Mr.  Francis  M'Henry , in  the  Georgia  Journal,  to 
contradict  that  ever  any  such  earthquake  did  take  place,  and  by  which  we 


* Johnson’s  Ind.  Nar.  217.  t Military  Occurrences,  i.  293. 

t The  New  Monthly  Magazine. 

§ This  famous  vision  of  the  Prophet  will  compare  in  strangeness  with  that  of  Keposh, 
head  chief  of  the  Delaware  nation,  related  by  Loskeil,  (ii.  114.)  He  lay  to  all  appearance 
dead  for  three  days.  In  his  swoon,  he  saw  a man  in  white  robes,  who  exhibited  a catalogue 
of  the  people’s  sins,  and  warned  him  to  repent.  In  1749,  he  was  about  80  years  of  age,  and 
was  baptized  by  the  name  of  Solomon.  We  have  related  in  Book  III.  an  account  of 
Squando's  vision  ; and  others  might  be  mentioned. 

||  “The  earthquakes,  which,  in  1811,  almost  destroyed  the  town  of  New  Madrid  of  the 
Mississippi,  were  very  sensibly  felt  on  the  upper  portion  of  the  Missouri  country,  and  occa- 
sioned much  superstitious  dread  amongst  the  Indians.”  Long's  Expedition , i.  272. 


Chap.  VII.] 


ROUND-HEAD. 


129 


learn  that  that  part  of  the  superstitious  world  really  believed  that  it  had,  and 
that  places  had  been  actually  sunk.  The  same  communicant  says,  “ I have 
only  to  state  that  I have  comfortably  reposed  in  houses  where  newspapers 
have  announced  every  disappearance  of  earth.”  He  states  also,  upon  the 
authority  of  “a  Mr.  Chadbury,  an  English  gentleman,  from  Quebec,”  that, 
“ at  the  age  of  15,  this  Indian  disappeared  from  his  relatives,  and  was  con- 
sidered as  finally  lost.  That  he  strolled  to  Quebec,  and  from  thence  to 
Montreal,  where,  taken  as  a pilot  to  Halifax,  he  remained  several  years  ; and 
in  this  space  received  an  education  qualifying  him  to  act  the  part  already 
known.”  The  comet  of  1811  was  viewed  by  many,  throughout  the  country, 
as  a harbinger  of  evil,  and  it  was  upon  this  seeming  advantage  that  the 
Prophet  * seized  to  frighten  his  red  brethren  into  his  schemes,  f 

He  is  said  to  have  been  killed  on  the  18  November,  1812,  when  the  Missis- 
sinaway  towns  were  destroyed  on  the  Wabash  by  a detachment  under  Colonel 
Campbell. 

ROUND-HEAD  was  a Wyandot,  and  fought  against  the  Americans  in 
the  last  war.  He  was  very  conspicuous  in  the  battle  at  Frenchtown  upon 
the  River  Raisin.  The  Indian  force  in  this  affair  was  about  10004  General 
Winchester's  quarters  were  at  1 or  200  yards  from  the  main  army  when 
the  fight  commenced,  and,  in  an  endeavor  to  render  it  assistance,  was 
fallen  upon  by  the  Wyandots,  and  himself  and  attendants  captured. 
Round-head  seized  upon  General  Winchester  with  his  own  hands.  It  was  a 
severe  cold  morning,  22  January,  1813,  and  the  ground  was  covered  with 
snow. 

Our  chief,  in  a manner  truly  characteristic,  obliged  the  general  to  divest 
himself  of  his  great  coat  and  all  his  uniform.  With  nothing  but  his  shirt 
to  protect  him  from  the  cold,  Round-head  conducted  him  to  a fire,  but  not 
until  he  had  got  on  the  general’s  cocked  hat,  uniform  coat,  vest,  &c.  It  was 
in  this  condition,  that  Colonel  Proctor  found  him ; and  it  was  not  without 
much  persuasion  that  the  stern  warrior  relinquished  his  important  captive ; 
and  it  was  with  still  more  reluctance,  that  he  gave  up  the  uniform,  in  which 
he  had  so  short  a time  to  strut  about  and  show  himself  to  his  countrymen.§ 

This  was  a most  disastrous  expedition  for  the  Americans:  538  were  cap- 
tured, according  to  the  British  account,  which  does  not  differ  materially  from 
the  American ; ||  and  300  killed  in  the  battle,  and  massacred  by  the  Indians 
immediately  after. 

In  Colonel  Proctor’s  official  account  of  this  affair,  he  speaks  in  high  terms 
of  the  conduct  of  the  Indian  chiefs  and  warriors.  His  words  are:  “The 
zeal  and  courage  of  the  Indian  department  were  never  more  conspicuous 
than  on  this  occasion,  and  the  Indian  warriors  fought  with  their  usual 
bravery.” 

Colonel  Proctor  has  been  much  censured  for  his  conduct  at  the  River  Rai- 
sin. It  was  said  that  he  agreed^to  the  terms  asked  for  by  General  Winchester , 
and  then  paid  no  attention  to  their  observance,  but  rather  countenanced  the 
Indians  in  their  barbarities,  thinking  thereby  to  strike  the  Americans  with 
dread,  that  they  might  be  deterred  Irom  entering  the  service  in  future.  But 
the  British  historians  say  that  “ the  whole  of  the  left  division  surrendered  at 
discretion,”  and  not  “ on  condition  of  their  being  protected  from  the  savages, 
being  allowed  to  retain  their  private  property,  and  having  their  side-arms 
returned  to  them,”  as  stated  by  General  Winchester:  for, Mr.  James  adds,  “had 
this  been  the  understanding,  one  may  suppose  that  some  writing  would  have 
been  drawn  up  ; but,  indeed,  Gen.  Winchester  was  not  in  a condition  to  dictate 
terms.  Stripped  to  his  shirt  and  trowsers,  and  suffering  exceedingly  from 


* Lambert,  who  published  three  volumes  of  travels  in  America  in  1810,  (London,)  in  speak- 
ing of  the  Prophet,  says,  “ Thus  we  find,  that  prophets  are  not  confined  to  our  own  happy 
island  : but  I make  no  doubt,  that  many  of  our  sealed  countrymen  and  countrywomen,  who 
are  running  after  Joanna  Southcott  from  one  end  of  the  kingdom  to  the  other,  will  (if  they 
should  ever  read  this  speech)  turn  up  their  nose  at  the  Indian,  and  quote  a text  from  Revela- 
tions to  prove  that  he  is  a false  prophet.”  Lambert,  i.  396. 
f Halcyon  Luminary,  i.  205,  &c.  New  York,  (June,)  1812. 

\ Perkins’s  Late  War,  100.  A James,  Milit.  Occurrences,  i.  188. 

jj  Thomson  has  522.  Hist.  Sketches , 104. 


WALK-IN-THE-WATER. 


130 


[Book  V. 


the  cold,  the  American  general  was  found  by  Col.  Proctor , near  to  one  of  the 
Indian  fires,  in  possession  of  the  Wyandot  chief  Round-head, .” 

So,  according  to  the  judgment  of  this  historian,  Colonel  Proctor  was  under 
no  obligation  to  keep  his  word,  because  there  was  “no  writing”  with  his 
name  to  it.  The  historian  that  will  even  set  up  a defence  for  treachery  may 
calculate  with  certainty  upon  the  value  posterity  will  set  upon  his  work. 
We  want  no  other  than  Colonel  Proctor's  own  account  from  which  to  con- 
demn him  of,  at  least,  great  want  of  humanity.  We  do  not  pretend  that  the 
Americans  were  always  free  from  the  same  charges ; but  we  would  as  soon 
scorn  their  extenuation  as  that  of  their  enemies. 

Round-head  was  present  with  General  Brock  and  Tecumseh  when  they  took 
possession  of  Detroit,  on  jhe  15  August,  1812.  When  about  to  cross  the 
river  to  lay  siege  to  Detroit,  General  Brock  presented  Tecumseh  with  his  red 
sash.  This  chief  had  too  much  good  sense  to  wear  it,  well  knowing  it  would 
create  jealousy  among  the  other  chiefs,  who  considered  themselves  equal 
with  him ; he  therefore  presented  it  to  Round-head , as  has  been  mentioned  in 
the  life  of  Tecumseh. 

Whether  this  chief  were  more  wise  than  Tecumseh,  in  the  last  affair  in 
which  the  latter  was  engaged,  we  are  unable  to  say ; but  it  appears  highly 
probable  that  the  conduct  of  General  Proctor  was  the  cause  of  his  being 
abandoned  by  most,  if  not  all  the  Wyandots,  previous  to  the  battle  of  the 
Thames.*  As  Round-head  was  their  chief,  to  him  will  be  attributed  the  cause 
of  their  wise  proceeding. 

The  following  letter,  written  after  the  battle  of  the  River  Raisin,  (vve  con- 
clude,) is  worthy  of  a place  here. 

“ The  Hurons,  and  the  other  tribes  of  Indians,  assembled  at  the  Miami  Rapids , 
to  the  inhabitants  of  the  River  Raisin. — Friends , listen ! You  have  always  told  us 
you  woidd  give  us  any  assistance  in  your  power.  We,  therefore,  as  the  enemy  is  ap- 
proaching us,  within  25  miles,  call  upon  you  all  to  rise  up  and  come  here  immediately , 
bringing  your  arms  along  with  you.  Should  you  fail  at  this  time,  we  will  not 
consider  you  in  future  as  friends,  and  the  consequences  may  be  very  unpleasant. 
We  are  well  convinced  you  have  no  writing  forbidding  you  to  assist  us.  We  are 
your  friends  at  present. 

Round-head  his  mark. 

Walk-in-the-water  0 his  mark,  f ” 


WALK-IN-THE-WATER  also  signalized  himself  in  these  events.  His 
native  name  is  Myeerah.  He  is  a Huron,  of  the  tribe  of  the  Wyandots,  and, 
in  1817,  resided  on  a reservation  in  Michigan,  at  a village  called  Maguaga, 
near  Brownstown.  Mr.  Brown,  in  his  valuable  Western  Gazetteer,  justly 
styles  this  famous  chief  one  of  “nature’s  nobles.”  The  unfortunate  General 
Hull  mentions  him  as  one  of  the  principal  “among  the  vast  number  of  chiefs 
who  led  the  hostile  bands  ” of  the  west  when  the  war  of  1812  commenced. 
The  Kaskaskias  Wyandots,  in  1814,  were  nearly  equally  divided  between  a 
chief  called  Tarhe,  which  signifies  the  Crane , and  Myeerah.  The  former  was 
called  the  grand  chief  of  the  nation,  and  resided  at  Sandusky.  He  was  a 
very  venerable  and  intelligent  chief.  In  1812,  Myeerah  told  some  American 
officers  who  were  sent  to  the  Indians  to  secure  their  favor,  that  the  American 
government  was  acting  very  wrong  to  send  an  army  into  their  country,  which 
would  cut  off  their  communication  with  Canada.  The  Indians,  he  said,  were 
their  own  masters,  and  would  trade  where  they  pleased ; that  the  affair  of  the 
Wabash  was  the  fault  of  General  Harrison  entirely.  He  commanded  the 
Indian  army  with  Round-head  at  the  battle  of  the  River  Raisin. 

After  the  battle  of  the  Thames,  in  which  also  Walk-in-the-water  was  a con- 
spicuous commander,  he  went  to  Detroit  to  make  peace,  or  rather  to  ask  it  of 
General  Harrison.  In  crossing  from  Sandwich  with  a white  flag,  many  were 
attracted  to  the  shore  to  see  him,  where  also  were  drawn  up  the  Kentucky 
volunteers.  All  were  struck  with  admiration  at  his  noble  aspect  and  fearless 


* General  Harrison's  official  letter,  among  Brannon's  Official  Doc.  p.  237. 
f English  Barbarities , 132. 


Chap.  VJ.] 


TEYONINHOKERAWEN. 


131 


carriage,  as  he  ascended  the  bank  and  passed  through  the  ranks  of  the  sol- 
diers. The  greatest  firmness  attended  his  steps,  and  the  most  dignified  non- 
chalance was  upon  his  countenance,  notwithstanding  his  condition  was  now 
calculated  to  discover  humiliation  and  deep  depression.  Only  a few  days 
before,  he  had  fought  hand  to  hand  with  these  same  volunteers,  whose  ranks 
he  now  passed  through. 

We  have  not  heard  of  the  death  of  the  heroic  and  truly  great  chief  Myee- 
rah ; but,  whether  alive  or  dead,  our  veneration  is  the  same.  It  was  said  of 
his  contemporary,  Tecumsek , that  in  the  field  he  was  an  Achilles,  and  in  the 
council  an  Agamemnon.  At  least,  we  think,  as  much  may  in  truth  be  said  of 
Myeerah.  The  sequel  of  the  life  of  Tarhe  will  be  found  in  a former  chapter, 
where  he  figures  under  the  name  of  King  Crane.  In  1807,  a treaty  was  made 
at  Detroit  between  the  Chippeways,  Ottowas,  Potto wattomies  and  Wyandots 
and  the  United  States.  Two  chiefs  besides  Myeerah  signed  on  behalf  of  the 
last-named  tribe.  His  name  to  that  treaty  is  written  Miere.  The  next  year, 
1808,  another  treaty  was  made  at  Brownstown  with  the  same  tribes,  with  the 
addition  of  two  delegates  from  the  Shawanees.  Three  besides  Myeerah 
signed  at  this  time.  He  was  also,  we  believe,  a party  to  the  treaty  made  at 
Fort  Indusrry  in  1805,  on  the  Miami  of  the  Lake. 

Less  is  known  of  the  history  of  the  two  next  chiefs,  of  which  we  shall  say 
something,  than  of  many  others  less  distinguished. 

TEYONINHOKERAWEN  was  a Mohawk  chief,  who  is  generally  known 
under  the  appellation  of  John  JYorton.  “This  interesting  Indian,  about  two 
years  ago,  [1804  or  5,]  visited  England,  where  numerous  traits  of  an  amiable 
disposition  and  a vigorous  intellect  produced  the  most  pleasing  impressions 
on  all  who  were  introduced  to  him.  A proof  of  his  possessing,  in  a 
high  degree,  the  qualities  of  a good  temper  and  great  mental  quickness,  occur- 
red at  the  upper  rooms , at  Bath,  where  he  appeared  in  the  dress  of  his  country. 
A young  Englishman,  who  had  been  in  America,  accosted  the  chief  with 
several  abrupt  questions  respecting  his  place  of  abode,  situation,  and  the 
like.  To  these  Norlon  returned  answers  at  once  pertinent  and  modest.  The 
inquirer,  however,  expressed  himself  dissatisfied  with  them,  and  hinted,  in 
almost  plain  terms,  that  he  believed  him  to  be  an  impostor.  Still  the  Amer- 
ican suppressed  his  resentment,  and  endeavored  to  convince  the  gentleman 
that  this  account  of  himself  might  be  depended  upon.  ‘ Well,  but,’  returned 
the  other,  ‘ if  you  really  are  what  you  pretend  to  be,  how  will  you  relish  re- 
turning to  the  savages  of  your  own  country  ? ’ ‘ Sir,1  replied  Norton,  with  a 
glance  of  intelligence,  ‘ I shall  not  experience  so  great  a change  in  my  society  as 
you  imagine,  for  I find,  there  are  savages  in  this  country  also.1  Animated  with 
the  spirit  of  genuine  patriotism,  this  generous  chieftain  was  unweariedly 
occupied,  during  the  intervals  of  his  public  business,  in  acquiring  every 
species  of  useful  knowledge,  for  the  purpose  of  transporting  it  to  his  own 
country,  for  the  benefit  of  his  people ; and  what  the  friends  to  the  happiness 
of  men  will  hear  with  still  greater  admiration  and  pleasure,  he  was  also  en- 
gaged, under  the  auspices  of  Mr.  Wilberforce  and  Mr.  Thornton , in  the  labori- 
ous employment  of  translating  the  Gospel  of  St.  John  into  his  native 
tongue.”*  Whether  that  published  by  the  American  Bible  Society  be  the 
same  translation,  I am  not  positive,  but  believe  it  is.  The  following  is  the  3d 
verse  of  Chap.  i.  Yorighwagwegon  ne  rode  iveyenbkden,  ok  tsi  nikon  ne  kaghson 
yagh  oghnahhoten  teyodon  ne  ne  yagh  raonhah  te  hayddare. 

From  the  London  Monthly  Repository  it  appears,  that  JVorton  was  educated 
“ at  one  of  the  American  universities.  There  is  an  excellent  portrait  of  him 
presented  by  the  respectable  Robert  Barclay,  hung  up  in  the  Bath  Agricul- 
tural Society’s  great  room;  for  he  was  made  an  honorary  member  while 
here.”  And  the  same  writer  adds : — “ I have  a pamphlet  published  by  him 
while  in  England,  entitled  ‘ An  address  to  the  Six  Nations,’  recommending 
the  Gospel  of  St.  John,  one  side  in  English,  the  other  in  Mohawk  language, 
in  which  are  discovered  sentences  very  similar  to  the  Welsh  ; for  instance, 


* Janson’s  Stranger  in  America,  278,  4to;  London,  1807. 


132 


LOGAN,  THE  SIIAWANEE. 


[Book  V. 


Indian.  O Niyoh  toghsa  ercn  teshawighe  ne  sagraciane  wahoni. 

Welsh.  O Nhaw  naddug  erorn  dy  devishaid  grace  am  whahani. 

English.  O God,  take  not  from  us  thy  grace,  because  we  have  erred  from 
thy  ways.”  # 

Some  of  the  words  which  seem  to  be  corresponding  and  analogous  to  the 
eye,  in  the  two  first  languages,  are  not  so  in  meaning ; in  fact  there  is  no 
analogy  whatever  between  the  Welsh  and  Indian  languages. 

In  1808,  this  chief  was  the  bearer  of  a long  and  exceedingly  excellent  talk 
from  the  Senecas  west  of  the  Oh'o,  to  the  Indians  of  the  interior  of  Canada, 
about  100  miles  from  Niagara  Falls.  It  was  from  a Prophet  named  Skanya- 

DARIO.f 

We  learn  also  from  Mr.  Jansen  that  when  Teyoninhokerawen  was  in  Eng- 
land, he  *‘  appeared  to  be  about  45  years  of  age tall,  muscular,  and  well  pro- 
portioned, possessing  a fine  and  intelligent  countenance.  His  mother  was  a 
Scotch  woman,  and  he  had  spent  two  years  in  Edinburgh,  in  his  youth, 
namely,  from  his  13th  to  his  15th  year,  read  and  spoke  English  and  French 
well.  He  was  married  to^p  female  of  his  own  tribe,  by  whom  he  had  two 
children.  He  served  in  the  last  war  with  the  English,  as  will  presently  be 
related. 

Because  this  chief  spent  a few  years  in  Scotland  when  young,  some  his- 
torians { have  asserted  that  he  was  not  an  Indian,  but  a Scotchman  ; and  a 
writer  § of  a sketch  of  the  late  Canada  war  says  he  was  related  to  the 
French.  Of  this  we  have  no  doubt,  as  it  is  not  uncommon  for  many  of  those 
who  pass  for  Indians  to  have  white  fathers.  We  should  think,  therefore, 
that,  instead  of  his  mother’s  being  a Scotch  woman,  his  father  might  have  been 
a Frenchman,  and  his  mother  an  Indian. 

Of  Norton's  or  Teyoninhokerawen1  s exploits  in  the  last  war,  there  were  not 
many,  we  presume,  as  there  are  not  many  recorded.  When  Col.  Murray  sur- 
prised Fort  Niagara,  on  the  19  Dec.  1813,  Norton  entered  the  fort  with  him, 
at  the  head  of  a force  of  about  400  men.  ||  Fort  Niagara  was  garrisoned  by 
about  300  Americans,  of  whom  but  20  escaped.  All  who  resisted,  and  some 
who  did  not,  were  run  though  with  the  bayonet.  We  only  know  that  Norton 
was  present  on  this  occasion. 

On  the  6 June,  1814,  General  Vincent  and  Norton , with  a considerable 
force, H attacked  an  American  camp  ten  miles  from  Burlington  Bay,  at  a place 
called  Fifty  Mile  Creek.  The  onset  was  made  before  day  on  a Sunday  morn- 
ing. The  invaders  seized  upon  seven  pieces  of  cannon,  and  turned  them 
upon  their  enemies.  The  night  was  very  dark,  and  the  confusion  was  very 
great.  The  American  Generals  Chandler  and  Winder , one  major,  five  cap- 
tains, one  lieutenant,  and  116  men,  were  taken  prisoners.  Nevertheless  the 
Americans  fought  with  such  resolution  that  the  attacking  party  were  obliged 
to  abandon  their  advantage,  leaving  150  of  their  number  behind  them.  They, 
however,  carried  off  two  pieces  of  cannon  and  some  horses. 

LOGAN  was  a great  Shawanee  chief,  who  was  more  brave  than  fortunate. 
He  was  no  connection  of  Logan  of  1774,  but  was  equally  great,  and,  in  the 
hands  of  a Jefferson , would  have  been  equally  celebrated.  Shortly  after  Gen- 
eral Tupp°r's  expedition  to  the  Miami  Rapids,  Captain  James  Logan , as  he 
was  called  by  the  English,  was  sent  by  General  Harrison  in  the  direction  of 
those  rapids,  with  a small  party  of  his  tribe,  to  reconnoitre.  He  met  with  a 
superior  force  of  the  enemy  near  that  place,  by  which  he  was  so  closely  pur- 
sued that  his  men  were  obliged  to  break  and  flee  for  safety  in  the  true  Indian 
manner.  Logan , with  two  of  his  companions,  Captain  John  and  Bright- 
horn,  arrived  safe  at  General  Winchester's  camp.  When  he  gave  an  account 
here  of  what  had  happened,  accusers  in  the  army  stood  ready  to  charge  him 
with  treachery,  and  a design  of  aiding  the  enemy.  He  felt  the  false  charge 


* Monthly  Repository,  iii.  715,  London,  1809.  t Ibid.  709. 

X James , Military  Occurrences,  ii.  16.  § Mr.  M.  Smith,  who  lived  then  in  Canada. 

||  Some  American  historians  say,  “ British  and  Indians;”  but  Mr.  James  (ii.  16.)  says 
there  was  but  one  “Indian,”  and  he  was  a Scotchman ! 

IT  The  number  of  rank  and  file  was  704,  of  the  Americans  about  3000. 


Chap.  VII.] 


SIGNAL  EXPLOIT  OF  CAPTAIN  LOGAN. 


133 


with  cutting  severity,  but  without  any  inclination  for  revenge.  On  the  con- 
trary, he  determined  to  prove  by  some  unequivocal  announcement  that  he 
was  not  thus  to  be  taken  as  a spy. 

Accordingly,  on  22  November,  with  the  two  men  above  named,  he  set  out, 
resolved  either  to  bring  in  a prisoner  or  a scalp,  or  to  hazard  his  life  in  the 
attempt.  When  he  had  proceeded  down  the  Miami  about  10  miles,  on  the 
north  side,  he  met  with  Captain  Elliot,  (son  of  him  of  infamous  memory,  before 
mentioned  in  this  book  of  our  history,)  accompanied  by  five  Indians.  As 
this  party  was  too  strong  for  Logan  and  his  two  brave  companions,  four  of 
them  being  on  horseback,  he  therefore  determined  to  pass  them,  pretend- 
ing to  be  of  the  British  party,  and  advanced  with  confident  boldness  and  a 
friendly  deportment.  But  it  unfortunately  happened,  that  the  noted  Winne- 
mak,  of  whom  mention  has  been  made  in  the  life  of  Tecumseh,  and  who  had 
fought  at  the  head  of  the  Pottowattomies  in  the  battle  of  Tippecanoe,  knew 
him  and  denounced  him  as  a spy.  Logan , however,  persisted  that  he  was 
the  friend  of  the  British,  and  was  then  on  his  way  to  the  Rapids  to  give  in- 
formation of  the  situation  of  the  Americans.  After  conversing  a while,  he 
proceeded  on  his  way,  and  Winnemak,  with  his  companions,  turned  and  fol- 
lowed with  him.  Winnemak  and  his  party  closely  watched  the  others,  and 
when  they  had  proceeded  about  eight  miles,  he  proposed  to  Captain  Elliot  to 
seize  and  tie  them;  but  he  said  it  was  not  necessary, for  if  they  attempted  to 
escape  they  could  be  shot  down,  or  easily  run  down  with  their  horses.  Lo- 
gan, overhearing  this,  communicated  it  to  his  companions,  and  it  was  agreed 
to  make  an  attack  upon  them,  although  they  were  five  to  three.  Uptil  now, 
Logan  had  intended  to  go  on  with  them  till  night,  and  then  escape. 

No  sooner  was  the  resolution  taken  than  the  fight  began.  When  they  had 
all  fired  three  rounds  apiece,  the  advantage  was  in  favor  of  the  three  ; having 
driven  their  adversaries  considerable  distance,  and  cut  them  off  from  their 
horses.  Elliot  and  Winnemak  had  both  fallen  mortally  wounded,  and  a young 
Ottowa  chief  was  killed.  Towards  the  close  of  the  fight,  both  Logan  and 
Bright-horn  were  badly  wounded.  As  soon  as  Logan  was  shot,  he  ordered  a 
retreat,  and,  seizing  the  enemies’  horses,  they  effected  it  to  Winchester’s  camp. 
Captain  John  escaped  unhurt,  and  after  taking  the  scalp  of  the  Ottowa  chief, 
followed,  himself,  and  arrived  there  the  next  morning. 

Logan  had  now  indeed  established  his  reputation,  but  he  lost  his  life  ! His 
wounds  proved  mortal  two  days  after.  In  General  Winchester’s  letter  to  Gen- 
eral Harrison , he  says,  “More  firmness  and  consummate  bravery  have  seldom 
appeared  on  the  military  theatre.”  “ He  was  buried  with  all  the  honors  due  to 
his  rank,  and  with  sorrow  as  sincerely  and  generally  displayed  as  ever  I wit- 
nessed.” Thus  wrote  Major  Hardin  to  Governor  Shelley  : — 

“ His  physiognomy  was  formed  on  the  best  model,  and  exhibited  the  strong- 
est marks  of  courage,  intelligence,  good-humor  and  sincerity.  He  had  been 
very  serviceable  to  our  cause,  by  acting  as  a pilot  and  a spy.  He  had  gone 
with  General  Hull  to  Detroit,  and  with  the  first  Kentucky  troops  who  marched 
for  the  relief  of  Fort  Wayne.” 

Winnemak,  while  in  conversation  with  Logan  before  the  fight,  declared  that 
he  commanded  all  the  Indians  in  that  quarter;  and  boasted  that  he  had 
caused  the  massacre  of  Wells  and  those  who  had  surrended  at  the  battle  of 
Chicago,  after  having  gone  with  Wells , as  a friend,  to  guard  the  garrison  of 
that  place  to  Fort  Wayne. 

In  1776,  General  Logan,  of  Kentucky,  took  Logan,  then  a boy,  prisoner, 
and  kept  him  some  time.  After  sending  him  to  school  till  he  had  acquired 
considerable  education,  he  gave  him  his  liberty  and  his  own  name.  He  was 
ever  afterwards  friendly  to  the  whites.  His  mother  was  own  sister  to  Tecum- 
seh and  the  Prophet  He  said  that  in  the  summer  preceding  his  death,  he  had 
talked  a whole  night  with  Tecumseh,  trying  to  persuade  him  against  fighting 
against  the  States ; but  Tecumseh  urged  him  as  strongly  to  join  the  British. 
His  wife  (probably  before  she  was  known  to  Logan)  was  taken  prisoner  by 
Colonel  Hardin , in  1789,  and  had  remained  in  his  family  until  the  treaty  of 
Greenville.  In  the  army  Logan  had  formed  an  attachment  to  Major  Hardin , 
son-in-law  of  General  Logan,  whom,  before  he  died,  he  requested  to  see  that 
what  was  due  him  for  his  services  should  be  faithfully  paid  over  to  his  family, 


134  BLACK-BIRD  CAPTURES  FORT  DEARBORN.  [Book  V. 

Which  was  done.  His  family  resided  at  Wapoghoognata,  which  was  called 
Logan’s  village.*1 

BLACK-BIRD  was  a Potto  wattomie  chief,  who  made  himself  notorious  by 
the  massacre  of  the  garrison  of  Fort  Dearborn.  Before  it  was  known  in  the 
western  region  of  the  upper  lakes,  that  war  had  been  declared  by  the  United 
States,  Indian  and  Canadian  forces  were  collected  at  several  points  ready  for 
the  word  to  be  given.  That  act  seems  to  have  been  anxiously  looked  for  by  the 
Indians,  as  well  as  some  of  their  advisers,  who  seem  to  have  been  much 
better  prepared  to  meet  the  emergency  of  war  than  those  who  declared  it. 

Mackanaw,  or  as  it  is  generally  written,  Michillimakinak,  was  garrisoned 
at  this  time  with  only  58  effective  men,  and  the  first  news  they  had  of  the 
declaration  of  war  was  the  appearance  of  500  Indians  and  about  the  same 
number  of  Canadians  ready  to  attack  them.  The  fort  was  therefore  surren- 
dered by  Lieutenant  Hanks , on  the  17  of  July,  1812. 

When  General  Hull  heard  of  the  fate  of  Michillimakinak,  he  rightly  judged 
that  Fort  Dearborn,  now  Chicago,  would  be  the  next  object  of  attack.  Ac- 
cordingly he  despatched  orders  to  Captain  Heald,  then  in  command  there,  to 
evacuate  the  place  with  all  haste.  But  before  this  message  reached  him, 
Black-bird,  with  a host  of  his  warriors,  was  prepared  to  act  according  to  cir- 
cumstances. A large  number  of  the  neighboring  Indians,  who  had  pre- 
tended friendship,  hearing  that  the  place  was  to  be  evacuated,  came  there  to 
receive  what  could  not  be  carried  away. 

On  the  13  July,  Captain  Wells,  of  Fort  Wayne,  arrived  at  Fort  Dearborn, 
with  about  30  Miamies,  to  escort  Captain  Heald  to  Detroit.  They  marched 
from  the  fort  on  the  15  July,  with  a guard  of  Miamies  in  front,  and  another 
in  the  rear,  under  Captain  Wells.  They  marched  upon  the  shore  of  the  lake, 
and  when  they  had  proceeded  about  one  mile,  they  discovered  Indians  pre- 
pared to  attack  them  from  behind  the  high  sand-bank  which  bounded  the 
beach  of  the  lake.  Captain  Heald  then  ascended  the  bank  with  his  men,  and 
a fight  was  immediately  begun  by  the  Indians.  The  Indians  being  vastly 
numerous,  Captain  Heald  saw  that  it  was  useless  to  contend,  and  immediately 
retreated  to  a small  eminence  in  the  adjacent  prairie,  and  not  being  followed 
by  the  Indians,  was  out  of  the  reach  of  their  shot.  Meantime  the  Indians 
got  possession  of  all  their  horses  and  baggage. 

The  Indians,  after  a short  consultation,  made  signs  for  Captain  Heald  to 
advance  and  meet  them.  He  did  so,  and  was  met.  by  Black-bird,  who,  after 
shaking  hands  with  him,  told  him,  if  he  would  surrender,  the  lives  of  the 
prisoners  should  be  spared.  There  was  no  alternative,  and  after  all  their  arms 
were  surrendered,  the  party  was  marched  back  to  the  Indian  encampment, 
near  the  fort,  and  divided  among  the  different  tribes.  The  next  morning, 
they  burned  the  fort,  and  left  the  place,  taking  the  prisoners  with  them. 
Captain  Heald's  force  was  54  regulars  and  12  militia.  In  the  fight  on  the 
bank  of  the  lake,  26  of  regulars  and  all  of  the  militia  were  killed;  besides 
two  women  and  12  children.  Eleven  women  and  children  were  among  the 
captives.  Captain  Wells  and  many  other  officers  were  killed,  and  Captain 
Heald  and  his  wife  were  both  badly  wounded,  and  were  taken  to  the  mouth 
of  the  St.  Joseph’s,  where  they  were  taken  into  the  family  of  an  Indian 
trader.  Soon  after,  Black-bird  set  out  with  his  warriors  for  the  capture  of 
Fort  Wayne,  and  Captain  Heald  hired  a Frenchman  to  take  him  to  Mich- 
illimakinak. He  was  afterwards  exchanged.  What  other  successes  this 
chief  had  during  the  war  is  unknown. 

Black-hawk,  in  speaking  of  the  capture  and  treatment  of  Captain  Heald 
and  his  men,  says,f  it  was  owing  to  their  not  keeping  their  word  with  the  Indians. 
The  night  before  the  fort  was  abandoned  by  the  whites,  they  threw  all  the 
powder  they  could  not  carry  with  them  into  the  well,  which  they  had  prom- 
ised to  give  them. 

The  next  chief  we  introduce  chiefly  to  illustrate  a most  extraordinary  mode 
of  doing  penance  among  the  nations  of  the  west. 


* Taken  principally  from  Niles's  Register,  and  DamaWs  Narrative. 
t In  his  Life,  written  by  himself,  p.  42. 


Chap.  VII.] 


WAWNAIITON  — BLACK-THUNDER 


135 


WAWNAHTON,*  a bold  and  fearless  chief,  of  the  tribe  of  Yankton, f 
(whose  name,  translated,  is  “ he  who  charges  the  enemy”)  was  considerably 
noted  in  the  last  war  with  Canada.  “ He  had,”  says  my  author,  “ killed  seven 
enemies  in  battle  with  his  own  hand,  as  the  seven  war-eagle  plumes  in  his 
hair  testified,  and  received  nine  wounds,  as  was  shown  by  an  equal  number 
of  little  sticks  arranged  in  his  coal-black  hair,  and  painted  in  a manner  that 
told  an  Indian  eye  whether  they  were  inflicted  by  a bullet,  knife  or  tomahawk, 
and  by  whom.  At  the  attack  on  Fort  Sandusky,  in  the  late  war,  he  received 
a bullet  and  three  buck  shot  in  his  breast,  which  glanced  on  the  bone,  and 
passing  round  under  the  skin,  came  out  at  his  back.”  This,  and  other  ex- 
traordinary escapes,  he  made  use  of,  like  the  famous  Tuspaquin,  two  ages 
before,  to  render  himself  of  greater  importance  among  his  nation.  At  this 
time  he  was  supposed  to  be  about  30  years  of  age,  of  a noble  and  elegant 
appearance,  and  is  still  believed  to  be  living.  J 

Major  Long's  company  considered  Wawnahlon  a very  interesting  man, 
whose  acquaintance  they  cultivated  with  success  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Lake  Traverse.  They  describe  him  as  upwards  of  six  feet  high,  and  pos- 
sessing a countenance  that  would  be  considered  handsome  in  any  country. 
He  prepared  a feast  for  the  party,  as  soon  as  he  knew  they  were  coming  to 
his  village.  “ When  speaking  of  the  Dacotas,  we  purposely  postponed  men- 
tioning the  frequent  vows  which  they  make,  and  their  strict  adherence  to 
them,  because  one  of  the  best  evidences  which  we  have  collected  on  this 
point  connects  itself  with  the  character  of  Wanotan , and  may  give  a favora- 
ble idea  of  his  extreme  fortitude  in  enduring  pain.  In  the  summer  of  1822, 
he  undertook  a journey,  from  which,  apprehending  much  danger  on  the  part 
of  the  Chippewas,  he  made  a vow  to  the  sun,  that,  if  he  returned  safe,  he 
would  abstain  from  all  food  or  drink  for  the  space  of  four  successive  days 
and  nights,  and  that  he  would  distribute  among  his  people  all  the  property 
which  he  possessed,  including  all  his  lodges,  horses,  dogs,  &c.  On  his  return, 
which  happened  without  accident,  he  celebrated  the  dance  of  the  sun  ; this 
consisted  in  making  three  cuts  through  his  skin,  one  on  his  breast,  and  one 
on  each  of  his  arms.  The  skin  was  cut  in  the  manner  of  a loop,  so  as  to  per- 
mit a rape  to  pass  between  the  flesh  and  the  strip  of  skin  which  was  thus 
divided  from  the  body.  The  ropes  being  passed  through,  their  ends  were 
secured  to  a tall  vertical  pole,  planted  at  about  40  yards  from  his  lodge.  He 
then  began  to  dance  round  this  pole,  at  the  commencement  of  this  fast,  fre- 
quently swinging  himself  in  the  air,  so  as  to  be  supported  merely  by  the  cords 
which  were  secured  to  the  strips  of  skin  separated  from  his  arms  and  breast. 
He  continued  this  exercise  with  few  intermissions  during  the  whole  of  his 
fast,  until  the  fourth  day  about  10  o’clock,  A.  M.,  when  the  strip  of  skin  from 
his  breast  gave  way ; notwithstanding  which  he  interrupted  not  the  dance, 
although  supported  merely  by  his  arms.  At  noon  the  strip  from  his  left  arm 
snapped  off : his  uncle  then  thought  that  he  had  suffered  enough,”  and  with  his 
knife  cut  the  last  loop  of  skin,  and  Wanotan  fell  down  in  a swoon,  where  he 
lay  the  rest  of  the  day,  exposed  to  the  scorching  rays  of  the  sun.  After  this  he 
gave  away  all  his  property,  and  with  his  two  squaws  deserted  his  lodge.  To 
such  monstrous  follies  does  superstition  drive  her  votaries ! 

In  Tanner’s  Narrative,  there  is  an  interesting  account  of  an  expedition  of 
an  uncle  of  Wawnahton , at  the  head  of  200  Sioux,  against  the  Ojibbewas.  Waw- 
nahton  was  himself  of  the  party,  but  he  had  not  then  become  so  distinguished 
as  he  was  afterwards.  They  fell  upon  a small  band  of  Crees  and  Assinne- 
boins,  and  after  a fight  of  near  a whole  day,  killed  all  the  Ojibbewas  but  one, 
the  Little-clam , two  women  and  one  child,  about  20  in  number.  This  hap- 
pened not  far  from  Pembina.  § In  1822,  he  very  much  alarmed  that  post,  by 
murdering  some  Assinneboins  in  its  neighborhood.  || 

BLACK-THUNDER,  or  Mackkatananamak.ee , was  styled  the  celebrated 
patriarch  of  the  Fox  tribe.  He  made  himself  remembered  by  many  from  an 

* Wanotan , in  Longs  Fxpe  I to  St.  Peters,  i.  448. 

f Yanktoan,  ( Loner , ib.  4 4,)  which  signi^es  descended  from,  the  fern  leaves . 

\ Facts  published  by  W Sne'ling,  Esq.  It  is  said  by  Keating,  in  Long’s  Exped.  i. 
443,  that  he  was  about  28  v ar;  of  age.  This  was  in  1823. 

$ Tanner’s  Narrative,  138.  . U West’s  Red  River  Colony,  84. 


BLACK-THUN  DER  — ONGPATONGA. 


[Book  V . 


excellent  speech  which  he  made  to  the  American  commissioners,  who  had 
assembled  many  chiefs  at  a place  called  the  Portage,  July,  1815,  to  hold  a 
talk  with  them  upon  the  state  of  their  affairs  ; particularly  as  it  was  believed 
by  the  Americans  that  the  Indians  meditated  hostilities.  An  American  com- 
missioner opened  the  talk,  and  unbecomingly  accused  the  Indians  of  breach 
of  former  treaties.  The  first  chief  that  answered,  spoke  with  a tremulous 
voice,  and  evidently  betrayed  guilt,  or  perhaps  fear.  Not  so  with  the  upright 
chief  Black-thunder.  lie  felt  equally  indignant  at  the  charge  of  the  white 
man,  and  the  unmanly  cringing  of  the  chief  who  had  just  spoken.  He 
began : — 

“ My  father,  restrain  your  feelings,  and  hear  calmly  what  I shall  say.  I 
shall  say  it  plainly.  I shall  not  speak  with  fear  and  trembling.  I have  never 
injured  you,  and  innocence  can  feel  no  fear.  I turn  to  you  all,  red-skins  and 
white-skins — where  is  the  man  who  will  appear  as  my  accuser  ? Father,  I 
understand  not  clearly  how  things  are  working.  I have  just  been  set  at 
liberty.  Am  I again  to  be  plunged  into  bondage?  Frowns  are  all  around 
me  ; but  I am  incapable  of  change.  You,  perhaps,  may  be  ignorant  of  what 
I tell  you ; but  it  is  a truth,  which  I call  heaven  and  earth  to  witness.  It  is  a 
fact  which  can  easily  be  proved,  that  I have  been  assailed  in  almost  every 
possible  way  that  pride,  fear,  feeling,  or  interest,  could  touch  me — that  I have 
been  pushed  to  the  last  to  raise  the  tomahawk  against  you  ; but  all  in  vain.  I 
never  could  be  made  to  feel  that  you  were  my  enemy.  If  this  be  the  conduct 
of  an  enemy,  I shall  never  be  your  friend.  You  are  acquainted  with  my  re- 
moval above  Prairie  des  Chiens.* * * §  I went,  and  formed  a settlement,  and  called 
my  warriors  around  me.  We  took  counsel,  and  from  that  counsel  we  never 
have  departed.  We  smoked,  and  resolved  to  make  common  cause  with  the 
U.  States.  I sent  you  the  pipe — it  resembled  this — and  I sent  it  by  the  Mis- 
souri, that  the  Indians  of  the  Mississippi  might  not  know  what  we  were  doing- 
You  received  it.  I then  told  you  that  your  friends  should  be  my  friends — 
that  your  enemies  should  be  my  enemies — and  that  I only  awaited  your  signal 
to  make  war.  If  this  be  the  conduct  of  an  enemy , I shall  never  be  your  friend. — 
Why  do  I tell  you  this?  Because  it  is  a truth,  and  a melancholy  truth,  that 
the  good  things  which  men  do  are  often  buried  in  the  ground,  while  their  evil 
deeds  are  stripped  naked,  and  exposed  to  the  world,  f — When  I came  here,  I 
came  to  you  in  friendship.  I little  thought  I should  have  had  to  defend  my- 
self. I have  no  defence  to  make.  If  I were  guilty,  I should  have  come  pre- 
pared ; but  I have  ever  held  you  by  the  hand,  and  I am  come  without  ex- 
cuses. If  I had  fought  against  you,  I would  have  told  you  so  : but  I have  noth- 
ing now  to  say  here  in  your  councils,  except  to  repeat  what  I said  before  to 
my  great  father,  the  president  of  your  nation.  You  heard  it,  and  no  doubt 
remember  it.  It  was  simply  this.  My  lands  can  never  be  surrendered  ; I 
was  cheated,  and  basely  cheated,  in  the  contract;  I will  not  surrender  my 
country  but  with  my  life.  Again  I call  heaven  and  earth  to  witness,  and  1 
smoke  this  pipe  in  evidence  of  my  sincerity.  If  you  are  sincere,  you  will 
receive  it  from  me.  My  only  desire  is,  that  we  should  smoke  it  together — 
that  I should  grasp  your  sacred  hand,  and  I claim  for  myself  and  my  tribe 
the  protection  of  your  country.  When  this  pipe  touches  your  lip,  may  it 
operate  as  a blessing  upon  all  rny  tribe. — May  the  smoke  rise  like  a cloud,  and 
carry  away  with  it  all  the  animosities  which  have  arisen  between  us.”  t 

The  issue  of  this  council  was  amicable,  and,  on  the  14  Sept,  following. 
Black-thunder  met  commissioners  at  St.  Louis,  and  executed  a treaty  of 
peace. 

ONGPATONGA,  § or,  as  he  was  usually  called,  Big-elk,  was  chief  of  the 
Mahas,  or  Omawhaws,  whose  residence,  in  1811,  was  upon  the  Missouri.  ||  Mr. 


* The  upper  military  post  upon  the  Mississippi,  in  1818. 
t “ This  passage  forcibly  reminds  us  of  that  in  Shakespeare 

1 The  evil  that  men  do  lives  after  them  ; 

The  good  is  often  interred  with  their  bones.” 

X Philadelphia  Lit.  Gazette. 

§ On.crue-pon-voet  in  Iroquois,  was  l<  men  surpassing  all  others/'  Hist.  Fire  Nations. 

(I  u The  O’Mahas,  in  number  2250,  not  long  ago,  abandoned  their  old  village  on  the  south 


PETALESHAROO,  a Pawnee  Brave.  ONGPATONGA,  or  Big-Elk,  chief  of  the  Omahaws, 


Chap.  vn.l 


PETALESHAROO. 


137 


Brackenridge  visited  his  town  on  the  19  May  of  that  year,  in  his  voyage  up 
that  river.  His  “ village  is  situated  about  three  miles  from  the  river,  and  con- 
tains about  3000  souls,  and  is  836  miles  from  its  mouth.”* *  We  shall  give 
here,  as  an  introduction  to  him,  the  oration  he  made  over  the  grave  of  Black- 
buffalo , a Sioux  chief  of  the  Teton  tribe,  who  died  on  the  night  of  the  14 
July,  1811,  at  “ Portage  des  Sioux,”  and  of  whom  Mr.  Brackemidge  remarks  :f 
“ The  Black-buffalo  was  the  Sioux  chief  with  whom  we  had  the  conference  at 
the  great  bend  ; and,  from  his  appearance  and  mild  deportment,  I was  induced 
to  form  a high  opinion  of  him.”  After  being  interred  with  honors  of  war, 
Ongpatonga  spoke  to  those  assembled  as  follows: — “ Do  not  grieve.  Misfor- 
tunes will  happen  to  the  wisest  and  best  men.  Death  will  come,  and  always 
comes  out  of  season.  It  is  the  command  of  the  Great  Spirit,  and  all  nations 
and  people  must  obey.  What  is  passed,  and  cannot  be  prevented,  should  not 
be  grieved  for.  Be  not  discouraged  or  displeased  then,  that  in  visiting  your 
father^  here,  [the  American  commissioner,]  you  have  lost  your  chief.  A mis- 
fortune of  this  kind  may  never  again  befall  you,  but  this  would  have  attended 
you  perhaps  at  your  own  village.  Five  times  have  I visited  this  land,  and 
never  returned  with  sorrow  or  pain.  Misfortunes  do  not  flourish  particularly 
in  our  path.  They  grow  every  where.  What  a misfortune  for  me,  that  I 
could  not  have  died  this  day,  instead  of  the  chief  that  lies  before  us.  The 
trifling  loss  my  nation  would  have  sustained  in  my  death,  would  have  been 
doubly  paid  for  by  the  honors  of  my  burial.  They  would  have  wiped  off 
every  thing  like  regret.  Instead  of  being  covered  with  a cloud  of  sorrow,  my 
warriors  would  have  felt  the  sunshine  of  joy  in  their  hearts.  To  me  it  would 
have  been  a most  glorious  occurrence.  Hereafter,  when  I die  at  home,  instead 
of  a noble  grave  and  a grand  procession,  the  rolling  music  and  the  thundering 
cannon,  with  a flag  waving  at  my  head,  I shall  be  wrapped  in  a robe,  (an  old 
robe  perhaps,)  and  hoisted  on  a slender  scaffold  to  the  whistling  winds, § soon 
to  be  blown  down  to  the  earth  ; ||  my  flesh  to  be  devoured  by  the  wolves,  and 
my  bones  rattled  on  the  plain  by  the  wild  beasts.  Chief  of  the  soldiers,  [ad- 
dressing Col.  Miller,]  your  labors  have  not  been  in  vain.  Your  attention  shall 
not  be  forgotten.  My  nation  shall  know  the  respect  that  is  paid  over  the 
dead.  When  I return,  I will  echo  the  sound  of  your  guns.” 

Dr.  Morse  saw  Ongpatonga  at  Washington  in  the  winter  of  1821,  and  dis- 
coursed with  him  and  Iskkatappa,  chief  of  tht;  republican  Paunees,  “ on  the 
subject  of  their  civilization,  and  sending  instructors  among  them  for  that 
purpose.”  The  doctor  has  printed  the  conversation,  and  we  are  sorry  to 
acknowledge  that,  on  reading  it,  Big-elk  suffers  in  our  estimation ; but  his 
age  must  be  his  excuse.  When  he  was  asked  who  made  the  red  and  white 
people,  he  answered,  “The  same  Being  who  made  the  white  people,  made 
the  red  people  ; but  the  white  are  better  than  the  red  people.”  This  acknowledg- 
ment is  too  degrading,  and  does  not  comport  with  the  general  character  of  the 
American  Indians.  It  is  not,  however,  very  surprising  that  such  an  expression 
should  escape  an  individual  surrounded,  as  was  Ongpatonga , by  magnificence, 
luxury,  and  attention  from  the  great. 

Big-elk.  was  a party  to  several  treaties  made  between  his  nation  and  the 
Unit  d States,  previous  to  his  visit  to  Washington  in  1821. 

PETALESHAROO  was  not  a chief,  but  a brave  of  the  tribe  of  the  Pau- 
nees. (A  brave  is  a warrior  who  has  distinguished  himself  in  battle,  and  is 
next  in  importance  to  a chief.llj  He  was  the  son  of  Letelesha , a famous  chief, 
commonly  ca'led  the  Knife-chief,  or  Old-knife.  When  Major  Long  and  his 
company  travelled  across  the  continent,  in  1819  and  ’20,  they  became  ac- 
quainted with  Petalesharoo.  From  several  persons  who  were  in  Long’s 


side  of  the  Missouri,  and  now  dwell  on  the  Elk-horn  River,  due  west  from  their  old  village, 
80  miles  west-north-west  from  Council  Bluffs.77  Morses  Indian  Report,  251. 

* Brackenridge,  ut  sup.  91.  t Jour,  up  the  Missouri,  240. 

| Governor  Edwards  or  Colonel  Miller. 

§ It  is  a custom  to  expose  the  dead  upon  a scaffold  among  some  of  the  tribes  of  the  west. 
See  Brackenridge,  Jour.,  186. ; Pike's  Expedition  ; Long's  do. 

||  The  engraving  at  the  commencement  of  Book  II.  illustrates  this  passage. 

IT  Long's  Expedition,  i.  356;  and  Dr.  Morse's  Indian  Report,  247. 

12* 


PFTALESHAROO. 


138 


[Book  V, 


company,  Dr.  Morse  collected  the  particular  of  him  which  he  gives  in  his 
Indian  Report  as  an  anecdote. 

In  the  winter  of  1821,  Petnlesharoo  visited  Washington,  being  one  of  a 
deputation  from  his  nation  to  the  American  government,  on  a business 
matter. 

This  brave  was  of  elegant  form  and  countenance,  and  was  attired,  in  his 
visit  to  Washington,  as  represented  in  the  engraving.  In  1821,  he  was 
about  25  years  of  age.  At  the  age  of  21,  he  was  so  distinguished  by  his 
abilities  and  prowess,  that  he  was  called  the  “ bravest  of  the  bravest  But  few 
years  previous  to  1821,  it  was  a custom,  not  only  with  his  nation,  but  those 
adjacent,  to  torture  and  burn  captives  as  sacrifices  to  the  groat  Star.  In  an 
expedition  performed  by  some  of  his  countrymen  against  the  Iteans,  a female 
was  taken,  who,  on  their  return,  was  doomed  to  suffer  according  to  their 
usages.  She  was  fastened  to  the  stake,  and  a vast  crowd  assembled  upon 
the  adjoining  plain  to  witness  the  scene.  This  brave , unobserved,  had  sta- 
tioned two  fleet  horses  at  a small  distance,  and  was  seated  among  the  crowd, 
as  a silent  spectator.  All  were  anxiously  wailing  to  enjoy  the  spectacle  of 
the  first  contact  of  the  flames  with  their  victim ; when,  to  their  astonishment, 
a brave  was  seen  rending  asunder  the  cords  which  bound  her,  and,  with  the 
swiftness  of  thought,  bearing  her  in  his  arms  beyond  the  amazed  multitude ; 
where  placing  her  upon  one  horse,  and  mounting  himself  upon  the  other, 
he  bore  her  off  safe  to  her  friends  and  country.  This  act  would  have  endan- 
gered the  life  of  an  ordinary  chief ; but  such  was  his  sway  in  the  tribe,  that 
no  one  presumed  to  censure  the  daring  act. 

This  transaction  was  the  more  extraordinary,  as  its  performer  was  as 
much  a son  of  nature,  and  had  had  no  more  of  the  advantages  of  education 
than  the  multitude  whom  he  astonished  by  the  humane  act  just  recorded. 

This  account  being  circulated  at  Washington,  during  the  young  chief’s 
stay  there,  the  young  ladies  of  Miss  White’s  seminary  in  that  place  resolved 
to  give  him  a demonstration  of  the  high  esteem  in  which  they  held  him  on 
account  of  his  humane  conduct;  they  therefore  presented  him  an  elegant 
silver  medal,  appropriately  inscribed,  accompanied  by  the  following  short  but 
affectionate  address:  “Brother,  accept  this  token  of  our  esteem — always 
wear  it  for  our  sakes,  and  when  again  you  have  the  power  to  save  a poor 
woman  from  death  and  torture,  think  of  this,  and  of  us,  and  fly  to  her 
relief  and  her  rescue.”  The  brave’s  reply : — “ This  [taking  hold  of  the 
medal  which  he  had  just  suspended  from  his  neck]  will  give  me  more  case  than 
1 ever  had , and  I will  listen  more  than  I ever  did  to  white  men.  I am  glad  that 
my  brothers  and  sisters  have  heard  of  the  good  act  I have  done.  My  brothers  and 
sisters  think  that  I did  it  in  ignorance , but  I now  know  what  I have  done.  I 
did  it  in  ignorance , and  did  not  know  that  / did  good ; bid  by  giving  me  this 
medal  I know  it .” 

Some  time  after  the  attempt  to  sacrifice  the  Itean  woman,  one  of  the 
warriors  of  Letelesha  brought  to  the  nation  a Spanish  boy,  whom  he  had 
taken.  The  warrior  was  resolved  to  sacrifice  him  to  Venus,  and  the  time 
was  appointed.  Letelesha  had  a long  time  endeavored  to  do  away  the  custom, 
and  now  consulted  Petalesharoo  upon  the  course  to  be  pursued.  The  young 
brave  said,  “I  will  rescue  the  boy,  as  a warrior  should,  by  force.”  His  father 
was  unwilling  that  he  should  expose  his  life  a second  time,  and^used  great 
exertions  to  raise  a sufficient  quantity  of  merchandise  for  the  purchase  of  the 
captive.  All  that  were  able  contributed,  and  a pile  was  made  of  it  at  the 
lodge  of  the  Knife-chief  who  then  summoned  the  warrior  before  him.  When 
he  had  arrived,  the  chief  commanded  him  to  take  the  merchandise,  and 
deliver  the  boy  to  him.  The  warrior  refused.  Letelesha  then  waved  his 
w'ar-club  in  the  air,  bade  the  warrior  obey  or  prepare  for  instant  death. 
“ Strike ,”  said  Petelesharoo , “ I will  meet  the  vengeance  of  his  friends .”  But  the 
prudent  and  excellent  Letelesha  resolved  to  use  one  more  endeavor  before 
committing  such  an  act.  He  therefore  increased  the  amount  of  property, 
which  had  the  desired  effect.  The  boy  was  surrendered,  and  the  valuable 
collection  of  goods  sacrificed  in  his  stead.*  This,  it  is  thought,  will  be  the 


Long,  ut  supra , 35-78. 


139 


CrtAP.  VII.]  METEA’S  SPEECH  AGAINST  SELLING  LAND. 

last  time  the  inhuman  custom  will  be  attempted  in  the  tribe.  “ The  origin 
of  this  sanguinary  sacrifice  is  unknown ; probably  it  existed  previously  to 
their  intercourse  with  the  white  traders.”  '*  They  believed  that  the  success 
of  their  ent  rprises,  and  all  undertakings,  depended  upon  their  faithfully 
adhering  to  the  due  performance  of  these  rites. 

In  his  way  to  Washington,  he  staid  some  days  in  Philadelphia,  where 
Mr.  JYecigle  had  a fine  opportunity  of  taking  his  portrait,  which  he  performed 
with  wonderful  success.  It  was  copied  for  Dr.  Godman's  Natural  History, 
and  adorns  the  second  volume  of  that  valuable  work. 

METEA,  chief  of  the  Pottowattomies,  is  brought  to  our  notice  on  account 
of  the  opposition  he  made  to  the  sale  of  a large  tract  of  his  country.  In 
1821,  he  resided  upon  the  Wabash.  To  numerous  treaties,  from  1814  to 
1821,  we  find  his  name,  and  generally  at  the  head  of  those  of  his  tribe. 
At  the  treaty  of  Chicago,  in  the  year  last  mentioned,  he  delivered  the  follow- 
ing speech,  after  Governor  Cass  had  informed  him  of  the  objects  of  his  mission. 

“My  father, — We  have  listened  to  what  you  have  said.  We  shall  now 
retire  to  our  camps  and  consult  upon  it.  You  will  hear  nothing  more  from 
us  at  present.  [This  is  a uniform  custom  of  all  the  Indians.  When  the 
council  was  again  convened,  Metea  continued.]  We  meet  you  here  to-day, 
because  we  had  promised  it,  to  tell  you  our  minds,  and  what  we  have  agreed 
upon  among  ourselves.  You  will  listen  to  us  with  a good  mind,  and  believe 
what  we  say.  You  know  that  we  first  came  to  this  country,  a long  time  ago, 
and  when  we  sat  ourselves  down  upon  it,  we  met  with  a great  many  hard- 
ships and  difficulties.  Our  country  was  then  very  large ; but  it  has  dwindled 
away  to  a small  spot,  and  you  wish  to  purchase  that ! This  has  caused  us  to 
reflect  much  upon  what  you  have  told  us;  and  we  have,  therefore,  brought 
all  the  chiefs  and  warriors,  and  the  young  men  and  women  and  children  of 
our  tribe,  that  one  part  may  not  do  what  the  others  object  to,  and  that  all 
tnay  he  witness  of  what  is  going  forward.  You  know  your  children.  Since 
you  first  came  among  them,  they  have  listened  to  your  words  with  an  at- 
tentive ear,  and  have  always  hearkened  to  your  counsels.  Whenever  you 
have  had  a proposal  to  make  to  us,  whenever  you  have  had  a favor  to  ask  of 
us,  we  have  always  lent  a favorable  ear,  and  our  invariable  answer  has  been 
*yes.’  This  you  know!  A long  time  has  passed  since  we  first  came  upon 
our  lands,  and  our  old  people  have  all  sunk  into  their  graves.  They  had 
sense.  We  are  all  young  and  foolish,  and  do  not  wish  to  do  any  thing  that 
they  would  not  approve,  were  they  living.  We  are  fearful  we  shall  offend 
their  spirits,  if  we  sell  our  lands;  and  we  are  fearful  we  shall  offend  you,  if 
we  do  not  sell  them.  This  has  caused  us  great  perplexity  of  thought,  because 
we  have  counselled  among  ourselves,  and  do  not  know  how  we  can  part  with 
the  land.  Our  country  was  given  to  us  by  the  Great  Spirit,  who  gave  it  to  us 
to  hunt  upon,  to  make  our  cornfields  upon,  to  live  upon,  and  to  make  down 
our  beds  upon  when  we  die.  And  he  would  never  forgive  us,  should  we 
bargain  it  away.  When  you  first  spoke  to  us  for  lands  at  St.  Mary’s,  we  said 
we  had  a little,  and  agreed  to  sell  you  a piece  of  it;  but  we  told  you  we 
could  spare  no  more.  Now  you  ask  us  again.  You  are  never  satisfied! 
We  have  sold  you  a great  tract  of  land,  already;  but  it  is  not  enough!  We 
sold  it  to  you  for  the  benefit  of  your  children,  to  farm  and  to  live  upon. 
We  have  now  but  little  left.  We  shall  want  it  all  for  ourselves.  We  know 
not  how  long  we  may  live,  and  we  wish  to  have  some  lands  for  our  children 
to  hunt  upon.  You  are  gradually  taking  away  our  hunting-grounds.  Your 
children  are  driving  us  before  them.  We  are  growing  uneasy.  What  lands 
you  have,  you  may  retain  forever;  but  we  shall  sell  no  more.  You  think, 
perhaps,  that  I speak  in  passion ; but  my  heart  is  good  towards  you.  I speak 
like  one  of  your  own  children.  I am  an  Indian,  a red-skin,  and  live  by 
hunting  and  fishing,  but  my  country  is  already  too  small ; and  I do  not  know 
how  to  bring  up  my  children,  if  I give  it  all  away.  We  sold  you  a fine  tract 
of  land  at  St.  Mary  s.  We  said  to  you  then  it  was  enough  to  satisfy  your 
children,  and  the  last  we  should  sell : and  we  thought  it  would  be  the 
last  you  would  ask  for.  We  have  now  told  you  what  we  had  to  say.  It  is 


Long,  ut  supra,  357-8. 


140 


KEEWAGOUSHKUM.— AN  HISTORICAL  SPEECH.  (Book  V. 

what  was  determined  on,  in  a council  among  ourselves ; and  what  I have 
spoken,  is  the  voice  of  my  nation.  On  this  account,  all  our  people  have 
come  here  to  listen  to  me ; but  do  not  think  we  have  a bad  opinion  of 
you.  Where  should  we  get  a bad  opinion  of  you  ? We  speak  to  you 
with  a good  heart,  and  the  feelings  of  a friend.  You  are  acquainted  with 
this  piece  of  land — the  country  we  live  in.  Shall  we  give  it  up  ? Take 
notice,  it  is  a small  piece  of  land,  and  if  wre  give  it  away,  what  will  become 
of  us  ? The  Great  Spirit,  who  has  provided  it  for  our  use,  allows  us  to  keep 
it,  to  bring  up  our  young  men  and  support  our  families.  We  should  incur  his 
anger,  if  we  bartered  it  away.  If  we  had  more  land,  you  should  get  more ; 
but  our  land  has  been  wasting  away  ever  since  the  white  people  became  our 
neighbors,  and  we  have  now  hardly  enough  left  to  cover  the  bones  of  our 
tribe.  You  are  in  the  midst  of  your  red  children.  What  is  due  to  us  in 
money,  we  wish,  and  will  receive  at  this  place ; and  we  want  nothing  more. 
We  all  shake  hands  with  you.  Behold  our  warriors,  our  women,  and  chil- 
dren. Take  pity  on  us  and  on  our  words.” 

Notwithstanding  the  decisive  language  held  by  Metea  in  this  speech,  against 
selling  land,  yet  his  name  is  to  the  treaty  of  sale.  And  in  another  speech  of 
about  equal  length,  delivered  shortly  after,  upon  the  same  subject,  the  same 
determination  is  manifest  throughout. 

At  this  time  he  appeared  to  be  about  forty  years  of  age,  and  of  a noble 
and  dignified  appearance.  He  is  allowed  to  be  the  most  eloquent  chief  of 
his  nation.  In  the  last  war,  he  fought  against  the  Americans,  and,  in  the 
attack  on  Fort  Wavne,  was  severely  wounded;  on  which  account  he  draws  a 
pension  from  the  British  government.* 

At  the  time  of  the  treaty  of  Chicago,  of  which  we  have  made  mention, 
several  other  chiefs,  besides  Metea , or,  as  his  name  is  sometimes  written, 
Meeteya , were  very  prominent,  and  deserve  a remembrance.  Among  them 
may  be  particularly  named 

KEEWAGOUSHKUM,  a chief  of  the  first  authority  in  the  Ottowa  nation. 
We  shall  give  a speech  which  he  made  at  the  time,  which  is  considered 
very  valuable,  as  well  on  account  of  the  history  It  contains,  as  for  its  merits 
in  other  respects.  Indian  History  by  an  Indian,  must  be  the  most  valuable 
part  of  any  work  about  them.  Keewagoushkum  began 

“My  father,  listen  to  me!  The  first  white  people  seen  by  us  were  the 
French.  When  they  first  ventured  into  these  lakes,  they  hailed  us  as  children  ; 
they  came  with  presents  and  promises  of  peace,  and  we  took  them  by  the 
hand.  We  gave  them  what  they  wanted,  and  initiated  them  into  our  mode 
of  life,  which  they  readily  fell  into.  After  some  time,  during  which  we  had 
become  well  acquainted,  we  embraced  their  father,  (the  king  of  France,)  as 
our  father.  Shortly  after,  these  people  that  wear  red  coats,  (the  English,) 
came  to  this  country,  and  overthrew  the  French ; and  they  extended  their 
hand  to  us  in  friendship.  As  soon  as  the  French  were  overthrown,  the  British 
told  us,  ‘We  will  clothe  you  in  the  same  manner  the  French  did.  We  will 
supply  you  with  all  you  want,  and  will  purchase  all  your  peltries,  as  they  did.’ 
Sure  enough ! after  the  British  took  possession  of  the  country,  they  fulfilled 
all  their  promises.  When  they  told  us  we  should  have  any  thing,  we  were 
sure  to  get  it ; and  we  got  from  them  the  best  goods. — Some  time  after  the 
British  had  been  in  possession  of  the  country,  it  was  reported  that  another 
people,  who  wore  white  clothes,  had  arisen  and  driven  the  British  out  of  the 
land.  These  people  we  first  met  at  Greenville,  [in  1795,  to  treat  with  General 
Wayne,]  and  took  them  by  the  hand. — When  the  Indians  first  met  the  Ameri- 
can chief,  [Wayne,]  in  council,  there  were  but  few  Ottowas  present  ; but  he 
said  to  them,  ‘When  I sit  myself  down  at  Detroit,  you  will  all  see  me.’ 
Shortly  after,  he  arrived  at  Detroit.  Proclamation  was  then  made  for  all  the 
Indians  to  come  in. — We  were  to'd,  [by  the  general,]  ‘The  reason  I do  not 
push  those  British  farther  is,  that  we  may  not  forget  their  example  in  giving 
you  presents  of  cloth,  arms,  ammunition,  and  whatever  else  you  may  require.’ 
Sure  enough ! The  first  time,  we  were  clothed  with  great  liberality.  You 
gave  us  strouds,  guns,  ammunition,  and  many  other  things  we  stood  in  need 


Schoolcraft's  Travels. 


Two  Chiefs  in  the  act  of  concluding  peace. 


A Warrior  departing  from  his  friend, 


Chap.  VIII.] 


BLACK-HAWK. 


141 


of,  and  said,  ‘ This  is  the  way  you  may  always  expect  to  be  used.’  It  was 
also  said,  that  whenever  we  were  in  great  necessity,  you  would  help  us. — 
When  the  Indians  on  the  Maumee  were  first  about  to  sell  their  lands,  we 
heard  it  with  both  ears,  but  we  never  received  a dollar. — The  Chippewas, 
the  Pottowattomies,  and  the  Ottowas  were , originally , but  one  nation.  We 
separated  from  each  other  near  Michilimackinac.  We  were  related  by  the 
ties  of  blood,  language  and  interest ; but  in  the  course  of  a long  time,  these 
things  have  been  forgotten,  and  both  nations  have  sold  their  lands,  without 
consulting  us.” — “ Our  brothers,  the  Chippewas,  have  also  sold  you  a large 
tract  of  land  at  Saganaw.  People  are  constantly  passing  through  the  country, 
but  we  received  neither  invitation  nor  money.  It  is  surprising  that  the  Pot- 
towattomies, Ottowas,  and  Chippewas,  who  are  all  one  nation,  should  sell 
their  lands  without  giving  each  other  notice.  Have  we  then  degenerated  so 
much  that  we  can  no  longer  trust  one  another  ? — Perhaps  the  Pottowattomies 
may  think  I have  come  here  on  a begging  journey,  that  I wish  to  claim  a 
share  of  lands  to  which  my  people  are  not  entitled.  I tell  them  it  is  not  so. 
We  have  never  begged,  and  shall  not  now  commence.  When  I went  to 
Detroit  last  fall,  Governor  Cass  told  me  to  come  to  this  place,  at  this  time, 
and  listen  to  what  he  had  to  say  in  council.  As  we  live  a great  way  in  the 
woods,  and  never  see  white  people  except  in  the  fall,  when  the  traders  come 
among  us,  we  have  not  so  many  opportunities  to  profit  by  this  intercourse  as 
our  neighbors,  and  to  get  what  necessaries  wTe  require  ; but  we  make  out  to 
live  independently,  and  trade  upon  our  own  lands.  We  have,  heretofore, 
received  nothing  less  than  justice  from  the  Americans,  and  all  we  expect,  in 
the  present  treaty,  is  a full  proportion  of  the  money  and  goods.” 

“ A series  of  misfortunes,”  says  Mr.  Schoolcraft,  “ has  since  overtaken  this 
friendly,  modest,  and  sensible  chief.  On  returning  from  the  treaty  of  Chicago, 
while  off  the  mouth  of  Grand  River,  in  Lake  Michigan,  his  canoe  was  struck 
by  a flaw  of  wind  and  upset.  After  making  every  exertion,  he  saw  his  wife 
and  all  his  children,  except  one  son,  perish.  With  his  son  he  reached  the 
shore ; but,  as  if  to  crown  his  misfortunes,  this  only  surviving  child  has  since 
been  poisoned  for  the  part  he  took  in  the  treaty.” 

The  result  of  this  treaty  was  the  relinquishment,  by  the  Ottowas,  Chip- 
pewas, and  Pottowattomies,  of  a tract  of  country  in  the  southern  part  of  the 
peninsula  of  Michigan,  containing  upwards  of  5,000,000  acres,  and  for  which 
they  received  of  the  United  States,  in  goods,  35,000  dollars  ; and  several  other 
sums  were  awarded  to  the  separate  tribes,  to  some  yearly  forever,  and  to 
others  for  a limited  term  of  years.  Some  of  the  chiefs  who  attended  to  the 
treaty  were  opposed  to  this  sale,  and  hence  the  reason  that  Keewagoushkum’s 
son  was  poisoned. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Black-hawk’s  war — Historical  account  of  the  tribes  engaged  in  it — Treaty  between 
them — Murders  among  the  Sioux  and  Chippewas — Red-bird — Taken  for  murder 
— Dies  in  prison — Trial  and  execution  of  Indians — Black-hawk — The  Sacs  murder 
28  Menominies — Indians  insulted — Their  country  sold  without  the  consent  of  a large 
party — This  occasions  the  war — Ordered  to  leave  their  country — General  Gaines 
drives  them  beyond  the  Mississippi — Conclude  a : Treaty — Treaty  broken — Sacs  re- 
turn again  to  their  village — Determine  on  war — General  Atkinson  marches  against 
them — They  retreat  up  Rock  River.  • 

It  will  be  necessary,  in  this  chapter,  to  give  some  account  of  such  tribes  of 
Indians  as  will  often  be  mentioned  as  we  proceed.  We  shall,  however,  con- 
fine ourselves  to  such  tribes  as  took  part  in  the  late  war  in  the  neighborhood 
of  the  Lakes  Michigan  and  Superior,  more  especially  ; and  firstly,  of  the  Win- 
nebagos.  This  tribe  inhabit  the  country  upon  the  Ouisconsin,  a river  that 
rises  between  the  Lakes  Superior  and  Michigan,  and  which  disembogues 
itself  into  the  Mississippi,  near  the  S.  W.  angle  of  the  N.  W.  territory.  They 
were  found  seated  here  when  the  country  was  first  visited  by  whites,  about 


142 


v BLACK-HAWK. 


[Book  V. 


150  years  ago,  and  here  they  still  remain.  In  1820,  they  were  supposed  to 
number  1550  souls,  of  whom  5C0  were  men,  350  women,  and  700  children, 
and  lived  in  ten  towns  or  villages.*  A body  ol‘  Winnebago  warriors  was  in 
the  fight  at  Tippecanoe,  under  the  impostor  Ellskwaiawa.  Sanamahhonga, 
called  Stone-eater , and  Wapamangwa , or  White-loon,  were  leaders  of  the  Win- 
nebago warriors.  The  latter  was  one  that  opposed  General  Wayne  in  1794, 
but  was  reconciled  to  the  Americans  in  1795,  by  the  treaty  of  Greenville. 
He  also  treated  with  General  Harrison,  in  1809,  at  Fort  Wayne,  and  again  at 
Greenville  in  1814  ; but  he  was  active  in  the  war  of  1812,  and  on  the  British 
side.  Winnebago  Lake,  which  discharges  its  waters  into  Green  Bay,  was 
probably  named  from  this  tribe  of  Indians,  or,  what  is  quite  as  probable,  they 
received  their  name  from  the  lake. 

Secondly,  the  Menominies.  This  tribe  inhabits  a river  bearing  their  name, 
and  is  situated  about  one  degree  north  of  the  Winnebagos,  from  whom  they 
are  separated  by  a range  of  mountains.  They  numbered  in  1820,  according 
to  some,  about  355  persons,  of  whom  not  more  than  100  were  fighters ; but 
this  estimate  could  apply  only,  it  is  thought,  to  the  most  populous  tribe. 

Thirdly,  the  Potto wattomies,  or  Pouteouatamis.  This  nation  was  early 
known  to  the  French.  In  the  year  1668,  300  of  them  visited  Father  Allouez, 
at  a place  which  the  French  called  Chagouamigon,  which  is  an  island  in 
Lake  Superior.  There  was  among  them  at  this  time  an  old  man  100  years 
old,  of  whom  his  nation  reported  wonderful  things ; among  others,  that  he 
could  go  without  food  20  days,  and  that  he  often  saw  the  Great  Spirit.  He 
was  taken  sick  here,  and  died  in  a few  days  after.f 

The  country  of  the  Potto  wattomies  is  adjacent  to  the  south  end  of  Lake 
Michigan,  in  Indiana  and  Illinois,  and  in  1820  their  numbers  were  set  down 
at  3400.  At  that  time  the  United  States  paid  them  yearly  5700  dollars.  Of 
this,  350  dollars  remained  a permanent  annuity  until  the  late  war. 

Fourthly,  the  Sacs  and  Foxes.  These  are  usually  mentioned  together,  and 
are  now  really  but  one  nation.  They  also  had  the  gospel  taught  them  about 
1668,  by  the  Jesuits.  They  live  to  the  west  of  the  Pottowattomies,  generally 
between  the  Illinois  and  Mississippi  Rivers,  in  the  state  of  Illinois.  The  chief 
of  the  Sauks,  or  Sacs,  for  at  least  14  years,  has  been  Keokuk.  Of  him  we 
shall  particularly  speak  in  due  course.  The  Sacs  and  Foxes  were  supposed 
to  amount,  in  1820,  to  about  3000  persons  in  all ; one  fifth  of  whom  may  be 
accounted  warriors. 

Thus  we  have  taken  a view  of  the  most  important  points  in  the  history  of 
the  tribes  which  were  engaged  in  the  late  border  war  under  Black-hawk,  and 
are,  therefore,  prepared  to  proceed  in  the  narration  of  the  events  of  that  war. 
It  will  be  necessary  for  us  to  begin  with  some  events  as  early  as  1823 ; at 
which  period  a chief  of  the  Winnebagos,  called  Red-bird,  was  the  most  con- 
spicuous. This  year,  the  United  States’  agents  held  a treaty  at  Prairie  du 
Chien,  with  the  Sacs,  Foxes,  Winnebagos,  Chippeways,  Sioux,  &c.,  for  the 
purpose,  among  other  things,  of  bringing  about  a peace  between  the  first- 
named  tribe  and  the  others,  who  were  carrying  on  bloody  wars  among  them- 
selves; the  treaty  stipulated  that  each  tribe  should  confine  itself  to  certain 
boundaries,  which  were  designated  ; and  as  parties  from  them  all  were  con- 
stantly visiting  the  United  States’  forts,  upon  business,  or  various  other  occa- 
sions, it  was  agreed  that  any  party  should  be  protected  from  insult  or  injury 
from  any  other  Indians  while  upon  such  visits.  It  would  not  seem,  however, 
that  the  makers  of  the  treaty  could  have  supposed  that  any  such  agreement 
would  avail  much,  where  deep  hatred  existed  between  any  of  the  parties ; 
for  the  very  circumstance  of  protection  being  offered,  would  lead  directly  to 
difficulty,  by  placing  one  party  in  a situation  exactly  to  accommodate  another, 
in  their  peculiar  method  of  surprise ; nor  could  any  one  have  supposed  that 
any  fear  of  punishment  from  the  whites  would  have  been  equal  to  the 
gratification  of  revenge.  Yet  the  motives  of  the  whites  were  good,  however 
little  was  effected  by  them. 

As  was  expected,  frequent  murders  happened  among  the  Indians ; and  it  was 


* Dr.  Morse  rated  them  at  5000.  Ind.  Report,  Ap.  362. 
t Charlevoix,  Hist,  de  la  Nouv.  France,  i.  395, 


Chap.  VIII.] 


TRIAL  OF  SEVEN  INDIANS. 


143 


not  often  that  those  guilty  of  them  could  be  found  or  recognized.  At  length, 
in  the  summer  of  1827,  a party  of  24  Chippewas,  on  a tour  to  Fort  Snelling, 
were  surprised  by  a band  of  Sioux,  who  ki.led  and  wounded  eight  of  them. 
The  commandant  of  Fort  Snelling  captured  four  of  them,  whom  he  delivered 
into  the  hands  of  the  Chippewas,  who  immediately  shot  them,  according  to 
the  directions  of  the  commandant.  A Sioux  chief,  named  Red-bird,  resented 
the  proceedings  of  the  commandant,  and  resolved  upon  a further  retaliation 
upon  the  Chippewas.  Accordingly,  he  led  a war  party  against  them  soon 
after,  but  was  defeated;  and  upon  his  return  home  from  the  expedition,  his 
neighbors  derided  him,  as  being  no  brave. 

What  were  the  grounds  of  Red-bird’s  enmity  in  the  first  place  is  now  un- 
known, nor  is  it  important  to  be  inquired  into  in  our  present  business;  but 
certain  it  is,  he  had,  or  conceived  that  he  had,  just  cause  for  his  attack  upon 
the  Chippewas;  his  last  and  unsuccessful  expedition  against  them,  however, 
was  to  revenge  the  execution  of  those  at  Fort  Snelling,  who,  he  had  been 
told,  were  executed  for  the  murder  of  a family  of  seven  persons,  named 
Melhode , near  Prairie  des  Chiens.  This,  however,  was  not  very  likely  the 
case. 

As  he  could  not  get  revenge  of  the  Chippewas,  Red-bird  resolved  on  seek- 
ing it  among  the  whites,  their  abettors ; therefore,  with  two  or  three  other 
desperadoes,  like  himself,  of  whom  Black-hawk  was  probably  one,  he  repaired 
to  Prairie  des  Chi  ns,  where,  on  the  24  July,  1827,  they  killed  two  persons 
and  wounded  a third.  We  hear  of  no  plunder  taken,  but  with  a keg  of  whisky, 
which  they  bought  of  a trader,  they  retired  to  the  mouth  of  Bad-axe  River. 
Six  days  after,  July  30,  with  his  company  augmented,  Red-bird  waylaid  two 
keel-boats  that  had  been  conveying  commissary  stores  to  Fort  Snelling.  One 
came  into  the  ambush  in  the  day  time,  and,  after  a fight  of  four  hours,  es- 
caped with  the  loss  of  two  killed  and  four  wounded.  It  was  midnight  before 
the  other  fell  into  the  snare,  and,  owing  to  the  darkness,  escaped  without 
much  injury. 

Notice  has  probably  been  taken  by  Black-hawk,  in  his  narrative,  of  these 
events ; but  as  he  relates  every  thing  without  any  regard  to  dates,  it  is  impos- 
sible to  assign  some  of  his  incidents  to  their  proper  places  in  history. 

Net  long  after  these  events,  in  September,  1827,  General  Atkinson  marched 
into  the  Winnebago  country,  with  a brigade  of  troops,  regulars  and  mi.itia,  and 
succ;  eded  in  making  prisoners  of  Red-bird,  and  six  other  Winnebagos,  who 
were  held  in  confinement  at  Prairie  du  Chien  until  a trial  could  be  had  on  them. 
On  the  25  October,  1828,  at  a special  term  of  the  United  States’  Circuit  Court, 
they  were  tried,  all  except  Red-bird,  who  had  died  in  prison.  Waniga  or  the 
San,  and  Chik-hong-sic,  the  Little-bull,  were  each  tried  on  two  indictments  ; one 
for  the  murder  of  Registre  Gagnier,  as  accomplices  of  Red-bird,  in  the  murder 
of  which  mention  has  already  been  made.  On  the  second  indictment,  Chik- 
hong-sic  was  tried  for  the  murder  of  Solomon  Lipcap ; and  Waniga  on  the 
same,  as  his  accomplice.  On  the  third  indictment,  Waniga  was  tried  for 
scalping  Louisa  Gagnier  with  intent  to  kill.  On  the  first  indictment,  both 
were  brought  in  guilty.  On  the  second,  Chik-hong-sic  was  brought  in  guilty, 
and  Waniga  was  acquitted.  On  the  third,  Waniga  was  found  guilty,  and 
Chik-hong-sic  was  acquitted.  They  were  sentenced  to  be  executed  on  the  26 
of  the  following  December. 

The  two  charged  with  the  murder  of  Mr.  Melhode  and  family  were  acquit- 
ted by  a nolle  'prosequi.  Black-hawk,  or  Kara-zhonsept-hah , as  his  name  was 
then  written,  and  Kanonekah,  the  Youngest  of  the  Thunders,  were  among  the 
prisoners  charged  with  the  attack  on  the  boats  the  preceding  year ; but  the 
charge  not  being  sustained  for  want  of  evidence,  they  were  discharged,  as 
was  also  a son  of  Red-bird. 

Thus  it  appears  a year  had  passed  since  these  Indians  were  captured,  before 
they  were  brought  to  trial.  Such  a delay  of  justice  was  to  the  friends  of  the 
imprisoned  Indians  ten  times  as  insufferable,  if  possible,  as  any  punishment 
could  have  been,  inflicted  in  any  reasonable  time  alter  a crime  had  been  com- 
mitted. They  cannot  understand  why,  if  one  be  guilty,  he  should  not 
at  once  be  punished,  as  it  seldom  happens,  with  Indians,  that  they  deny  an 
act  when  guilty : the  most  of  them  scorn  to  do  it.  Hence,  the  white  people’s 


144  MURDER  OF  THE  MENOMINIES.  [Book  V. 

keeping  them  imprisoned,  they  think  an  act  of  great  cowardice  ; presuming 
they  dare  not  punish  the  culprit.  It  has  sometimes  happened,  that  after  an 
Indian  had  been  imprisoned  for  a long  time,  and  been  discharged  for  want  of 
evidence,  although  at  the  time  of  his  capture  there  were  no  doubts  of  his  guilt, 
even  upon  his  own  confession,  he  has  been  shot  by  some  skulking  white  bor- 
derer on  his  way  to  his  home.  This,  to  the  friends  of  such  Indian,  is  the 
most  abominable  crime  ; and  these  things  had  all  happened  in  Illinois  before 
the  end  of  1828. 

Black-hawk,  as  we  have  just  seen,  was  captured  and  held  some  time  in  du- 
rance for  attacking  the  boats,  which,  it  seems,  could  not  be  proved  against  him, 
as  he  was  discharged;  but  if  there  were  doubts  of  his  guilt  before,  there  can 
be  none  now,  according  to  his  own  confession,  wrhich,  it  would  seem,  he  had 
too  much  craft  to  acknowledge  before  his  trial. 

Matters  continued  in  a ruffled  state  for  about  three  years,  though  acts  of 
violence  seem  not  often  to  have  occurred.  In  1831,  it  was  the  general  opinion 
on  the  frontiers,  that  the  Indians  intended  to  forbear  no  longer ; and  it  was 
rightly  judged  by  General  Jltkinson , that  efforts  had  been,  or  were  being  made 
by  some  of  them  to  unite  all  the  Indians  from  Rock  River  to  Mexico  in  a war. 
That  this  was  the  truth  of  the  case  we  will  hear  Black-hawk  in  evidence. 
He  says,  “Runners  were  sent  to  the  Arkansas,  Red-River  and  Texas — not  on 
the  subject  of  our  lands,  but  a secret  mission,  which  I am  not,  at  present,  per- 
mitted to  explain.” 

The  difference  between  the  Sacs  and  Foxes,  and  Menominies  and  Sioux, 
was  one  great  cause  of  the  troubles  previous  to  the  war  of  1832.  The  whites 
used  their  endeavors  to  bring  about  a peace  between  them,  and  finally  effected 
it,  although  at  the  very  time  murders  were  committed  by  one  party  upon  the 
other,  while  on  their  way  to  attend  a treaty  for  their  own  benefit.  But  such 
is  their  thirst  for  revenge,  that  they  will  take  it  at  the  hazard  of  themselves 
and  all  their  connections.  Black-haivk  himself  relates,  that  on  a certain  time, 
which,  I believe,  was  in  the  summer  of  1830,  the  chiefs  of  the  Foxes  were 
invited  to  attend  a treaty  at  Prairie  du  Chien  for  the  settlement  of  their  dif- 
ferences with  the  Sioux.  Nine  of  the  head  men  of  the  Foxes,  with  one 
woman  in  their  company,  set  out  to  attend  the  treaty,  who,  on  their  way,  were 
met  by  a company  of  Sioux,  near  the  Ouisconsin,  and  all  of  them,  except  one 
man,  were  killed. 

This  murder  went  unrevenged  until  the  next  year,  when  a band  of  Sioux 
and  Menominies,  who  were  encamped  within  a mile  of  the  fort  at  Prairie  du 
Chien,  were  attacked  by  some  Foxes  from  Black-hawk's  party,  and  28  of  them 
were  killed.  The  whites  now  demanded  the  murderers,  but  Black-hawk  said 
they  had  no  right  to  make  such  a demand,  for  it  was  an  affair  between  the 
Indian  nations,  over  whom  they  had  no  authority  ; and  besides,  he  said,  when 
the  Menominies  had  murdered  the  Fox  chiefs,  the  year  before,  they  made  no 
such  demand  for  the  murderers. 

According  to  the  treaty  of  the  15th  of  July,  1830,  at  Prairie  du  Chien,  the 
Sacs  and  Foxes  sold  their  country  to  the  United  States,  and  the  Sioux,  Oma- 
hahs,  Iowavs,  Ottoes,  and  several  other  tribes  and  bands,  participated  in  the 
sale  ; but  Black-hawk  had  nothing  to  do  with  it.  Keokuk :,  or  the  Walchful-foxy 
at  this  time  headed  the  party  of  Sacs  that  made  the  treaty ; when  Black-hawk, 
knew  what  was  done,  it.  very  much  agitated  and  displeased  him ; but  Keokuk 
had  pleased  the  whites,  and  sold  his  country,  as  the  ill-advised  M'Intosh  had 
done.  The  next  summer,  1831,  Black-hawk  says,  that  while  on  a visit  to  the 
Indian  agent  at  Rock  Island,  he  heard,  for  the  first  time,  “ talk  of  our  having 
to  leave  my  village.  The  trader  (he  says)  explained  to  me  the  terms  of  the 
treaty  that  had  been  made,  and  said  we  would  be  obliged  to  leave  the  Illinois 
side  of  the  Mississippi,  and  advised  us  to  select  a good  place  for  our  village, 
and  remove  to  it  in  the  spring.”  This  trader  was  the  adopted  brother  of  the 
principal  Fox  chief,  whom  he  had  persuaded  to  leave  his  village  and  build 
another  on  the  west  side  of  the  Mississippi.  Keokuk  had  consented  to  go, 
and  was  using  all  his  influence  to  induce  others  to  go  with  him. 

A party  now  began  to  organize  itself  in  opposition  to  that  of  Keokuk, 
They  called  upon  Black-hawk  ibr  his  opinion  about  it ; and,  says  the  old  chief, 
“ I gave  it  freely — and  after  questioning  Quash-qua-me  about  the  sale  of  the 


Chap.  VIII.]  RELUCTANCE  TO  LEAVE  THEIR  COUNTRY. 


145 


lands,  he  assured  me  that  he  never  had  consented  to  the  sale  of  our  village.’ 
I now  promised  this  party  to  be  their  leader,  and  raised  the  standard  of 
opposition  to  Keokuk , with  a full  determination  not  to  leave  my  village.” 

The  Sac  village  was  on  the  point  of  land  formed  by  Rock  River  and  the 
Mississippi.  The  tribe  had  here  usually  about  700  acres  of  planting  land, 
which  extended  about  two  and  a half  miles  up  the  Mississippi.  According 
to  the  tradition  of  the  Indians,  a village  had  stood  here  about  150  years. 
The  whole  extent  of  the  Sac  country  on  the  Mississippi,  was  from  the  mouth 
of  the  Ouisconsin  to  the  Portage  des  Sioux,  almost  to  the  entrance  of  the 
Missouri,  in  length  near  700  miles. 

About  the  time  of  the  treaty  of  which  we  have  been  speaking,  some  out- 
rages were  committed  upon  the  Indians  by  the  whites  in  kind  like  the  follow- 
ing;— One  of  Black-hawk's  men  having  found  a hive  of  bees  in  the  woods,  in 
a hollow  tree,  took  it  to  his  wigwam.  Some  whites,  having  learned  the  cir- 
cumstance, repaired  to  the  Indian’s  wigwam  and  demanded  the  honey  as 
theirs,  and  he  gave  it  up  to  them.  They  not  only  took  the  honey,  but  made 
plunder  of  all  the  skins  he  had  got  during  his  winter’s  hunt,  and  carried  them 
off  also.  The  case  of  the  Indian  was  exceeding  hard,  for  he  owed  the  skins 
to  his  trader.  Therefore  he  could  not  pay  him,  nor  could  he  get  necessaries 
for  his  family,  in  consequence  of  his  inability  to  meet  his  former  contract. 

About  this  time  Black-hawk  met  with  gross  ill  treatment  from  some  whites 
who  met  him  in  the  woods  a-hunting.  They  fell  upon  him,  and  beat  him  so 
severely  that  he  was  lame  for  some  time  after  it.  The  whites  pretended  he 
had  done  them  an  injury.  Such  outrages,  added  to  those  of  a public  nature, 
had  driven  the  Indians  to  desperation,  and  finally  determined  Black-hawk  to 
act  on  the  offensive.  But  he  was  sadly  deceived  in  his  real  strength  when 
lie  came  to  trial;  for  he  had  been  assured  that  the  Chippewas,  Ottowas, 
Winnebagos  and  Pottowattomies  all  stood  ready  to  help  and  second  him. 
JYeapope,  who  had  been  among  some  of  them,  was  either  deceived  himself’ 
or  he  intentionally  deceived  his  chief.  But  the  Prophet , Wabokieshiek , was 
doubtless  the  greatest  deceiver.  He  sent  word  to  Black-hawk  that  he  had 
received  wampum  from  the  nations  just  mentioned,  and  he  was  sure  of  their 
cooperation.  Besides  this  strong  encouragement,  it  was  also  told  to  the, 
principal  Sac  chiefs,  that  their  British  father  at  Malden  stood  ready  to  help 
them,  in  case  of  wrong  being  offered  them  by  the  whites ; but  this  was, 
without  doubt,  a stratagem  of  the  Prophet , or  JYeapope , the  bearer  of  the 
intelligence.  The  chiefs  of  the  whites  at  Malden  and  other  places,  had  been 
visited  by  Black-hawk  or  his  head  men,  and,  on  being  told  their  situation  in 
respect  to  being  obliged  to  leave  their  country,  these  friends  of  the  Indians 
honestly  told  them  that,  if  they  had  not  sold  their  country,  it  could  not  be 
taken  from  them. 

When  the  old  chief,  Black-hawk , found  that  Keokuk  had  sold  the  Sac 
village,  with  the  rest  of  their  country  on  the  east  side  of  the  Mississippi,  he 
saw  and  conversed  with  him  about  it,  and  Keokuk  was  so  well  convinced  that 
he  had  done  what  he  had  no  right  to  do,  that  he  promised  to  go  to  the  whites, 
and  use  all  his  endeavors  to  get  it  back  again  by  giving  any  other  part  of  the 
country  for  it:  Black-hawk  said  he  would  give  up  even  the  lead-mines , if 
they  could  only  be  allowed  to  enjoy  their  old  village,  and  the  little  point  of 
land  on  which  were  the  beautiful  cornfields  which  their  wives  had  cultivated, 
for  years,  undisturbed,  and  the  adjacent  burying-grounds  of  their  honored  dead. 

With  strong  hopes  that  something  would  be  effected  for  them,  the  Sacs 
set  out  upon  their  usual  winter’s  hunt,  in  the  fall  of  1830,  and  meanwhile 
the  whites  came  on  and  possessed  their  beloved  village ! When  the  Indians 
returned,  they  saw  families  of  intruders  in  their  own  wigwams  and  lodges, 
that  they  had  left  the  fall  previous — the  wives  and  children  of  the  poor 
Indians  were  now  upon  the  banks  of  their  own  Mississippi,  but  without  a 
home  or  lodge  to  cover  them ! This  was  insufferable  to  Black-hawk — where 
is  the  white  man  that  could  endure  such  things  ? There  are  none  that  could, 
even  the  most  servile  slave. 

The  Sacs  were  encamped  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Mississippi,  having  re- 
turned from  their  hunting-grounds  earlier  than  usual,  on  account  of  infor- 
mation of  the  state  of  things  in  their  village.  The  ice  had  not  left  the  Mis- 

13 


146 


THEIR  VILLAGE  POSSESSED  BY  TIIE  WHITES.  [Book  V, 

sissippi ; but  before  it  was  time  to  plant  corn,  the  firm  resolution  of  the  chiefs* 
was  taken,  that  their  village  they  would  again  possess.  They  acted  in  accord- 
ance with  their  resolution,  and  went  on  and  took  possession.  The  whites  were 
alarmed,  and  doubting  of  their  ability  to  drive  off  the  Indians  then , said  they 
would  live  and  planl  together ; but  took  care  to  seize  upon  all  the  best  planting 
land.  The  Indians  were  determined  not  to  be  the  first  to  commit  any  hostile  act, 
and  submitted  to  great  insults;  some  of  their  women  being  shamefully  beaten 
by  their  white  neighbors  for  the  most  trifling  offence,  to  which  their  new 
situation  had  unavoidably  subjected  them,  and  one  young  man  was  actually 
beaten  to  death,  or  so  that  he  soon  after  died ; nevertheless,  to  the  shame  of 
those  whites  be  it  told,  there  is  no  account  which  has  ever  come  to  me  that 
the  Indians  attempted  to  retaliate. 

Other  evils  were  experienced  while  the  poor  Sacs  endeavored  to  live  with 
the  whites  in  their  own  village.  Ardent  spirits  were  brought  in,  and  used  to 
cheat  the  Indians  out  of  their  personal  property,  their  guns,  and  articles 
with  which  they  hunted. 

In  the  fall  of  1830,  the  Indians  had  been  told  that  they  must  not  come 
again  to  the  east  side  of  the  river.  Meantime  the  lands  of  the  Sac  village 
had  been  sold,  or  a part  of  them,  and  all  the  Indians  were  ordered  to  leave 
them.  Black-hawk  and  his  band,  however,  would  not  obey,  and  some  of 
them  remained  on  the  unsold  lands,  while  the  others  were  on  their  hunting 
expeditions.  And  early  in  the  spring  of  1831,  after  having  used  every  means 
for  a reconciliation,  without  giving  up  their  village,  the  Sacs  in  a body  re- 
crossed the  river  to  their  old  cornfields,  and  in  a menacing  manner  took 
possession  ; but  if  we  can  believe  Black-hawk , he  did  not  mean  to  be  pro- 
voked into  a war  by  any  thing  less  than  the  life-blood  of  some  of  his  people; 
which  he  said  the  whites  dare  not  take,  at  least  so  long  as  he  remained  on  the 
government’s  land ; for  by  an  article  of  the  treaty  which  had  caused  these 
troubles,  the  Indians  were  not  obliged  to  leave  the  lands  so  long  as  they  re- 
mained unsold.  But  the  settlers  cried  out  against  the  encroachments  of  the 
Indians  upon  them,  which  soon  became  so  loud  and  clamorous  that  Governor 
Reynolds  forthwith  taking  the  responsibility , declared  the  state  of  Illinois  in- 
vaded by  hostile  Indians,  although  it  does  not  appear  that  any  of  them  were 
upon  other  lands  than  those  owned  by  the  United  States. 

Accordingly,  on  the  28  May,  1831,  Governor  Reynolds  wrote  from  Belleville, 
the  capital  of  the  state  of  Illinois,  to  General  Gaines,  the  military  commander 
of  the  western  department,  that  he  had  received  undoubted  information  that 
the  section  of  the  state  near  Rock  Island  was  at  that  time  invaded  by  a hos- 
tile band  of  the  Sac  Indians,  headed  by  Black-hawk ; and  that  in  order  to  re- 
pel said  invasion,  and  to  protect  the  citizens  of  the  state,  he  had  called  on 
700  of  the  militia  of  the  said  state,  to  be  mounted  and  ready  for  that  service. 
He  therefore,  “as  executive  of  the  state  of  Illinois,”  respectfully  solicited  his 
cooperation.  General  Gaines  said  in  answer,  the  next  day,  that  he  had  ordered 
six  companies  of  regular  troops  to  proceed  fijom  Jefferson  Barracks  the 
day  following,  May  30,  for  the  Sac  village,  and  if  necessary  he  would  add 
two  companies  more  from  Prairie  du  Chien.  This  force  he  considered  suf- 
ficient to  put  down  the  “hostile  Sacs;”  but,  he  said,  if  the  Indian  force  had 
been  augmented  by  other  Indians,  then  he  would  correspond  with  his  excel- 
lency by  express,  and  avail  himself  of  his  offer  of  the  700  mounted  volunteers. 

Governor  Reynolds  had  just  before  (26  May)  written  to  General  Clark,  the 
superintendent  of  Indian  affairs  at  St.  Louis,  and  among  other  things  said,  he 
had  considered  it  necessary  to  order  out  troops  “ to  protect  the  citizens  ” of 
the  state  “ near  Rock  Island  from  invasion  and  depredation ; ” but  from  his 
letter  to  Gaines,  dated  only  two  days  after,  the  state  was  actually  invaded . 
Hence  it  appears,  that  in  something  less  than  two  days,  by  thinking  the  mat- 
ter over,  the  governor  had,  in  his  mind,  changed  the  fear  of  invasion 
into  actual  invasion.  In  the  same  letter  he  goes  on  : The  object  of  the 

government  of  the  state  is  to  protect  those  citizens  by  removing  said  Indians, 
“ peaceably  if  they  can,  but  forcibly  if  they  must.”  “I  consider  it  my  duty  to 
inform  you  of  the  above  call  on  the  militia,  and  that  in  or  about  15  days,  a suf- 
ficient force  will  appear  before  these  Indians  to  remove  them,  dead  or  alive , 
over  the  west  side  of  the  Mississippi  ” Whether  his  excellency  did  not 


Chap.  VIII.] 


GENERAL  GAINES’S  EXPEDITION. 


147 


mean  to  stop  with  his  Indians  short  of  the  Western  Ocean,  I cannot  say,  but 
certainly  he  says  nothing  of  leaving  them  any  where  on  lands  on  the  west  side 
of  the  Mississippi ; he,  however,  humanely  adds,  “ But  to  save  all  this  disagree- 
able business,  perhaps  a request  from  you  to  them,  for  them  to  remove  to  the 
vvest  side  of  the  river,  would  effect  the  object  of  procuring  peace  to  the  citi- 
zens of  the  state.”  General  Clark,  replied,  two  days  after,  that  every  effort 
on  his  part  “ had  been  made  to  effect  the  removal  from  Illinois  of  all  the  tribes 
who  had  ceded  their  lands.” 

Hence  no  alternative  now  remained  but  to  proceed  on  with  an  army  to 
drive  off  the  Indians.  Accordingly  General  Gaines  proceeded  to  the  country 
in  dispute,  and  by  his  prudent  management  succeeded  in  settling  the  diffi- 
culty, which,  as  matters  immediately  afterwards  turned  out,  seems  to  have 
amounted  to  but  little  ; and  as  General  Gaines's  account  of  his  expedition 
agrees  very  well  with  what  Black-hawk  has  since  said  about  it,  we  lay  it  before 
the  reader.  It  is  contained  in  a letter  dated  Rock  Island,  120  June,  1831. 

“ I have  visited  the  Rock  River  villages,  with  a view  to  ascertain  the  locali- 
ties, and,  as  far  as  possible,  the  disposition  of  the  Indians.  They  confirm  me 
in  the  opinion  I had  previously  formed,  that,  whatever  may  be  their  feelings 
of  hostility,  they  are  resolved  to  abstain  from  the  use  of  their  tomahawks  and 
fire-arms  except  in  self-defence.  But  few  of  their  warriors  were  to  be  seen — 
their  women  and  children,  and  their  old  men  appeared  anxious,  and  at  first 
somewhat  confused,  but  none  attempted  to  run  off.  Having  previously  noti- 
fied their  chiefs  that  I would  have  nothing  more  to  say  to  them,  unless  they 
should  desire  to  inform  me  of  their  intention  to  move  forthwith,  as  I had  di- 
rected them,  I did  not  speak  to  them,  though  within  50  yards  of  many  of 
them.  I had  with  me  on  board  the  steam-boat  some  artillery,  and  two  com- 
panies of  infantry.  Their  village  is  immediately  on  Rock  River,  and  so  situ- 
ated that  I could  from  the  steam-boat  destroy  ail  their  bark  houses  (the  only 
kind  of  houses  they  have)  in  a few  minutes,  with  the  force  now  with  me, 
probably  without  the  loss  of  a man.  But  I am  resolved  to  abstain  from  firing 
a shot  without  some  bloodshed,  or  some  manifest  attempt  to  shed  blood,  on 
the  part  of  the  Indians.  I have  already  induced  nearly  one  third  of  them  to 
cross  the  Mississippi  to  their  own  land.  The  residue,  however,  say,  as  the 
friendly  chiefs  report,  that  they  never  ivill  move ; and  what  is  very  uncommon, 
their  women  urge  their  hostile  husbands  to  fight  rather  than  to  move  and  thus 
to  abandon  their  homes.” 

Thus  stood  matters  previous  to  the  arrival  of  the  Illinois  militia;  neither 
party  wishing  to  do  any  thing  to  bring  on  hostilities.  On  the  7th  June, 
Black-hawk  met  General  Gaines  in  council,  and  plainly  told  him  he  would 
not  remove,  and  to  let  him  know  he  was  not  afraid  of  his  forces,  went  to  the 
council-house  at  the  head  of  his  band,  armed  and  painted  as  though  they  ex- 
pected to  be  attacked ; the  consequence  was,  nothing  was  effected  thus  far. 
But  the  general  was  satisfied  that  the  reports  of  other  tribes  having  engaged 
to  assist  them  were  entitled  to  little  credit.  That  the  general  well  understood 
the  affairs  of  the  Sacs  at  this  time,  no  doubt  will  be  entertained,  on  compar- 
ing his  account  with  the  statement  of  Black-hawk  in  his  life.  “ Several  other 
tribes,”  observes  the  general,  “such  as  the  Winnebagos,  Potto wattomies,  and 
Kikapoos,  have  been  invited  by  these  Sacs  to  assist  them ; but  I cannot  positively 
ascertain  that  more  than  200  have  actually  joined,  and  it  is  very  doubtful 
whether  these  will  remain  true  to  their  offending  allies.” 

As  General  Gaines  found  he  could  not  effect  a compliance  with  his  demands, 
he  concluded  to  wait  for  the  militia,  who,  on  the  25  June,  promptly  arrived. 
These  the  Indians  thought  it  not  proper  to  oppose,  knowing  well  that  border 
militia  would  submit  to  no  restraint  from  their  officers  ; they  therefore  fled 
across  the  Mississippi  to  avoid  being  massacred ; and  on  the  following  day, 
June  26,  the  army  took  possession  of  the  Sac  village,  without  the  firing  of  a 
gun  on  either  side.  On  the  27th,  Black-haivk  caused  a white  flag  to  be  dis- 
played to  show  his  disposition  to  have  a parley,  which  soon  after  ensued,  and 
this  ended  in  a treaty. 

In  his  despatch  to  the  secretary  of  war,  General  Gaines  said  he  was  of 
opinion  that  “ these  Indians  were  as  completely  humbled,  as  if  they  had  been 
chastised  in  battle,  and  less  disposed  to  disturb  the  frontier  inhabitants ; ” 


348 


BLACK-HAWK  RETIRES  UP  ROCK  RIVER. 


[Book  V- 


and  that  Governor  Reynolds  was  of  the  same  opinion.  But  in  thi-s  they  were 
both  mistaken,  although  when  the  treaty  was  made,  Black-hawk  without 
doubt  intended  strictly  to  observe  it ; yet  he  could  not  foresee  what  would 
happen.  He  had  been  promised  corn  to  supply  the  wants  of  his  people,  in- 
stead of  that  which  they  had  been  obliged  to  abandon ; but  what  they 
received  was  far  from  sufficient,  and  they  began  to  feel  the  encroachment  of 
famine.  In  this  state  of  things,  a party  of  Sacs,  as  the  old  chief  says,  went 
over  the  river  to  steal  corn  from,  their  own  fields ! and  thus  began  a new  series 
of  troubles  which  ended  in  bloodshed. 

Black-hawk , with  his  chief  men,  had  signed  the  treaty,  and  it  was  broken 
the  same  year  by  both  parties.  It  was  dated  on  the  30  June,  1831,  five  days 
after  the  “flight,”  and  among  the  signers  we  recognize,  besides  Mucata-Mu- 
hi-eatak  ( Black-hawk :),  as  his  name  was  then  written,  Pashepaho  ( Stabbing- 
chief ),  Weesheat  ( Sturgeon-head ),  Kakekamah  (Allfish),  and  several  others. 
It  was  in  the  course  of  the  same  summer,  that  the  party  from  Black-hawk's 
band  killed  the  28  Menomonies,  of  which  we  have  before  given  an  account, 
and  although  the  whites  considered  it  their  concern,  seem  not  to  have  under- 
taken to  revenge  it  until  the  spring  of  1832;  and  the  probability  is,  they 
would  hardly  then  have  undertaken  it,  had  not  some  of  the  Sacs  intruded 
themselves  again  into  their  old  village,  by  which  a new  cry  was  raised 
against  them.  Be  this  as  it  may,  General  Atkinson  set  out  for  the  Upper  Mis- 
sissippi, about  the  first  of  April,  at  the  head  of  the  sixth  regiment  of'  United 
States  infantry,  at  whose  approach  Black-hawk  and  his  party  abandoned  their 
camp  on  the  Mississippi,  where  Fort  Madison  had  been  built,  and  ascended 
Rock  River.  It  was  in  this  direction  he  expected  to  be  reinforced  by  the 
Potto wattomies,  Winnebagos,  and  Kikapoos,  but  who  in  the  end  declined  the 
hazardous  and  unequal  conflict. 

As  Black-hawk  moved  leisurely  up  Rock  River,  he  received  several  ex- 
presses from  General  Atkinson , ordering  him  in  a peremptory  manner  to  leave 
the  country ; but  he  constantly  said  he  would  not,  and  said  he  was  going  to 
the  Prophet's  village  to  make  coni,  to  which  he  had  been  invited,  and  the 
whites  might  attack  him  if  they  dared  ; that  they  might  come  on  if  they 
chose,  but  they  would  not  find  him  unprepared  ; yet  he  would  not  b^gin  with 
them. 

Meanwhile  General  Atkinson,  not  judging  it  expedient  to  pursue  the  Indiana 
up  Rock-River,  made  a stand  at  Dixon’s  Ferry,  and  waited  for  a rein- 
forcement. 

CHAPTER  IX. 

March  of  Major  Stillman — Kills  some  of  Black-hawk’s  men — Stillman’s  defeat— 
Talk  with  the  Winnebagos — Menomonies  join  the  whites — Settlement  on  Indian 
Creek  destroyed — Captivity  of  two  young  women — Murders — Plum  River  settle- 
ment broken  up — Congress  orders  out  troops- — Murders  near  Galena — Indians  cut 
off  by  General  Dodge — Snider’s  defeat — Stevenson’s  defeat — Attack  on  the  fort  at 
Buffalo  Grove — On  that  at  Apple  River — Defeat  of  Major  Dement — Murder  at 
Cincinawa  Mound — Ravages  of  the  cholera  among  the  regular  troops — Battle  of 
the  Ouisconsin — Action  with  the  steam-boat  Warrior — Battle  of  the  2d  of  August,, 
and  end  of  the  war. 

Before  the  arrival  of  General  Atkinson  at  Ogee’s  or  Dixon’s  Ferry,  General 
Whitesides  had  proceeded  there  with  a considerable  body  of  mounted  men, 
and  a march  of  discovery  was  resolved  upon.  Accordingly,  about  the  13th 
of  May,  a company  of  270  men  proceeded  on  towards  Sycamore  Creek,  under 
Major  Stillman.  Black-hawk  being  apprized  of  the  march  of  this  detach- 
ment, sent  out  three  young  warriors  with  a white  flag  to  meet  them,  and  in- 
vite them  to  his  camp ; but  the  whites,  paying  no  regard  to  the  flag,’ took  the 
bearers  of  it  prisoners.  Five  others  had  been  sent  after  the  first,  to  see  what 
ensued,  and  to  report  what  might  take  place.  These  five  were  discovered 
and  pursued  by  a small  party  of  the  whites,  and,  being  overtaken,  two  of 


MUCATAMISHKAKAEKQ.  or  Black-hawk,  as  taken  at  NASHE-ESKUK,  Son  of  Black-hawk 

the  timp  of  hia  Cantors  . 


<CiU*.  IX.] 


STILLMAN’S  DEFEAT. 


149 


them  were  killed,  and  the  rest  escaped.  It  was  now  near  night,  oil  the  14th 
■of  May.  The  party  that  had  killed  the  two  Indians  returned  to  the  main 
body,  which,  it  seems,  was  preparing  to  encamp  for  the  night  when  this  cir- 
cumstance took  place ; all  immediately  mounted  their  horses  and  rushed 
forward  in  confusion.  It  does  not  appear  that  Black-hawk  had  any  thoughts 
that  the  whites  would  attack  him,  for  he  had  not  but  about  40  of  his  men 
with  him  at  this  time,  the  others  being  out  upon  a hunting  excursion ; but 
when  his  spies  returned,  and  reported  that  two  of  their  number  had  been 
barbarously  murdered,  the  war-whoop  was  sounded,  and  the  best  prepara- 
tions were  made,  that  the  time  would  allow  to  meet  the  invaders. 

When  they  approached  Sycamore  Creek,  the  whites  proceeded  to  cross  it 
in  the  same  disorderly  manner  they  came  to  it,  although  the  country  was  very 
favorable  for  ambushes.  The  Indians  stood  firm,  and  were  doubtless  sure  of 
a victory,  seeing  the  enemy  pass  the  creek  man  by  man  as  they  arrived ; 
and  when  a sufficient  number  had  crossed,  the  Indians  rushed  upon  them 
with  their  usual  fury  of  attack.  The  whites  say  the  Indians  “ showed  them- 
selves on  every  quarter,  mounted  and  armed.  They  commenced  the  attack 
with  guns,”  and  continued  it  with  knives  and  tomahawks.  Their  situation 
became  in  a moment  desperate,  and  Major  Stillman , who  was  in  the  rear, 
learning  the  situation  of  the  advance  column,  immediately  ordered  a retreat, 
but  none  was  effected— it  was  a most  disorderly  and  wretched  flight!  scarce 
two  flying  together ; and  it  was  owing  to  the  smallness  of  Black-hawk's  force 
that  any  were  so  fortunate  as  to  escape. 

Thus  Black-hawk  with  about  40  men  had  put  270  to  flight,  and  dispersed 
them  in  such  a manner,  that  it  was  reported  at  first  by  themselves,  that  60 
or  70  had  been  killed ; but,  as  it  proved  afterwards,  it  was  their  great  fear  of 
the  Indians,  that  had  driven  them  so  far  from  their  companions,  that  they 
did  not  all  arrive  at  Dixon’s  Ferry  for  several  days  after  the  fight,  although 
the  battle-ground  was  only  30  miles  from  that  place.  They  generally  came 
in,  one  at  a time,  as  they  had  crossed  Sycamore  Creek  on  the  evening  of  the 
I4th;  and  in  the  end,  all  but  12  were  accounted  for,  and  11  of  these  were 
found  afterwards  on  the  battle-ground  and  interred.  , A letter  from  that 
country  says,  “ The  dead  that  were  found  were  cut  and  mangled  in  a most 
shocking  and  indecent  manner ; their  hearts  cut  out,  heads  off,  and  every 
species  of  indignity  practised  upon  their  persons.  One  alone  escaped  this 
treatment : he  was  found  dead,  with  his  head  nearly  cut  oft',  embraced  by 
the  arms  of  an  Indian  who  had  been  shot  through  the  body,  but  yet  had 
strength  enough  remaining  to  tomahawk  the  man  who  had  shot  him,  and 
partly  to  cut  off  his  head,  dying  in  the  very  act — his  last  convulsive  struggle 
being  an  embrace  of  his  enemy  even  in  death.”  From  Black-hawk's  own 
account,  it  appears  he  lost  but  three  men  in  the  whole  transaction,  and  that 
these  were  killed  who  were  sent  out  to  meet  the  whites  in  their  approach  to 
Sycamore  Creek. 

Hence  it  appears  that  the  whites  were  guilty  of  the  first  blood  shed  in  this  war. 

The  affair  of  Sycamore  Creek  caused  a dire  alarm  to  be  sounded  through- 
out the  western  region.  Black-hawk's  40  warriors  were  magnified  into  1500, 
and  only  the  next  day  after  Stillman's  defeat,  Governor  Reynolds  issued  a proc- 
lamation calling  on  the  militia  to  assemble  at  Hennepin,  on  Illinois  River,  by 
the  10  of  June,  to  the  number  of  2000  men ; which  number,  he  said,  he  “con- 
sidered necessary  to  subdue  those  Indians,  and  drive  them  out  of  the  state.” 

Although  the  news  of  Major  Stillman's  disaster  flew  over  the  country 
among  the  whites  with  great  rapidity,  yet  it  is  mentioned  as  a circumstance 
well  worthy  of  remark,  that  messengers  from  the  hostile  Sacs,  bearing  to  the 
Missouri  Indians  the  news  of  their  victory,  arrived  at  the  Des  Moines  Rapids 
24  hours  before  the  express  sent  by  Governor  Reynolds  at  the  same  place. 

About  the  time  the  proclamation  of  the  15th  of  May  was  issued,  calling  for 
2000  militia,  an  attempt  was  made  by  the  whites  to  secure  or  draw  off  the 
Winnebagos,  and  prevent  their  joining  the  war  party.  On  the  26  May, 
Mr.  Gratoit,  a sub-Indian  agent,  held  a council  at  the  head  of  the  Four  Lakes 
with  a number  of  the  Winnebago  chiefs,  and  they  all  signified  their  desire 
of  remaining  at  peace  with  the  white  people.  At  this  council,  the  chief, 
called  the  Little-black , made  a speech,  and  among  other  things  said, 


150 


MURDERS  ON  INDIAN  CREEK. 


[Rook  V , 

“Father,  what  ypu  have  heard  of  us  is  from  forked  tongues,  and  what  you 
have  heard  oi' Man-eater  is  false.  Man-eater  is  sick;  but  he  has  sent  his  sister 
and  daughter  here  to  speak  for  him.  Father,  since  I knew  you,  I have  al- 
ways heard  your  counsel,  and  did  what  you  told  me.  My  father,  the  Great 
Spirit,  has  sent  you  both  here.  You  have  taken  me  by  the  hand,  and  you 
have  held  it  fast  in  yours.  We  hope,  in  the  name  of  the  Great  Spirit,  and 
all  our  women  and  children,  that  you  will  hold  it  fast,  and  we  will  hold  on  to 
you  so  hard  that  you  cannot  shake  us  off.  My  father,  I ask  nothing  but  a 
clear  sky  over  our  heads,  which  have  been  hanging  down  lately,  and  the  sky 
has  been  dark,  and  the  wind  has  been  blowing  continually,  and  trying  to  blow 
lies  in  our  ears,  but  we  turn  our  ears  from  it ; but  when  we  look  towards  you, 
the  weather  is  clear,  and  the  wind  does  not  blow.  My  father,  our  young 
men  do  not  travel  much,  for  they  are  afraid  of  the  Sacs,  and  afraid  they  will 
be  taken  for  Sacs  by  the  troops.  My  father,  we  wish  you  to  give  us  a paper 
like  the  one  General  Atkinson  gave  us,  that  we  may  show  it  to  the  whites 
whom  we  meet,  that  they  may  know  we  are  friends  and  for  peace.” 

As  soon  as  the  troubles  began,  there  were  many  of  the  Menomonies  and 
Sioux,  who,  thirsting  for  the  blood  of  the  Sacs,  came  and  offered  themselves 
to  the  whites,  to  fight  for  them,  but  their  services  were  refused ; now  they 
had  had  a fight,  and  being  beaten,  they  were  glad  to  call  upon  the  Indians 
for  assistance,  and  it  was  granted.  Yet  it  should  not  be  supposed  that  it  was 
from  any  love  they  bore  towards  the  whites  that  they  were  glad  to  fight  for 
them,  but  from  their  natural  inclination  to  war,  and  to  seek  revenge  for  in- 
juries they  had  received  from  the  Sacs  during  their  former  troubles.  Con- 
seqnently  several  hundreds  of  them  were  soon  upon  the  march  in  various 
directions  to  surprise  those  belonging  to  the  war  party,  and  others  attached 
themselves  to  the  army. 

Blood  had  now  been  shed,  and  no  one  had  any  right  to  expect  but  that  the 
Indians  would  retaliate  upon  any  whites,  according  to  their  manner,  whether 
in  arms  or  the  cradle.  There  was  a small  settlement  upon  Indian  Creek, 
near  its  confluence  with  Fox  River,  about  25  miles  from  the  town  of  Hennepin, 
the  rendezvous  of  the  army.  On  the  20th # of  May,  this  settlement  was 
fallen  upon  by  a small  band  of  warriors,  led  by  a Pottowattomie,  who,  after 
killing  15  persons,  took  considerable  plunder,  and  proceeded  to  Black-hawk's 
camp. 

The  Indians  gave  as  a reason  for  their  attack  upon  this  place,  that  not  long 
before,  a man  who  lived  there  by  the  name  of  Hall , had  severely  beaten  the 
Pottowattomie  who  led  the  party  that  committed  the  murder.  Yet  the  family 
of  this  man,  if  not  the  man  himself,  had  been  told  by  a friendly  Indian,  that 
a party  would  come  and  murder  them,  and  advised  them  to  fly  for  their  lives. 
They  immediately  did  so,  but  as  vengeance  had  decreed,  they  appear  to  have 
returned  again  very  soon,  as  they  were  there  found  and  murdered,  as  before 
stated.  Two  daughters  of  Mr.  Hall  were  led  away  captive,  one  about  16,  and 
the  other  about  18  years  of  age  ; two  brothers  of  these  young  women,  who 
were  at  work  in  the  field  when  the  massacre  began,  made  their  escape  and 
arrived  safe  at  Dixon’s  Ferry.  Black-hawk  said  the  young  women  would 
have  been  killed  by  the  Pottowattomies  when  they  were  taken,  but  were 
spared  at  the  intercession  of  two  of  his  men,  who  were  with  them.  The 
following  account  was  written  immediately  after  they  were  delivered  from 
captivity,  by  a person  at  Dixon’s  Ferry,  where  they  were  delivered,  and  is 
probably  correct. 

“ Of  the  Misses  Halls , whose  case  seems  to  interest  every  body,  (and  who 
are  now  at  Galena,)  it  may  not  be  uninteresting  to  hear  the  following,  as  the 
best  information  that  could  be  collected  from  the  Indians  who  succeeded  in 
procuring  their  liberation.  After  the  bloody  scene  of  despatching  such  of  the 
family  as  were  about  the  house,  (to  which  they  could  not  avoid  being  eye-wit- 
nesses,) those  young  women  were  each  placed  on  a horse,  which  was  led  by 
a man — other  men  walked  alongside,  to  guard  and  keep  them  from  falling  off 


“ The  editor  of  the  American  Annual  Register  is  under  a great  mistake  in  placing  this 
affair  a month  earlier.  It  changes  the  whole  aspect  of  affairs  j making  the  Indians  the  first 
murderers,  which  is  not  fact. 


€hap.  IX.] 


DODGE'S  FIGHT  NEAR  GALENA. 


151 


in  difficult  passes. — At  night  a lodge  was  set  apart,  and  blankets  spread  for 
them,  and  elderly  squaws  made  to  sleep  on  each  side,  by  whom  they  were 
taken  care  of.  Such  food  as  the  Indians  had,  was  offered  to  them  ; but  they 
cried  and  wept,  and  were  too  unwell  to  eat  or  be  comforted.  All  of  which 
the  young  women  say  is  true,  and  that  the  Indian  men  offered  no  insult  to 
them.  They  also  confirm  what  is  stated  of'  Black-hawk's  camp,  as  seen  in 
going  through  a narrow  passage,  where  their  horses  mired  in  the  mud : — 
more  of  the  camp,  it  is  supposed,  they  were  not  allowed  to  see.  It  seems 
there  was  more  difficulty  in  procuring  the  liberty  of  one  than  the  other : a 
young  warrior  claimed  her  as  his  prize,  and  was  very  unwilling  to  give  her 
up ; but  after  using  all  the  arguments  they  were  capable  of,  the  Winnebagos 
say  they  had  to  use  threats,  which,  together  with  an  addition  of  ten  horses  to 
the  offer,  obtained  his  consent.  The  young  warrior  cut  from  Miss  Hall's  head 
a lock  of  her  hair ; which,  by  the  by,  has  no  affinity  to  a similar  act  among 
whites,  but  is  to  be  kept  as  a trophy  of  his  warlike  exploits.  The  price  paid 
by  the  Winnebagos  is  stated  to  be  forty  horses,  wampum  and  trinkets, — in 
all  to  the  amount  of  2000  dollars.” 

Black-hawk  was  now  in  the  neighborhood  of  Four  Lakes,  at  the  head 
sources  of  Rock  River,  about  60  miles  from  Fort  Winnebago,  and  General 
Atkinson  was  in  pursuit  of  him ; but  before  he  reached  his  place  of  retreat,  he 
had  retraced  his  steps,  and  was  next  discovered  on  the  Ouisconsin. 

About  this  time,  a travelling  preacher  of  the  denomination  called  Dunkards 
was  killed  on  the  road  to  Chicago.  His  head  was  severed  from  his  body,  and 
carried  off  as  a trophy.  He  was  noted  for  his  odd  appearance ; his  beard 
being  represented  as  near  a yard  in  length.  He  had  been  informed  that  sus- 
picious Indians  were  in  the  neighborhood,  and  a family,  at  whose  house  he 
stopped,  retreated  towards  the  settlements  on  receiving  the  information  ; but 
the  Dunkard  preacher  thought  proper  to  abide  in  the  deserted  house  over 
night,  and  was  killed. 

On  the  22  May,  a party  of  spies  having  been  sent  out  by  General  Atkin- 
son, with  despatches  for  Fort  Armstrong,  were  attacked  by  the  Indians,  and 
four  of  them  were  killed.  St.  Vrain,  an  Indian  agent,  was  among  the  num- 
ber. They  were  all  scalped,  and  their  scalps  were  carried  to  Black-hawk's 
camp.  St.  Vrain  had  been  odious  to  the  Sacs  from  the  part  he  took  concern- 
ing their  removal. 

About  this  time,  a man  by  the  name  of  Smith  was  murdered  near  the  Blue 
Mounds  on  the  Galena  frontier,  and  Mr.  Winters , a mail  contractor  at  Galena, 
was  killed  near  Dixon’s  Ferry.  The  body  of  another  man  was  found  near  the 
«&me  place,  but  it  was  so  disfigured  that  it  was  not  known. 

On  the  6th  June,  a small  settlement  at  the  mouth  of  Plum  River,  30  miles 
from  Galena,  was  attacked,  and  the  people  retreated  to  a block-house,  which 
they  had  wisely  taken  the  precaution  to  erect.  This  the  Indians  tried  to  take 
for  about  an  hour,  but  could  not  effect"  their  object,  and  drew  off.  The  inhab- 
itants then  went  down  the  river  in  a boat  to  Galena.  Whether  any  persons 
were  killed,  I do  not  find. 

By  the  beginning  of  J une,  there  were  so  many  troops  spread  over  the  Indian 
country,  that  Black-hawk's  party  found  but  few  opportunities  to  murder  the 
frontier  inhabitants.  And  although  there  were  about  3000  men  in  arms  to 
combat  500  Indians,  yet  congress  ordered  600  mounted  rangers  to  be  raised 
“ for  the  defence  of  the  frontiers.” 

On  the  14th  of  June,  five  persons  were  killed  not  far  below  Hamilton’s  Fort, 
near  Galena,  and  on  the  16th  one  man  was  killed  within  a mile  of  the  same 
place.  General  Dodge  being  in  the  neighborhood,  marched  with  30  of  his 
mounted  men  immediately  in  pursuit.  When  about  three  miles  on  his  way,  he 
discovered  12  Indians,  whom  he  took  to  be  the  party  who  had  committed  the 
murders,  and  he  pursued  them  with  great  spirit.  Immediately  after  crossing 
East  Pichetoneka  Creek,  the  Indians  buried  themselves  in  a thick  swamp. 
The  whites  dismounted,  and  after  securing  their  horses,  and  placing  a small 
guard  to  watch  for  any  that  might  attempt  to  escape,  rushed  in  after  the 
retreating  Indians.  They  presently  came  up  with  them,  and  began  an  indis- 
criminate slaughter.  No  resistance  was  made,  and  every  Indian  was  killed 


152 


STEVENSON'S  DEFEAT.— FORTS  ATTACKED.  [Book  V , 

and  scalped  in  a few  minutes.  Not  satisfied  with  this,  they  tore  off  the 
scalps  of  every  One,  and  bore  them  off  in  triumph. 

On  the  same  day,  Captain  Snyder  met  with  and  defeated  a small  Indian 
force  near  Kellog’s  Grove.  Four  of  the  Indians  were  said  to  have  been  killed, 
and  one  of  the  whites  was  mortally  wounded.  In  their  return  march,  they 
were  attacked  by  an  ambush  and  defeated,  having  three  of  their  men  killed 
and  mortally  wounded.  The  whites  now  escaped  by  flight. 

On  the  18th  of  June,  as  Captain  Stevenson  with  a small  force  was  scouting 
near  where  General  Dodge  cut  off  the  12  Indians,  he  was  met  by  a force  under 
Black-hawk , and  a fierce  contest  ensued.  The  whites  fought  well,  but  they 
were  defeated.  At  one  time,  Captain  Stevenson  was  left  almost  alone  by  his 
party,  and  was  severely  wounded;  but  they  rallied  again,  and  effected  a 
retreat,  with  the  loss  of  three  only  of  their  number.  The  fight  was  close 
and  desperate  for  a short  time,  in  which  bayonets,  knives  and  tomahawks 
were  chiefly  used. 

An  attempt  was  made  on  the  24  of  June,  by  a considerable  body  of  war- 
riors, to  surprise  the  fort  at  Buffalo  Grove,  on  Rock  River,  only  about  12  miles 
to  the  northward  of  Dixon’s  Ferry.  It  was  guarded  by  150  militia,  who  were 
prepared  to  meet  them,  and  a considerably  sharp  contest  ensued.  Sixteen 
of  the  Indians  were  killed  before  they  retreated.  But  few  of  the  whites 
were  wounded.  The  garrison  was  in  great  fear  of  being  cut  off,  having  ex- 
pended all  their  ammunition  before  a reinforcement  arrived,  which  had  been 
sent  for  while  the  attack  was  going  on. 

About  this  time,  as  Black-hawk  was  approaching  a small  fort  on  Apple 
River,  about  12  miles  from  Galena,  he  fell  in  with  four  men  who  had  been 
sent  express  to  this  place.  They  did  not  discover  the  Indians  until  fired 
upon,  when  they  fled  for  the  fort,  and  the  Indians  pursued  them ; one  of  the 
men,  a Mr.  Welsh , was  wounded  before  reaching  the  fort,  and  another  man 
was  killed  in  the  fort,  who  had  raised  his  head  above  the  pickets  to  make 
discovery.  The  Indians  contented  themselves  by  taking  away  a considerable 
quantity  of  flour,  and  a number  of  cattle  and  horses.  They  would  doubtless 
have  burnt  the  fort  and  buildings,  and  killed  all  the  people,  but  from  fear 
that  the  light  of  them  would  be  seen  by  some  large  body  of  white  soldiers, 
who  might  pursue  and  overtake  them. 

On  the  25th  of  June,  a pretty  severe  fight  took  place  between  a company  of 
spies  under  Major  Dement  and  a band  of  Indians,  not  far  from  Kellog’s 
Grove.  He  had  arrived  there  only  the  evening  before,  and  being  informed 
that  an  Indian  trail  was  discovered  in  the  neighborhood,  set  off  immediately 
with  30  mounted  men  to  attack  them.  He  had  not  proceeded  far  before  the 
Indians  appeared,  and  confidently  attacked  him.  The  Indian  yell  so  fright- 
ened the  horses  that  they  were  thrown  into  confusion,  and  soon  began  a 
retreat.  The  Indians  pursued  them  a considerable  distance,  and  lost  nine  of 
their  number,  two  of  whom  were  chiefs.  Five  of  the  whites  were  killed, 
and  they  lost  about  30  of  their  horses. 

On  the  29th  of  June,  three  men  were  attacked  in  a field  at  the  Cincinaway 
Mound,  about  10  miles  from  Galena,  and  two  of  them  were  killed.  Major 
Stevenson  marched  immediately  in  pursuit  of  the  murderers.  On  arriving  at 
the  Mound  he  found  the  bodies  of  the  two  men,  John  Thompson  and  James 
Boxley,  both  shockingly  mutilated.  The  heart  of  the  former  was  taken  out, 
and  both  were  scalped.  Having  left  a few  men  to  buiy  the  dead,  Major 
Stevenson  followed  the  trail  of  the  party  to  the  Mississippi,  where  he  found 
they  had  stolen  a canoe  and  effected  their  escape  across  the  river. 

Mention  has  been  made  of  the  prompt  action  of  congress  for  the  relief  of 
the  frontiers.  “ General  Scott  was  ordered  from  the  sea-board  with  nine  com- 
panies of  artillery,  and  their  cannon  were  to  be  drawn  from  the  coast ; nine  com- 
panies of  infantry  were  ordered  from  the  lakes,  and  two  companies  from 
Baton  Rouge,  to  put  an  end  to  the  war.  Such  was  the  promptness  with 
which  these  orders  were  executed,  that  five  out  of  the  six  companies  of 
artillery  ordered  from  Fort  Monroe  in  the  Chesapeake  arrived  in  18  days  at 
Chicago,  1800  miles  distant  in  the  interior  of  the  country.  Unfortunately 
this  detachment  was  attacked  by  the  cholera  on  the  route,  and  the  whole 


BLACK-HAWK,  as  taken  in  Philadelphia,  WABOKIESHIEK,  or  the  Prophet. 


Chap.  IX.] 


RAVAGES  OF  THE  CHOLERA. 


153 


were  rendered  unfit  to  take  the  field  before  they  arrived  at  the  scene  of  action.” 
Accordingly  General  Scott  informed  General  Atkinson  that  he  could  not 
cooperate  with  him  without  endangering  the  troops  already  in  the  field,  and 
therefore  directed  him  to  act  without  reference  to  his  forces. 

The  scenes  of  horror  occasioned  by  this  most  singular  disease  will  doubt- 
less be  told  of  in  after-times  with  an  effect  which  has  not  been  surpassed  in 
that  of  the  histories  of  the  plagues  in  ancient  days.  Several  of  the  com- 
panies before  mentioned  were  entirely  broken  up.  Of  a corps  of  208  men 
under  Colonel  Twiggs,  but  nine  were  left  alive.  Mr.  John  Norvell , at  Detroit, 
wrote  on  the  12th  July,  to  the  editor  of  the  Pennsylvania  Enquirer,  concern- 
ing its  ravages  in  that  region,  as  follows : — 

“ I regret  to  add,  that  the  intelligence  from  the  regular  troops  is  disastrous. 
Of  the  three  companies  of  artillery  under  Colonel  Twiggs,  and  two  or  three 
more  companies  of  infantry  with  them,  few  remain.  These  troops,  you  will 
recollect,  landed  from  the  steam-boat  Henry  Clay  below  Fort  Gratiot.  A great 
number  of  them  have  been  swept  off  by  the  disease.  Nearly  all  the  others 
have  deserted.  Of  the  deserters,  scattered  all  over  the  country,  some  have 
died  in  the  woods,  and  their  bodies  been  devoured  by  the  wolves.  I use  the 
language  of  a gallant  young  officer.  Others  have  taken  their  flight  to  the 
world  of  spirits,  without  a companion  to  close  their  eyes,  or  console  the  last 
moments  of  their  existence.  Their  straggling  survivors  are  occasionally  seen 
marching,  some  of  them  know  not  whither,  with  their  knapsacks  on  then- 
backs,  shunned  by  the  terrified  inhabitants  as  the  source  of  a mortal  pesti- 
lence. Colonel  Twiggs  himself,  and  Surgeon  Everett,  are  very  low.  They 
were  still  living  at  the  latest  accounts  from  Fort  Gratiot,  and  sanguine  hopes 
were  entertained  of  their  recovery.  No  other  officers  have  yet  been  assailed, 
except  Lieutenant  Clay. 

“You  will  remember  that  the  troops  under  Colonel  Cummings,  several  of 
whom  died  here,  embarked  on  board  the  steam-boat  William  Penn,  on  Sunday 
last,  for  Chicago.  The  sickness  among  them  increased  as  they  proceeded  to 
Fort  Gratiot,  and  became  so  great  by  the  time  they  arrived  there,  that  they 
were  disembarked,  and  have  returned  to  the  vicinity  of  this  city,  and  en- 
camped at  Springwells,  about  three  miles  below  town.  Seventeen  or  eight- 
een of  them  have  died,  and  some  still  remain  sick,  probably  never  to  recover. 
One  half  of  the  command  of  General  Scott,  ordered  to  Chicago  by  the  lakes, 
will  never  reach  him;  a large  portion  of  them  dying;  a still  larger  number 
deserting  from  an  overwhelming  dread  of  the  disease,  and  the  residue  obliged 
to  march  back  again.” 

In  pursuing  the  thread  of  events  in  our  narrative,  we  left  General  Atkinson 
in  pursuit  of  Black-hawk,  whose  camp  was  said  to  be  at  the  Four  Lakes. 
General  Atkinson  had  got  this  information  from  a Potto wattomie  Indian,  named 
Wapanseth,  whom,  with  several  others,  he  had  employed  for  the  purpose. 
He  said  the  old  chief’s  camp  was  “ inaccessible  on  all  sides,  except  through  a 
narrow  pass,  which  was  muddy,  being  otherwise  surrounded  by  water  or 
swamps.  It  was  a little  above  the  junction  of  a small  creek,  called  White- 
water,  with  the  principal  stream  of  Rock  River,  and  between  the  two.” 
But,  as  we  have  already  noted,  when  the  army  arrived  at  the  Four  Lakes, 
Black-hawk  had  gone ; and  so  well  did  he  manage  his  retreat  that  the  whites 
were  deceived  as  to  the  direction  he  had  taken. 

“ Gen.  Atkinson,  expecting,  when  he  marched,  to  meet  the  enemy  in  a 
short  time,  had  taken  with  him  but  a small  quantity  of  provisions,  in  conse- 
quence of  which  he  was  obliged  to  halt  and  divide  his  forces  at  Lake  Cosh- 
ko-nong  (one  of  the  four)  above  named.  He  himself  with  the  regulars,  some 
650  strong,  remained  at  the  lake  ; the  militia,  consisting  of  three  brigades, 
under  Generals  Posey,  Dodge  and  Henry,  about  2000  men,  were  ordered  to 
march  to  Fort  Winnebago,  on  the  Ouisconsin,  where  stores  were  hourly  ex- 
pected. It  was  the  intention  of  the  commander-in-chief  to  consolidate  his 
forces,  and  renew  the  pursuit  as  soon  as  he  had  obtained  sufficient  stores.” 

Instead  of  crossing  the  country  to  escape  beyond  the  Mississippi,  as  was 
expected,  Black-hawk  descended  the  Ouisconsin  to  escape  in  that  direction ; 
by  which  means  General  Dodge  came  upon  his  trail  and  commenced  a vigor- 
ous pursuit.  The  old  chief  had  received  encouragement  that  in  the  country 


154 


BATTLE  OF  THE  OUISCONSIN. 


[Book  V. 


to  which  he  had  retreated,  he  should  not  only  receive  additional  forces  by 
which  he  could  withstand  all  the  Americans  could  bring  against  him,  but 
also  provisions  in  abundance.  He  found  too  late  that  he  had  been  deceived 
in  both  particulars  ; he  was  obliged  to  fly  from  Atkinson's  army,  without  pro- 
visions, nor  had  he  time  to  procure  any  upon  the  way.  Dodge  was  imme- 
diately upon  his  trail,  but  did  not  overtake  him  until  near  a hundred  miles’ 
pursuit. 

On  the  21  of  July,  General  Dodge , with  about  900  men  besides  Indians 
came  up  with  Black-hawk  on  the  Ouisconsin,  40  miles  from  Fort  Winnebago, 
over  against  the  old  Sac  village,  and  it  was  only  by  the  superior  management 
of  the  old  warrior  chief,  that  himself  or  any  of  his  people  escaped  capture.  A 
great  number  of  Indians  belonged  to  Dodge's  army,  who  contributed  much 
to  the  successful  result  of  the  affair.  The  whites  came  upon  the  Indians  as 
they  were  about  to  cross  the  river,  and  the  time  being  evening,  may  account 
for  their  not  being  all  cut  off ; for  immediately  after  the  attack  began,  it  was 
so  dark  that  the  whites  could  not  continue  it  without  disadvantage  to  them- 
selves. A letter  dated  at  Fort  Howard,  25  July,  gives  the  following  account 
of  the  affair : — 

“ Last  evening  we  received  the  intelligence  of  a battle  having  been  fought  be- 
tween Gen.  Dodge  and  his  division,  and  the  Sacs  and  Foxes,  in  which  the  former 
were  victorious.  The  particulars,  as  stated  in  Capt.  Plimpton's  letter  to  Capt. 
Clark , are  these : Parquett , with  a few  Winnebagos,  left  the  Portage  a few 
days  since,  to  proceed  to  Gen.  Dodge's  army,  and  guide  them  to  the  Sac 
camp.  On  Saturday  morning  last,  21st  inst.,  Gen.  Dodge  sent  his  adjutant 
to  report  to  Gen.  Atkinson  of  his  movements.  He  had  not  proceeded  far 
before  he  came  upon  the  Sacs’  and  Foxes’  trail,  directing  their  course  to  the 
Ouisconsin  river.  He  immediately  returned  and  reported  the  circumstance 
to  Gen.  Dodge , who  pursued  and  overtook  them  about  sundown  of  the  same 
day,  (Saturday)  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Ouisconsin,  and  about  40  miles  from 
Fort  Winnebago,  when  the  fight  ensued ; the  Indians  at  the  same  time  re- 
treating. The  night  being  very  dark,  they  found  it  impossible  to  pursue 
them.  They  had  found,  when  Parquett  left  them,  which  was  early  the  next 
morning,  16  Indians  killed,  and  but  one  white  man  killed,  and  four  wounded. 
Parquett  thinks  not  less  than  40  Indians  fell  in  the  engagement.” 

We  have  the  official  account  of  the  battle  by  General  Dodge ; but  as  it 
contains  no  additional  facts,  and  is  less  minute  than  this,  it  was  not  thought 
worth  while  to  insert  it. 

The  truly  deplorable  condition  of  the  Indians  at  this  time  cannot  well  be 
conceived  of.  In  their  pursuit  of  them  before  the  battle,  the  whites  found 
numbers  dead  in  the  way — emaciated,  and  starved  to  death ! When  overtaken 
by  Gen.  Dodge , they  were  not  estimated  to  be  but  about  300  men,  besides 
women  and  children,  and  although  the  affair  of  the  21st  is  called  a battle,  it 
does  not  seem  that  it  can  scarcely  deserve  that  name,  for  if  there  had  been 
any  thing  more  than  a show  of  resistance,  more  of  the  whites  would  have 
been  killed. 

The  Indians  report  that  they  were  attacked  about  a mile  from  the  river: 
the  approach  of  the  army  was  discovered,  and  Black-hawk , with  only  50  or 
60  men,  met  them,  to  give  the  remainder  time  to  cross  to  an  island.  JYeapope , 
who  had  been  ordered  to  march  in  the  rear  with  about  20  warriors,  to  give 
notice  when  the  whites  were  discovered,  had  been  passed  by  them  by  an  un- 
expected route,  and  Black-hawk  heard  no  more  from  him  until  after  the  war. 
He  found  there  was  no  chance  of  success  by  continuing  it,  deserted  his 
braves,  went  to  the  Winnebago  village,  and  soon  after  became  a prisoner  to 
the  whites.  Meanwhile  General  Atkinson  had  marched  from  Coshconong, 
and  following  in  the  trail  of  Dodge , had  arrived  within  two  days’  march  of 
the  place  where  the  fight  had  been  with  the  Indians,  and  was  immediately 
ready  to  cooperate  with  him.  Afier  receiving  the  news  of  the  battle,  he  marched 
to  the  Blue  Mounds  on  the  Ouisconsin,  opposite  to  where  the  fight  had  been. 

The  Indians  were  surprised  that  they  were  not  pursued  ; but  for  want  of 
boats  or  panoes,  or  the  means  of  constructing  rafts,  they  could  not  even  cross 
to  the  island  to  which  the  Indians  had  escaped  for  two  days  after,  and  in  the 
mean  time  they  escaped.  That  they  were  not  pressed  harder  on  the  night  of 


Chap.  IX.]  AFFAIR  WITH  THE  STEAMBOAT  WARRIOR.  155 

the  battle,  General  Dodge  urged  in  excuse,  that  his  men  were  worn  down  with 
fatigue,,having  marched  40  miles  that  day. 

Among  the  prisoners  taken  by  General  Dodge's  party,  was  the  wife  of  the 
warrior  called  the  Big-lake.  She  was  a sister  of  Keokuk , and  her  husband 
had  been  killed  in  the  fight.  Although  the  whites  were  satisfied  before,  they 
were  now  informed  by  this  squaw  of  Black-hawk's  final  resolution  ; which 
was,  for  such  of  his  men  as  had  good  horses  to  proceed  with  him  and  strike 
the  Mississippi  above  Prairie  du  Chien,  while  the  remainder  should  proceed 
by  the  Ouiseonsin  ; and  a place  of  rendezvous  was  appointed  for  all  to  meet 
on  the  west  side  of  the  great  river.  This  squaw  also  stated  that  before  the 
battle  on  the  Ouiseonsin,  in  which  she  was  taken,  200  of  Black-hawk's  men 
had  been  killed. 

General  Dodge  having  recommended  a cannon  to  be  placed  on  the  bank 
of  the  river,  at  a suitable  place  below  the  battle-ground,  to  cut  off  such  as 
should  attempt  an  escape  in  that  direction,  marched  with  his  army  on  the 
23d,  and  joined  General  Atkinson  at  the  Blue  Mounds,  and  every  thing  was 
immediately  put  in  readiness  to  pursue  the  main  body  of  the  Indians  under 
Black-hawk. 

As  was  intended,  many  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  whites  as  they  descended 
the  Ouiseonsin.  Some  of  the  boats  conveying  these  poor  wretches  were 
overset,  and  many  of  those  in  them  were  drowned;  the  greater  number,  how- 
ever, fell  into  the  hands  of  their  enemies  in  their  passage.  Many  of  the 
children  were  found  to  be  in  such  a famished  state  that  they  could  not  be 
revived. 

Several  untoward  circumstances  now  transpired  to  prevent  the  escape  of 
the  main  body  under  Black-hawk.  The  first  was  his  falling  in  with  a steam- 
boat on  the  1st  of  August,  just  as  they  were  preparing  to  cross  the  Mississippi,  by 
which  means  that  day  was  lost.  And  upon  the  next  day,  the  whole  army  of 
whites  under  General  Atkinson  came  upon  them,  which  completed  their 
destruction.  As  in  the  affair  of  the  21  of  July  on  the  Ouiseonsin,  Black-hawk 
did  not  wish  to  fight,  but  to  escape  ; and  when  the  steam-boat  fell  in  with 
him  he  used  every  means  to  give  the  captain  of  her  to  understand  that  he 
desired  to  surrender.  He  displayed  two  white  flags,  and  about  150  of  his 
men  approached  the  river  without  arms,  and  made  signs  of  submission  ; but 
whether,  as  was  said  by  the  whites,  the  interpreter  on  board  was  so  frightened 
(hat  he  could  not  convey  the  meaning  of  those  on  shore  to  the  captain  of  the 
boat,  or  whether,  as  it  would  seem,  the  whites  were  determined  to  kill  Indians, 
we  will  not  take  upon  us  to  decide,  but  lay  before  the  reader  the  account  of 
the  affair  by  Captain  I.  Throcmorton,  of  the  boat,  which  is  as  follows : — 

“ Prairie  du  Chien,  3 Aug.  1832.  I arrived  at  this  place  on  Monday  last, 
[30  July,]  and  was  despatched,  with  the  Warrior  alone,  to  Wapashaw’s  village, 
120  miles  above,  to  inform  them  of  the  approach  of  the  Sacs,  and  to  order 
down  all  the  friendly  Indians  to  this  place.  On  our  way  down,  we  met  one 
of  the  Sioux  band,  who  informed  us  that  the  Indians  (our  enemies)  were  on 
Bad-axe  River,  to  the  number  of  400.  We  stopped  and  cut  some  wood,  and 
prepared  for  action.  About  4 o’clock  on  Wednesday  afternoon,  [1  Aug.] 
we  found  the  gentlemen  [Indians]  where  he  stated  he  had  left  them.  As  we 
neared  them,  they  raised  a white  flag,  and  endeavored  to  decoy  us  ; but  we 
were  a little  too  old  for  them  ; for  instead  of  landing,  we  ordered  them  to  send 
a boat  on  board,  which  they  declined.  After  about  15  minutes’  delay,  giving 
them  time  to  remove  a few  of  their  women  and  children,  we  let  slip  a six- 
pounder  loaded  with  canister,  followed  by  a severe  fire  of  musketry ; and  if 
ever  you  saw  straight  blankets,  you  would  have  seen  them  there.  I fought 
them  at  anchor  most  of  the  time,  and  we  were  all  very  much  exposed.  I have 
a ball  which  came  in  close  by  where  I was  standing,  and  passed  through  the 
bulk-head  of  the  wheel-room.  We  fought  them  for  about  an  hour  or  more, 
until  our  wood  began  to  fail,  and  night  coming  on,  we  left,  and  went  on  to  the 
Prairie.  This  little  fight  cost  them  23  killed,  and,  of  course,  a great  many 
wounded.  We  never  lost  a man,  and  had  but  one  man  wounded,  (shot  through 
the  leg.)  The  next  morning,  before  we  could  get  back  again,  on  account  of  a 
heavy  fog,  they  had  the  whole  [of  General  Atkinson's ] army  upon  them.  We 
found  them  at  it,  walked  in,  and  took  a hand  ourselves.  The  first  shot  from 


156 


DEFEAT  OF  BLACK-HAWK  ON  THE  MISSISSIPPI.  [Book  V. 

the  Warrior  laid,  out  three.  I can  hardly  tell  you  any  thing  about  it,  for  I am 
in  great  haste,  as  I am  now  on  my  way  to  the  field  again.  The  army  lost 
eight  or  nine  killed,  and  seventeen  wounded,  whom  we  brought  down.  One 
died  on  deck  last  night.  We  brought  down  36  prisoners,  women  and  children. 
I tell  you  what,  Sam , there  is  no  fun  in  fighting  Indians,  particularly  at  this 
season,  when  the  grass  is  so  very  bright.  Every  man,  and  even  my  cabin-boy, 
fought  well.  We  had  16  regulars,  5 riflemen,  and  20  of  ourselves.  Mr.  How , 
of  Platte,  Mr.  James  G.  Soulard , and  one  of  the  Rolettes , were  with  us,  and 
fought  well.” 

Lieutenant  Kingsbury , an  officer  in  command  of  the  United  States’  troops  on 
board  the  Warrior  at  the  time  of  the  fight,  reported  that,  about  40  miles  above 
Prairie  du  Chien,  a great  number  of  the  Sacs  and  Foxes  were  seen,  who  hoisted 
a white  flag,  but  would  not  send  a canoe  on  board,  although  they  were  told 
that,  in  case  they  did  not,  they  should  be  fired  upon,  which  was  imme- 
diately done.  They  seemed  much  alarmed  when  the  six-pounder  was  dis- 
charged upon  them,  and  all  immediately  covered  themselves  with  trees  and 
whatever  offered.  Five  or  six  were  supposed  to  have  been  killed. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  next  day,  August  2,  the  whole  combined  army, 
amounting  to  1600  men,  came  up  with  the  Indians ; and  the  following  are 
the  particular  details  of  that  whole  transaction,  as  published  at  Galena,  four 
days  after  it  happened,  namely,  August  6. 

“ The  whole  army  under  General  Atkinson , embracing  the  brigades  com- 
manded by  Generals  Henry,  Posey , and  Alexander,  and  squadron  under  com- 
mand of  General  Dodge,  all  crossed  over  to  the  north  side  of  the  Ouisconsin 
at  Helena,  on  the  28th  and  29t.h  ult.  They  took  up  a line  of  march  in  a 
northerly  direction,  in  order  to  intersect  the  Indian  trail.  At  the  distance  of 
about  five  miles,  the  great  trail  was  discovered,  leading  in  a direction  N.  of  W. 
towards  the  Mississippi,  and  supposed  to  be  about  four  days  old.  General  At- 
kinson, seeing  the  direction  of  the  enemy,  knew  well  that  it  would  require  all 
diligence  and  expedition  to  overtake  them  before  they  would  cross  the  Mis- 
sissippi, and  hence  commenced  from  that  time  a forced  march',  leaving  all 
baggage  wagons,  and  every  thing  else  which  was  calculated  to  retard  the 
pursuit. 

“ The  country  through  which  the  enemy’s  trail  led  our  army  between  the 
Ouisconsin  Bluffs  and  the  Kickapoo  River  was  one  continued  series  of  moun- 
tains. No  sooner  had  they  reached  the  summit  of  one  high  and  almost  per- 
pendicular hill,  than  they  had  to  descend  on  the  other  side  equally  steep  to 
the  base  of  another.  Nothing  but  a deep  ravine,  with  muddy  banks,  separated 
these  mountains.  The  woods,  both  upon  the  top  of  the  highest  mountains, 
and  at  the  bottom  of  the  deepest  hollows,  was  of  the  heaviest  growth.  The 
under-bushes  were  chiefly  thorn  and  prickly  ash.  This  is  a short  description 
of  the  route,  and  shows  the  difficulties  of  the  pursuit.  Notwithstanding  all 
this,  our  army  gained  on  the  enemy  daily,  as  appeared  from  the  enemy’s  en- 
campments. The  tedious  march  thus  continued  was  met  by  our  brave  troops 
without  a murmur;  and  as  the  Indian  signs  appeared  more  recent,  the  officers 
and  men  appeared  more  anxious  to  push  on.  On  the  fourth  night  of  our 
march  from  Helena,  and  at  an  encampment  of  the  enemy,  was  discovered  an 
old  Sac  Indian,  by  our  spies,  who  informed  them  that  the  main  body  of  the 
enemy  had,  on  that  day,  gone  to  the  Mississippi,  and  intended  to  cross  on  the 
next  morning,  Aug.  2d.  The  horses  being  nearly  broken  down,  and  the  men 
nearly  exhausted  from  fatigue,  General  Atkinson  ordered  a halt  for  a few 
hours,  (it  being  after  8 o’clock,)  with  a determination  to  start  at  2 o’clock  for 
the  Mississippi,  about  ten  miles  distant.  At  the  precise  hour  the  bugles  sound- 
ed, and  in  a short  time  all  were  ready  to  march. 

“ General  Dodge's  squadron  was  honored  with  being  placed  in  front ; the 
infantry  followed  next ; General  Henry's  brigade  next ; General  Alexander's  next ; 
and  General  Posey's  formed  the  rear-guard.  General  Dodge  called  for,  and 
as  soon  received,  20  volunteer  spies  to  go  ahead  of  the  whole  army. 

“ In  this  order  the  march  commenced.  They  had  not,  however,  gone  more 
than  five  miles,  before  one  of  our  spies  came  back,  announcing  their  having 
come  in  sight  of  the  enemy’s  picket-guard.  He  went  back,  and  the  intelli- 
gence was  quickly  conveyed  to  General  Atkinson,  then  to  all  the  commanders 


157 


Chap.  IX.]  DEFEAT  OF  BLACK-HAWK  ON  THE  MISSISSIPPI. 

of  the  brigades  ; and  the  celerity  of  the  march  was  instantly  increased.  In  a 
few  minutes  more,  the  firing  commenced  at  about  500  yards  ahead  of  the  front 
of  the  army,  between  our  spies  and  the  Indian  picket  guard.  The  Indians 
were  driven  by  our  spies  from  hill  to  hill,  and  kept  up  a tolerably  brisk  firing 
from  every  situation  commanding  the  ground  over  which  our  spies  had  to 
march ; but  being  charged  upon  and  routed  from  their  hiding-places,  they 
sought  safety  by  retreating  to  the  main  body  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  and 
joining  in  one  general  effort  to  defend  themselves  there  or  die  on  the  ground. 

“ Lest  some  might  escape  by  retreating  up  or  down  the  river,  General  At- 
kinson very  judiciously  ordered  General  Alexander  and  General  Posey  to  form 
the  right  wing  of  the  army,  and  march  down  to  the  river  above  the  Indian 
encampment  on  the  bank,  and  then  move  down.  General  Henry  formed  the 
left  wing,  and  marched  in  the  main  trail  of  the  enemy.  The  U.  S.  infantry, 
and  General  Dodge’s  squadron  of  the  mining  troops,  marched  in  the  centre. 
With  this  order  our  whole  force  descended  the  almost  perpendicular  bluff, 
and  came  into  a low  valley,  heavily  timbered  with  a large  growth  of  under- 
brush, weeds  and  grass. — Sloughs,  deep  ravines,  old  logs,  &c.  were  so  plenti- 
ful as  to  afford  every  facility  for  the  enemy  to  make  a strong  defence.  Gen- 
eral Henry  first  came  upon  and  commenced  a heavy  fire,  which  was  returned 
by  the  enemy.  The  enemy,  being  routed  from  their  first  hiding-places,  sought 
others.  General  Dodge’s  squadron  and  the  U.  S.  troops  soon  came  into  action, 
and,  with  General  Henry's  men,  rushed  into  the  strong  defiles  of  the  enemy, 
and  killed  all  in  their  way,  except  a few  who  succeeded  in  swimming  a slough 
of  the  Mississippi,  150  yards  wide.  During  this  time  the  brigades  of  Generals 
Alexander  and  Posey  were  marching  down  the  river,  when  they  fell  in  with 
another  part  of  the  enemy’s  army,  and  killed  and  routed  all  that  opposed 
them. 

“ The  battle  lasted  upwards  of  three  hours.  About  50  of  the  enemy’s  women 
and  children  were  taken  prisoners,  and  many,  by  accident  in  the  battle,  were 
killed.  When  the  Indians  were  driven  to  the  bank  of  the  Mississippi,  some 
hundreds  of  men,  women,  and  children,  plunged  into  the  river,  and  hoped  by 
diving,  &c.  to  escape  the  bullets  of  our  guns  ; very  few,  however,  escaped  our 
sharp-shooters. 

“ The  loss  on  the  side  of  the  enemy  never  can  be  exactly  ascertained,  but, 
according  to  the  best  computation,  they  must  have  lost  in  killed  upwards  of 
150.  Our  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  was  27. 

“ Some  had  crossed  the  river  before  our  arrival ; and  we  learn  by  a prisoner, 
that  Black-haick,  while  the  battle  waxed  warm,  had  stolen  off,  and  gone  up 
the  river  on  this  side.  If  he  did,  he  took  nothing  with  him  ; for  his  valuables, 
many  of  them,  together  with  certificates  of  good  character,  and  of  his  hav- 
ing fought  bravely  against  the  United  States  during  the  last  war,  &c.,  signed 
by  British  officers,  were  found  on  the  battle-ground. 

“ It  is  the  general  impression  in  the  army  and  at  this  place,  that  the  Sacs 
would  be  glad  to  conclude  a peace  on  almost  any  terms  we  might  propose. 
On  the  morning  of  the  4th  inst.  a party  of  Sioux  came  to  our  camp,  and  beg- 
ged premission  to  go  on  the  back  trail  and  have  a fight  with  them.  On  the 
same  day,  our  whole  army  started  to  go  down  to  Prairie  du  Chien,  (about  40 
miles,)  and  wait  further  orders. 

“ General  Atkinson , accompanied  by  Generals  Dodge  and  Posey , with  the 
U.  S.  infantry,  arrived  at  the  Prairie  on  the  evening  of  the  4th,  on  board  the 
S.  B.  Warrior,  and  will  remain  until  the  mounted  volunteers  arrive.  The 
Winnebagos,  at  Prairie  du  Chien,  are  daily  bringing  in  Sac  prisoners  and 
scalps. 

“ On  the  same  day,  a party  of  15  men  from  Cassville,  under  command  of 
Captain  Price , were  reconnoitring  the  country  between  that  place  and  the 
Ouisconsin,  and  fell  upon  a fresh  Sac  trail  making  towards  the  Mississippi. 
They  rushed  with  full  speed  of  horses,  and  soon  came  upon,  killed  and  took 
prisoners  to  the  number  of  12. 

“ General  Scott  and  staff  left  here  this  morning  for  Prairie  du  Chien,  in 
the  steam-boat  Warrior,  to  join  General  Atkinson .” 

This  was  the  finishing  stroke  to  the  war  with  the  Sacs  and  Foxes,  although 
Black-hawk  himself  had  made  his  escape.  General  Atkinson  immediately 


153 


NEAPOPE. 


[Book  T, 


directed  Keokuk  to  send  out  some  of  his  Indians  to  demand  a surrender  of  all 
the  warriors  that  had  escaped,  and  if  possible  to  capture  Black-hawk,  and 
bring  him  in  either  alive  or  dead. 

Respecting  his  last  battle,  Black-hawk  has  said,  that  when  the  whites  came 
upon  his  people,  they  tried  to  give  themselves  up,  and  made  no  show  of  re- 
sistance until  the  soldiers  began  to  slaughter  them,  and  then  his  braves  deter- 
mined to  fight  until  they  were  all  killed.  With  a small  party  he  went  to  the 
Winnebago  village  at  Prairie  la  Cross.  Here  he  told  the  chief  he  desired  to 
give  himself  up  to  the  whites,  and  let  them  kill  him,  if  they  wished  to  do  so. 
The  squaws  at  this  place  made  him  a dress  of  white  deerskins,  preparatory 
to  his  departure  lor  Prairie  du  Chien,  to  which  it  appears  he  went  voluntarily 
with  those  that  had  been  sent  out  after  him. 

The  Sioux,  of  whom  we  have  made  mention,  that  had  permission  to  go  out 
after,  the  flying  Sacs  on  the  3d  of  August,  were  about  100  in  number.  They 
soon  after  met  with  the  flying  band  on  the  west  side  of  the  Mississippi,  and 
indiscriminately  murdered  about  120  of  the  poor  half-starved  creatures  who 
had  escaped  from  the  whites  through  so  many  perils. 

A most  distressing  incident  is  related  as  having  taken  place  in  the  battle  of 
the  2 August,  which  it  may  not  be  improper  to  lay  before  the  reader,  that  ex- 
amples of  the  horrors  of  war  may  not  be  wanting.  “ When  our  troops  charged 
the  enemy  in  their  defiles  near  the  bank  of  the  Mississippi,  men,  women,  and 
children,  were  seen  mixed  together,  in  such  a manner  as  to  render  it  difficult 
to  kill  one,  and  save  the  other.  A young  squaw  of  about  19  stood  in  the 
grass  at  a short  distance  from  our  line,  holding  her  little  girl  in  her  arms, 
about  four  years  old.  While  thus  standing,  apparently  unconcerned,  a ball 
struck  the  right  arm  of  the  child  above  the  elbow,  and,  shattering  the  bone, 
passed  into  the  breast  of  its  poor  mother,  who  instantly  fell  dead  to  the 
ground.  She  fell  upon  the  child,  and  confined  it  to  the  ground  also.  During 
the  whole  battle,  this  babe  was  heard  to  groan  and  call  for  relief,  but  none 
had  time  to  afford  it.  When,  however,  the  Indians  had  retreated  from  that 
spot,  and  the  battle  had  nearly  subsided,  Lieutenant  Anderson,  of  the 
United  States’  army,  went  to  the  place  and  took  from  under  the  dead  mother 
her  wounded  daughter,  and  brought  it  to  a place  selected  for  surgical  aid.  It 
was  soon  ascertained  that  its  arm  must  come  off';  and  the  operation  was  per- 
formed upon  the  little  sufferer  without  drawing  from  it  a tear  or  a shriek.” 
At  the  last  accounts  it  was  doing  well.  When  we  are  told  that  this  Indian 
child  was  sucking  a piece  of  dry  biscuit  during  the  whole  time  of  the  ampu- 
tation, it  almost  causes  a disbelief  of  the  whole  story ; but  such  are  the 
facts  given. 

Although  no  further  depredations  could  be  feared  from  the  Sacs,  yet  on  the 
9 August,  six  Indians  approached  a block-house  on  Cedar  Creek,  which  runs 
into  Henderson’s  River,  about  10  miles  north  of  Warren  court-house,  and  shot, 
tomahawked  and  scalped  a young  man  named  William  Martin.  They 
left  behind  them  a pair  of  leggins  and  a loaded  gun,  and  fled,  as  was  sup- 
posed, over  the  Mississippi.  A company  of  15  rangers  went  in  immediate 
pursuit,  but  could  not  come  up  with  them.  It  was  soon  after  discovered  that 
this  murder  was  committed  by  some  of  Keokuk's  band,  and  he  gave  up  his 
nephew  as  the  perpetrator  of  it. 

CHAPTER  X. 

Particulars  in  the  lives  of  the  chief  men — Neapope — His  account  of  himself — Surren- 
der of  Black-hawk — Speeches  on  the  occasion — His  speech  on  the  same — Particu- 
lars in  his  early  history — abokieshiek,  the  Prophet — Treaty  of  September,  1832 — 
— Account  of  Black-hawk’s  companions — Arrival  of  the  Indians  at  Washington — 
Black-hawk’s  interview  loith  the  President. 

Neapope  was  second  in  command  to  Black-hawk , and  in  all  the  expeditions 
against  the  whites ; he  was  taken  prisoner  in  the  fight  with  the  Sioux,  and  at 


Chap.  X.]  SURRENDER  OF  BLACK-HAWK.  . 159 

Lis  examination  afterwards  by  General  Scott,  about  the  murders  which  had 
been  committed  on  the  whites,  he  gave  this  account  of  himself: — 

“ I always  belonged  to  Black-hawk's  band.  Last  summer  I went  to  Malden ; 
when  1 came  back,  I found  that  by  the  treaty  with  General  Gaines,  the  Sacs 
had  moved  across  the  Mississippi.  I remained  during  the  winter  with  the 
Prophet,  on  Rock  River,  35  miles  above  the  mouth.  During  the  winter,  the 
Prophet  sent  me  across  the  Mississippi,  to  Black-hawk , with  a message,  to  tell 
him  and  his  band  to  cross  back  to  his  village  and  make  corn ; that  if  the 
Americans  came  and  told  them  to  move  again,  they  would  shake  hands  with 
them.  If  the  Americans  had  come  and  told  us  to  move,  we  should  have 
shaken  hands,  and  immediately  have  moved  peaceably.  We  encamped  on 
Syracuse  Creek.  We  met  some  Pottowattomies,  and  1 made  a feast  for  them. 
At  that  time  I heard  there  were  some  Americans  [under  Major  Stillman\ 
near  us.  I prepared  a white  flag  to  go  and  see  them,  and  sent  two  or  three 
young  men  on  a hill  to  see  what  they  were  doing.  Before  the  feast  was 
finished,  I heard  my  young  men  were  killed.  This  was  at  sunset.  Some  of  my 
young  men  ran  out ; two  killed,  and  the  Americans  were  seen  rushing  on  to 
our  camp.  My  young  men  fired  a few  guns,  and  the  Americans  ran  off,  and 
my  young  men  chased  them  about  six  miles.” 

JYeapope  further  said,  that  the  Pottowattomies  of  the  village  immediately 
left  them,  and  that  no  Kikapoos  joined  them,  but  those  who  were  originally 
with  Black-hawk ; but  the  Winnebagos  did,  and  brought  in  scalps  frequent- 
ly; that,  at  last,  when  they  found  the  Sacs  would  be  beaten,  they  turned 
against  them.  It  was  also  given  in  by  some  of  those  examined  at  this  time, 
that  Black-hawk  said,  when  the  steam-boat  Warrior  approached  them,  that  he 
pitied  the  women  and  children,  and  began  to  make  preparations  to  surrender 
to  the  whites,  and  for  that  purpose  sent  out  a white  flag  to  meet  the  boat, 
which  immediately  fired  upon  them.  Then  said  he,  “ I fired,  too."  The  truth 
of  this  will  not  be  questioned,  inasmuch  as  the  facts  agree  with  the  captain 
of  the  Warrior’s  own  account.  Hence  the  inference  is  clear,  that  much  blood 
might  have  been  saved,  but  for  the  precipitancy  of  those  who  only  sought  a 
fight  with  the  Indians. 

Parties  of  the  friendly  tribes  were  so  continually  on  the  alert,  that  it  seemed 
very  probable  the  principal  chiefs  would  soon  fall  into  their  hands.  These 
expectations  were  soon  realized  ; for  at  11  o’clock,  27  August,  Black-hawk  and 
his  Prophet  were  delivered  to  General  Street  at  Prairie  du  Chien.  They  were 
brought  by  two  Winnebagoes,  Decorie  and  Chaetar,  and,  when  delivered,  were 
dressed  in  a full  dress  of  white-tanned  deerskins.  Soon  after  they  were 
seated  in  the  presence  of  the  officer,  Decorie,  called  the  One-eyed,  rose  and 
spoke  thus  to  him : — 

“My  father,  I now  stand  before  you.  When  we  parted,  I told  you  I would 
return  soon  ; but  I could  not  come  any  sooner.  We  have  had  to  go  a great 
distance,  [to  the  Dalle,  on  the  Ouisconsin,  above  the  Portage.]  You  see  we 
have  done  what  you  sent  us  to  do.  These  [pointing  to  the  prisoners]  are  the 
two  you  told  us  to  get.  We  have  done  what  you  told  us  to  do.  We  always 
do  what  you  tell  us,  because  we  know  it  is  for  our  good.  Father,  you  told  us 
to  get  these  men,  and  it  would  be  the  cause  of  much  good  to  the  Winneba- 
goes. We  have  brought  .them,  but  it  has  been  very  hard  for  us  to  do  so. 
That  one,  Mucatamishkakaekq,  [meaning  Black-hawk ,]  was  a great  way  off. 
You  told  us  to  bring  them  to  you  alive : we  have  done  so.  If  you  had  told 
us  to  bring  their  heads  alone,  we  would  have  done  so,  and  it  would  have  been 
less  difficult  than  what  we  have  done. — Father,  we  deliver  these  men  into 
your  hands.  We  would  not  deliver  them  even  to  our  brother,  the  chief  of  the 
warriors,  but  to  you  ; because  we  know  you,  and  we  believe  you  are  our 
friend.  We  want  you  to  keep  them  safe ; if  they  are  to  be  hurt,  we  do 
not  wish  to  see  it.  Wait  until  we  are  gone  before  it  is  done. — Father,  many 
little  birds  have  been  flying  about  our  ears  of  late,  and  we  thought  they  whis- 
pered to  us  that  there  was  evil  intended  for  us;  but  now  we  hope  these  evil 
birds  will  let  our  ears  alone. — We  know  you  are  our  friend,  because  you  take 
our  part,  and  that  is  the  reason  we  do  what  you  tell  us  to  do.  You  say  you 
love  your  red  children  : we  think  we  love  you  as  much  if  not  more  than  you 
Jove  us.  We  have  confidence  in  you,  and  you  may  rely  on  us.  We  have 


160 


BLACK-HAWK. 


[Book  V, 


been  promised  a great  deal  if  we  would  take  these  men, — that  it  would  do 
much  good  to  our  people.  We  now  hope  to  see  what  will  be  done  for  us. — 
We  have  come  in  haste ; we  are  tired  and  hungry.  We  now  put  these  men 
into  your  hands.  We  have  done  all  that  you  told  us  to  do.” 

General  Street  said,  in  answer: — 

“ My  children,  you  have  done  well.  I told  you  to  bring  these  men  to  me, 
and  you  have  done  so.  1 am  pleased  at  what  you  have  done.  It  is  for  your 
good,  and  for  this  reason  I am  pleased.  I assured  the  great  chief  of  the 
warriors,  [General  Atkinson,}  that  if  these  men  were  in  your  country,  you 
would  find  them,  and  bring  them  to  me,  and  now  I can  say  much  for  your 
good.  I will  go  down  to  Rock  Island  with  the  prisoners,  and  I wish  you  who 
have  brought  these  men,  especially,  to  go  with  me,  with  such  other  chiefs  and 
warriors  as  you  may  select.  My  children,  the  great  chief  of  the  warriors, 
when  he  left  this  place,  directed  me  to  deliver  these,  and  all  other  prisoners, 
to  the  chief  of  the  warriors  at  this  place,  Colonel  Taylor , who  is  here  by  me, 
— Some  of  the  Winnebagoes  south  of  the  Ouisconsin  have  befriended  the 
Saukies,  [Sacs,]  and  some  of  the  Indians  of  my  agency  have  also  given  them 
aid.  This  displeaseth  the  great  chief  of  the  warriors  and  your  great  father 
the  president,  and  was  calculated  to  do  much  harm. — Your  great  father,  the 
president  at  Washington,  has  sent  a great  war-chief  from  the  far  east,  General 
Scott,  with  a fresh  army  of  soldiers.  He  is  now  at  Rock  Island.  Your  great 
father,  the  president,  has  sent  him  and  the  governor  and  chief  of  Illinois  to 
hold  a council  with  the  Indians.  He  has  sent  a speech  to  you,  and  wishes 
the  chiefs  and  warriors  of  the  Winnebagoes  to  go  to  Rock  Island  to  the 
council  on  the  tenth  of  next  month.  I wish  you  to  be  ready  in  three  days, 
when  I will  go  with  you. — I am  well  pleased  that  you  have  taken  the  Black - 
hawk , the  Prophet,  and  others  prisoners.  This  will  enable  me  to  say  much 
for  you  to  the  great  chief  of  the  warriors,  and  to  the  president,  your  great 
father.  My  children,  I shall  now  deliver  the  two  men,  Black-hawk  and  the 
Prophet,  to  the  chief  of  the  warriors  here ; he  will  take  care  of  them  till  we 
start  to  Rock  Island.” 

Colonel  Taylor , having  taken  the  prisoners  into  his  custody,  addressed  the 
chiefs  as  follows: — 

“ The  great  chief  of  the  warriors  told  me  to  take  the  prisoners  when  you 
shall  bring  them,  and  send  them  to  Rock  Island  to  him.  I will  take  them 
and  keep  them  safe,  but  1 will  use  them  well,  and  send  them  with  you  and 
General  Street , when  you  go  down  to  the  council,  which  will  be  in  a few  days. 
Your  friend,  General  Street,  advises  you  to  get  ready  and  go  down  soon,  and 
so  do  I.  I tell  you  again  I will  take  the  prisoners ; I will  keep  them  safe,  but 
I will  do  them  no  harm.  I will  deliver  them  to  the  great  chief  of  the  war- 
riors, and  he  will  do  with  them  and  use  them  in  such  manner  as  shall  be 
ordered  by  your  great  father,  the  president.” 

Chaetar,  the  other  Winnebago,  next  spoke,  and  said,  “My  father,  I am 
young,  and  do  not  know  how  to  make  speeches.  This  is  the  second  time 
I ever  spoke  to  you  before  people. — I am  no  chief ; I am  no  orator ; but 
I have  been  allowed  to  speak  to  you.  If  I should  not  speak  as  well  as  others, 
still  you  must  listen  to  me.  Father,  when  you  made  the  speech  to  the  chiefs 
Waugh  kon  Decorie  Cairamani,  the  One-eyed  Decoris,  and  others,  ’tother  day, 
I was  there.  I heard  you.  I thought  what  you  said  to  them,  you  also  said 
to  me.  You  said,  if  these  two  [pointing  to  Black-hawk  and  the  Prophet]  were 
taken  by  us  and  brought  to  you,  there  would  never  more  a black  cloud  hang 
over  your  Winnebagoes.  Your  words  entered  into  my  ear,  into  my  brains, 
and  into  my  heart.  I left  here  that  same  night,  and  you  know  you  have  not 
seen  me  since  until  now.  I have  been  a great  way : I had  much  trouble ; 
but  when  I remembered  what  you  said,  I knew  what  you  said  was  right. 
This  made  me  continue  and  do  what  you  told  me  to  do.  Near  the  Dalle,  on 
the  Ouisconsin,  I took  Black-hawk.  No  one  did  it  but  me.  I say  this  in  the 
ears  of  all  present,  and  they  know  it — and  I now  appeal  to  the  Great  Spirit, 
our  grandfather,  and  the  earth,  our  grandmother,  for  the  truth  of  what  I say. 
Father,  I am  no  chief,  but  what  I have  done  is  for  the  benefit  of  my  nation, 
and  I hope  to  see  the  good  that  has  been  promised  to  us.  That  one  Wa-bo- 
kie-shiek,  [the  Prophet,\  is  my  relation — if  he  is  to  be  hurt,  I do  not  wish  to 


Chap.  X.] 


BLACIC-HAWK. 


161 


see  it.  Father,  soldiers  sometimes  stick  the  ends  of  their  guns  into  the  backs 
of  Indian  prisoners  when  they  are  going  about  in  the  hands  of  the  guard. 
i hope  this  will  not  be  done  to  these  men.” 

The  following  is  said  to  be  the  speech  which  Black-hawk  made  when  he 
surrendered  himself  to  the  agent  at  Pairie  du  Chien  : — 

“You  have  taken  me  prisoner  with  all  my  warriors.  I am  much  grieved, 
for  I expected,  if  I did  not  defeat  you,  to  hold  out  much  longer,  and  give  you 
more  trouble  before  I surrendered.  I tried  hard  to  bring  you  into  ambush, 
but  your  last  general  understands  Indian  fighting.  The  first  one  was  not  so 
wise.  When  I saw  that  I could  not  beat  you  by  Indian  fighting,  I determined 
to  rush  on  you,  and  fight  you  face  to  face.  I fought  hard.  But  your  guns  were 
well  aimed.  The  bullets  flew  like  birds  in  the  air,  and  whizzed  by  our  ears 
like  the  wind  through  the  trees  in  the  winter.  My  warriors  fell  around  me  ; 
it  began  to  look  dismal.  I saw  my  evil  day  at  hand.  The  sun  rose  dim  on 
us  in  the  morning,  and  at  night  it  sunk  in  a dark  cloud,  and  looked  like  a 
ball  of  fire.  That  was  the  last  sun  that  shone  on  Black-hawk.  His  heart  is 
dead,  and  no  longer  beats  quick  in  his  bosom. — He  is  now  a prisoner  to  the 
white  men;  they  will  do  with  him  as  they  wish.  But  he  can  stand  torture, 
and  is  not  afraid  of  death.  He  is  no  coward.  Black-hawk  is  an  Indian. 

“He  has  done  nothing  for  which  an  Indian  ought  to  be  ashamed.  He  has 
fought  for  his  countrymen,  the  squaws  and  papooses,  against  white  men,  who 
came,  year  after  year,  to  cheat  them  and  take  away  their  lands.  You  know 
the  cause  of  our  making  war.  It  is  known  to  all  white  men.  They  ought 
to  be  ashamed  of  it.  The  white  men  despise  the  Indians,  and  drive  them 
from  their  homes.  But  the  Indians  are  not  deceitful.  The  white  men  speak 
bad  of  the  Indian,  and  look  at  him  spitefully.  But  the  Indian  does  not  tell 
lies ; Indians  do  not  steal. 

“ An  Indian,  who  is  as  bad  as  the  white  men,  could  not  live  in  our  nation  ; he 
would  be  put  to  death,  and  eat  up  by  the  wolves.  The  white  men  are  bad 
schoolmasters ; they  carry  false  looks,  and  deal  in  false  actions ; they  smile 
in  the  face  of  the  poor  Indian  to  cheat  him ; they  shake  them  by  the  hand  to 
gain  their  confidence,  to  make  them  drunk,  to  deceive  them,  and  ruin  our 
wives.  We  told  them  to  let  us  alone,  and  keep  away  from  us ; but  they  fol- 
lowed on,  and  beset  our  paths,  and  they  coiled  themselves  among  us,  like  the 
snake.  They  poisoned  us  by  their  touch.  We  were  not  safe.  We  lived  in 
danger.  We  were  becoming  like  them,  hypocrites  and  liars,  adulterers,  lazy 
drones,  all  talkers,  and  no  workers. 

“ We  looked  up  to  the  Great  Spirit.  We  went  to  our  great  father.  We  were 
encouraged.  His  great  council  gave  us  fair  words  and  big  promises ; but  we 
got  no  satisfaction.  Things  were  growing  worse.  There  were  no  deer  in 
the  forest.  The  opossum  and  beaver  were  fled ; the  springs  were  drying  up, 
and  our  squaws  and  papooses  without  victuals  to  keep  them  from  starving ; 
we  called  a great  council,  and  built  a large  fire.  The  spirit  of  our  fathers 
arose  and  spoke  to  us  to  avenge  our  wrongs  or  die.  We  all  spoke  before  the 
council  fire.  It  was  warm  and  pleasant.  We  set  up  the  war-whoop,  and  dug 
up  the  tomahawk  ; our  knives  were  ready,  and  the  heart  of  Black-hawk  swelled 
high  in  his  bosom,  when  he  led  his  warriors  to  battle.  He  is  satisfied.  He 
will  go  to  the  world  of  spirits  contented.  He  has  done  his  duty.  His  father 
will  meet  him  there,  and  commend  him. 

“ Black-hawk  is  a true  Indian,  and  disdains  to  cry  like  a woman.  He  feels 
for  his  wife,  his  children  and  friends.  But  he  does  not  care  for  himself.  He 
cares  for  his  nation  and  the  Indians.  They  will  suffer.  He  laments  their  fate. 
The  white  men  do  not  scalp  the  head ; but  they  do  worse — they  poison  the 
heart ; it  is  not  pure  with  them. — His  countrymen  will  not  be  scalped,  but  they 
will,  in  a few  years,  become  like  the  white  men,  so  that  you  can’t  trust  them, 
and  there  must  be,  as  in  the  white  settlements,  nearly  as  many  officers  as  men, 
to  take  care  of  them  and  keep  them  in  order. 

“Farewell,  my  nation!  Black-hawk  tried  to  save  you,  and  avenge  your 
wrongs.  He  drank  the  blood  of  some  of  the  whites.  He  has  been  taken  pris- 
oner, and  his  plans  are  stopped.  He  can  do  no  more.  He  is  near  his  end. 
His  sun  is  setting,  and  he  will  rise  no  more.  Farewell  to  Black-hawk 
14* 


162 


BLACK-IIAWK, 


[Boos  V, 

It  is  somewhat  singular  that  the  old  chief  should  ever  have  been  taken  alive, 
and  he  probably  never  would  have  been  by  the  whites.  When  it  was  report- 
ed currently  that  he  had  sacrificed  himself  in  the  stand  that  he  made  upon 
the  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  in  the  end  of  July,  as  has  been  related,  Spenser’s 
famous  lines  were  the  first  to  discover  themselves  to  our  mind,  upon  the  great 
event. 

“ Unto  the  mighty  stream  him  to  betake, 

Where  he  an  end  of  battle  and  of  life  did  make.'7 

Fairy  Queen. 

But  we  were  soon  glad  to  learn  that  the  report,  like  the  lines  of  Spenser , was 
only  poetry. 

It  can  be  scarcely  necessary  to  add  that  the  prisoners  were  set  at  liberty,  and 
the  offenders  were  ordered  again  to  be  sought  after. 

On  the  7 September,  the  Indian  prisoners  and  their  guards  went  on  board 
the  steam-boat  Winnebago,  and  were  conveyed  down  the  river  to  Jefferson 
Barracks,  ten  miles  below  St.  Louis.  There  were,  besides  Black-hawk  and 
the  prophet,  eleven  chiefs  or  head  men  of  the  Sacs  and  Foxes,  together  with 
about  fifty  less  distinguished  warriors.  These  were  landed  just  above  the  lower 
rapids,  on  their  pledge  of  remaining  peaceable.  Two  days  before,  a boat 
had  conveyed  to  the  barracks  six  or  seven  warriors,  among  whom  was  JV*ea- 
pope.  On  their  arrival  at  the  barracks,  all  of  them  were  put  in  irons. 

Black-hawk  is  not  so  old  a man  as  was  generally  supposed.  Some,  who 
knew  him  well,  said  he  was  not  above  48,  although  the  toils  of  wars  had  made 
him  appear  like  one  of  70.*  He  was  by  birth  a Pottowattomie,  but  brought 
up  by  the  Sacs.  His  height  is  about  six  feet.  As  to  his  physiognomy,  if  is  un- 
necessary for  us  to  add  concerning  it  here,  as  that  may  be  better  had  from  an 
inspection  of  the  engraving  of  him,  as  our  likeness  is  said,  by  many  who  have 
seen  him,  to  be  excellent. 

Like  other  Indian  names,  his  is  spelt  in  as  many  ways  as  times  used  bv 
different  writers.  At  a treaty  which  he  made  with  the  United  States  in  1829,  at 
Prairie  du  Chien,  it  is  written  Hay-ray-tshoan-sharp.  In  a description  of  him 
about  the  time  he  was  taken,  we  find  him  spelt  Mus-cata-mish-ka-kaek ; and 
several  others  might  be  added. 

The  Prophet , or  fVahokieshiek,  (White-cloud,)  is  about  40  years  old,  and  nearly 
six  feet  high,  stout  and  athletic.  He  was  by  one  side  a Winnebago,  and  the 
other  a Sac  or  Saukie,  and  is  thus  described  : — He  “ has  a large,  broad  face, 
short,  blunt  nose,  large,  full  eyes,  broad  mouth,  thick  lips,  with  a full  suit  of 
hair.  He  wore  a white  cloth  head-dress,  which  rose  several  inches  above  the 
top  of  his  head ; the  whole  mail  exhibiting  a deliberate  savageness ; not  that 
he  would  seem  to  delight  in  honorable  war,  or  fight,  but  marking  hi  in  as  the 
priest  of  assassination  or  secret  murder.  He  had  in  one  hand  a white  flag, 
while  the  other  hung  carelessly  by  his  side.  They  were  both  clothed  in  very 
white  dressed  deerskins,  fringed  at  the  seams  with  short  cuttings  of  the  same.” 
This  description,  though  written  long  before  any  painting  was  made  of  him, 
will  be  found,  we  think,  to  correspond  very  well  with  the  engraving  of  him 
which  we  have  given. 

It  is  said  by  many,  and  is  evident  from  Black-hawk’s  account,  that  Wahokies- 
hiek  was  the  prime  mover  of  this  war,  and  had  powwowed  up  a belief  among 
his  people,  that  he  was  able  to  conjure  such  kind  of  events  as  he  desired ; 
and  that  he  had  made  Black-hawk  believe  the  whites  were  but  few,  and  could 
not  fight,  and  therefore  might  easily  be  driven  from  the  disputed  lands.  It 
seems,  however,  rather  incredible  that  Black-hawk  should  have  believed  that 
the  Americans  were  few  and  could  not  fight , when  it  is  known  that  he  was 
opposed  to  them  in  the  last  war,  and  must,  therefore,  have  been  convinced 
of  the  falsity  of  such  a report  long  before  this  war. 

In  September,  a treaty  was  made  by  the  United  States  with  the  Winneba- 


* In  the  account  of  his  life,  published  by  Mr.  J.  B.  Patterson,  in  1834,  Black-hawk  says  he 
was  born  in  1767,  on  Rock  River  ; and  hence,  in  1832,  he  was  in  his  65th  year.  His  father's 
name  was  Pyesa.  His  great-grandfather's  name  was  Na-na-ma-kee,  or  Thunder,  who 
was  born  in  the  vicinity  of  Montreal,  “ where  the  Great  Spirit  first  placed  the  Sac  nation.’7 


BLACK-HAWK, 


163 


Chap.  X.] 

goes,  and  another  with  the  Sacs  and  Foxes.  The  former  ceded  all  their  lands 
south  of  the  Ouisconsin,  and  east  of  the  Mississippi,  amounting  to  4,600,000 
acres  of  valuable  lands.  The  treaty  with  the  Sacs  and  Foxes  was  on  the  21 
of  that  month,  and  6,000,000  acres  were  acquired  at  that  time,  “ of  a quality 
not  inferior  to  any  between  the  same  parallels  of  latitude.”  It  abounds  in 
lead  ore,  and  the  Indians  say  in  others. 

For  these  tracts  the  United  States  agreed  to  make  the  following  considera- 
tions:— “ To  pay  an  annuity  of  20,000  dollars  for  30  years  ; to  support  a black- 
smith and  gunsmith  in  addition  to  those  then  employed  ; to  pay  the  debts  of 
the  tribes ; to  supply  provisions ; and,  as  a reward  for  the  fidelity  of  Keokuk 
and  the  friendly  band,  to  allow  a reservation  to  be  made  for  them  of  400 
miles  square  * on  the  Ioway  River,  to  include  Keokuk's  principal  village.” 

By  the  same  treaty,  Black-hawk,  his  two  sons,  the  Prophet,  JYaopope,  and 
five  others,  principal  warriors  of  the  hostile  bands,  were  to  remain  in  the 
hands  of  the  whites,  as  hostages,  during  the  pleasure  of  the  president  of  the 
United  States.  The  other  prisoners  were  given  up  to  the  friendly  Indians. 

A gentleman  who  visited  the  captive  Indians  at  Jefferson  Barracks,  Mis- 
souri, speaks  thus  concerning  them “ We  were  immediately  struck  with 
admiration  at  the  gigantic  and  symmetrical  figures  of  most  of  the  warriors, 
who  seemed,  as  they  reclined  in  native  ease  and  gracefulness,  with  their  half- 
naked  bodies  exposed  to  view,  rather  like  statues  from  some  master-hand, 
than  like  beings  of  a race  whom  we  had  heard  characterized  as  degenerate 
and  debased.  We  extended  our  hands,  which  they  rose  to  grasp,  and  to  our 
question,  ‘ How  d’ye  do  ? ’ they/esponded  in  the  same  words,  accompanying 
them  with  a hearty  shake.”  ‘UThey  were  clad  in  leggins  and  moccasins  of 
buckskin,  and  wore  blankets,  which  were  thrown  around  them  in  the  manner 
of  the  Roman  toga,  so  as  to  leave  their  right  arms  bare.”  “ The  youngest 
among  them  were  painted  on  their  necks,  with  a bright  vermilion  color,  and 
had  their  faces  transversely  streaked  with  alternate  red  and  black  stripes. 
From  their  bodies,  and  from  their  faces  and  eyebrows,  they  pluck  out  the 
hair  with  the  most  assiduous  care.  They  also  shave,  or  pull  it  out  from  their 
heads,  with  the  exception  of  a tuft  of  about  three  fingers’  width,  extending 
from  between  the  forehead  and  crown  to  the  back  of  the  head  ; this  they 
sometimes  plait  into  a queue  on  the  crown,  and  cut  the  edges  of  it  down  to 
an  inch  in  length,  and  plaster  it  with  the  vermilion,  which  keeps  it  erect,  and 
gives  it  the  appearance  of  a cock’s-comb.” 

The  same  author  says,  the  oldest  son  of  Black-hawk,  JYasinewiskuk,  called 
Jack,  but  for  want  of  “ that  peculiar  expression  which  emanates  from  a culti- 
vated intellect,”  could  have  been  looked  upon  by  him  “ as  the  living  personi- 
fication of  his  beau  ideal  of  manly  beauty.”  He  calls  Black-hawk  Mack-atama- 
sic-ac-ac , and  states  his  height  at  about  five  feet  eight  inches,  and  that  he 
should  judge  his  age  to  be  50.  Those  who  have  known  him  for  years,  say  his 
disposition  is  very  amiable  ; that  he  is  endowed  with  great  kindness  of  heart, 
and  the  strictest  integrity ; that,  like  Mishikinakwa,  he  was  not  a chief  by 
birth,  but  acquired  the  title  by  bravery  and  wisdom. 

JYaseuskuck,  or  the  Thundercloud,  is  the  second  son  of  Black-hawk,  and  accom- 
panied him  in  his  captivity.  He  is  said  not  to  be  very  handsome. 

Opeekeeshieck,  or  Wabokieshiek , the  Prophet,  of  whom  we  have  already  given 
some  particulars,  carries  with  him  a huge  pipe,  a yard  in  length,  with  the 
stem  ornamented  with  the  neck  feathers  of  a duck,  and  beads  and  ribands 
of  various  colors.  To  its  centre  is  attached  a fan  of  feathers.  He  wears  his 
hair  long  all  over  his  head. 

Ne-a-pope,  JYaopope,  JYaapope,  &c.,  or  Broth,  of  whom  we  have  also  several 
times  spoken,  was  brother  to  the  Prophet, and  “some  years  hisjunior;”  and 
our  informant  adds,  “he  resembles  him  in  height  and  figure,  though  he  is  not 
so  robust,  and  his  face  is  more  sharp : in  wickedness  of  expression  they  are 
par  nobile  fralrum”  “ When  Mr.  Catlin,  the  artist,  was  about  taking  the  por- 
trait of  jYaapope,  he  seized  the  ball  and  chain  that  were  fastened  to  his  leg, 
and  raising  them  on  high,  exclaimed,  with  a look  of  scorn,  ‘ Makje  me  so,  and 


* So  says  our  authority,  ( Niles’s  Register,)  but  we  very  much  doubt  this  enormous  space. 
40  miles  square  gives  1600  square  miles,  which  perhaps  might  have  been  the  truth.  But 
when  160,000  square  miles  are  considered,  all  probability  is  outraged. 


164 


BLACK-HAWK./ 


(Book  V, 

show  me  to  the  great  father .”  On  Mr.  Catlin's  refusing  to  paint  him  as  he 
wished,  he  kept  varying  his  countenance  with  grimaces,  to  prevent  him  from 
catching  a likeness. 

“ Poweeshieck , or  Strawheiry , is  the  only  Fox  among  them,  the  rest 
being  all  Sacs.  He  is  the  son  of  the  chief  Epanoss : his  parents  dying  while 
he  was  an  infant,  he  was  adopted  by  Naapope.  He  is  19  years  of  age.” 

“ Pomahoe , or  Fast-swimming  fish,  is  a short,  thick  set,  good-natured  old 
brave,  who  bears  his  misfortunes  with  a philosophy  worthy  of  the  ancients.” 

The  lollowing  act  of  congress  we  extract,  as  it  throws  light  upon  subse- 
quent details: — •“  For  the  expenses  of  12  prisoners  of  war  of  the  Sac  and  Fox 
tribes,  now  in  confinement,  and  to  be  held  as  hostages,  under  the  seventh 
article  of  the  treaty  of  21  Sept.  1832,  embracing  the  cost  of  provisions  and 
clothing,  compensation  to  an  interpreter,  and  cost  of  removing  them  to  a 
place  of  safety,  where  they  may  be  kept  without  being  closely  confined,  the 
sum  of  2500.” 

On  the  22  April,  (1833,)  the  captive  Indians  arrived  at  Washington,  and  the 
next  day  Black-hawk  had  a long  interview  with  President  Jackson.  The  first 
words  with  which  it  is  said  he  accosted  the  president  were,  “ I AM  A MAN, 
AND  YOU  ARE  ANOTHER.” 

The  president,  after  a few  brief  observations,  directed  the  articles  of  dress 
provided  for  them  to  be  exhibited  to  them,  and  told  Black-hawk,  that  the 
whole  would  be  delivered  to  him  to  be  distributed  as,  in  his  judgment,  he 
should  think  best.  He  then  told  them  they  must  depart  immediately  for  Fort 
Monroe,  and  remain  there  contented,  until  he  gave  them  permission  to  return 
to  their  country.  That  time,  he  said,  depended  upon  the  conduct  of  their 
people ; that  they  would  not  be  set  at  liberty,  until  all  the  articles  of  the 
treaty  had  been  complied  with,  and  good  feelings  were  evinced  by  their 
countrymen.  The  Prophet  then  said  : — 

“We  expected  to  return  immediately  to  our  people.  The  war  in  which 
we  have  been  involved,  was  occasioned  by  our  attempiing  to  raise  provisions 
on  our  own  lands,  or  where  we  thought  we  had  a right  so  to  do.  We  have 
lost  many  of  our  people,  as  well  as  the  whites.  Our  tribes  and  families  are 
now  exposed  to  the  attacks  of  our  enemies,  the  Sioux  and  the  Menominies. 
We  hope,  therefore,  to  be  permitted  to  return  home  to  take  care  of  them.” 

Black-hawk  spoke  some  time  to  the  president,  giving  a clear  afid  compre- 
hensive history  of  the  rise  of  the  war,  and,  towards  the  close,  said 

“ We  did  not  expect  to  conquer  the  whites ; no.  They  had  too  many 
houses — too  many  men.  I took  up  the  hatchet,  for  my  part,  to  revenge 
injuries  which  my  people  could  no  longer  endure.  Had  I borne  them  longer 
without  striking,  my  people  would  have  said,  Black-hawk,  is  a woman  ; he  is 
too  old  to  be  a chief— he  is  no  Sac.  These  reflections  caused  me  to  raise  the 
war-whoop.  I say  no  more  of  it ; it  is  known  to  you.  Keokuk  once  was 
here ; you  took  him  by  the  hand,  and  when  he  wished  to  return  to  his 
home,  you  were  willing.  Black-hawk  expects,  that,  like  Keokuk , we  shall  be 
permitted  to  return  too.” 

The  president  added,  that  he  was  well  acquainted  with  the  circumstances 
which  led  to  the  disasters  to  which  they  had  alluded.  It  was  unnecessary  to  look 
back  upon  them.  He  intended  now  to  secure  the  observance  of  peace. 
They  need  not  feel  any  uneasiness,  he  said,  about  their  own  women  and 
children.  They  should  not  suffer  from  the  Sioux  and  Menominies.  Ho 
would  compel  the  red  men  to  be  at  peace  with  one  another.  That  when  he 
was  satisfied  that  all  things  would  remain  quiet,  then  they  would  be  permitted 
to  return.  He  then  took  them  by  the  hand,  and  dismissed  them. 

It  is  said,  that,  while  in  Washington,  the  Indians  expressed  more  surprise 
and  pleasure  at  the  portraits  of  the  Indian  chiefs  in  the  war  department  than 
any  thing  else  that  was  shown  them. 

On  Friday,  26  April,  the  captives  were  conducted  from  Washington 
towards  Fort  Monroe,  which  is  upon  a small  island,  at  Old  Point  Comfort, 
on  the  west  s>de  of  the  Chesapeake  Bay,  in  Virginia. 

Before  closing  the  present  chapter,  a few  other  interesting  matters  shall 
be  laid  before  our  readers.  We  have  just  given  the  description  of  the  Indians 
while  at  Jefferson  Barracks,  by  one  who  visited  them  there  not  long  after 
their  confinement.  We  now  intend  to  give  what  the  author  of  Knicker- 


Chap.  XI.] 


BLACK-HAWK. 


165 


bocker  says  of  them  soon  after.  Mr.  Irving's  account  is  contained  in  a letter, 
dated  Washington,  18  Dec.  183*2. — “From  St.  Louis  I went  to  Fort  Jefferson, 
about  9 miles  distant,  to  see  Black-hawk , the  Indian  warrior,  and  his  fellow- 
prisoners — a forlorn  crew — emaciated  and  dejected — the  redoubtable  chieftain 
himself,  a meagre  old  man  upwards  of  70.  He  has,  however,  a fine  head,  a 
Roman  style  of  face,  and  a prepossessing  countenance.” 

Since  we  are  upon  descriptions,  the  lollowing  will  not  be  thought  out  of 
place,  perhaps,  although  we  had  reserved  it  for  our  next  chapter.  It  is  from 
the  pen  of  the  editor  of  the  U.  States  Literary  Gazette,  Philadelphia.  “ We 
found  time,  yesterday,  to  visit  the  Black-hawk , and  his  accompanying  Indian 
chiefs,  and  the  Prophet,  at  Congress  Hall  Hotel.  We  went  into  their  cham- 
ber, and  found  most  of  them  sitting  or  lying  on  their  beds.  Black-hawk  was 
sitting  in  a chair,  and  apparently  depressed  in  spirits.  He  is  about  65,  of 
middling  size,  with  a head  that  would  excite  the  envy  of  a phrenologist — 
one  of  the  finest  that  Heaven  ever  let  fall  on  the  shoulders  of  an  Indian.  The 
Prophet  has  a coarser  figure,  with  less  of  intellect,  but  with  the  marks  of 
decision  and  firmness.  His  face  was  painted  with  red  and  white.  The  son 
o I Black- hawk  is  a noble  specimen  of  physical  beauty — a model  for  those  who 
would  embody  the  idea  of  strength.  He  was  painted,  and  his  hair  cut  and 
dressed  in  a strange  fantasy.  The  other  chiefs  had  nothing  in  particular  in 
their  appearance  to  distinguish  them  from  other  natives  of  the  forest.  The 
whole  of  the  deputation  visited  the  water  works  yesterday,  [June  11  or  12,]  and 
subsequently  were  taken  to  the  Cherry-hill  Prison,  and  shown  the  manner  in 
which  white  men  punish.  The  exhibition  of  arms  and  ships  at  the  navy-yard, 
led  the  Hawk  to  remark  that  he  suspected  the  great father  was  getting  ready  for  war." 

It  was  remarked  by  some  in  Philadelphia  that  Black-hawk's  “pyramidal 
forehead  " very  much  resembled  that  of  Sir  Walter  Scott.  Others  observed  that 
his  countenance  strongly  reminded  them  of  their  late  worthy  benefactor, 
Stephen  Girard.  In  Norfolk  it  was  noticed  that  the  old  warrior  very  much 
resembled  the  late  President  Monroe. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

From  the  time  of  the  setting  out  of  Black-hawk  and  his  five*  companions  from  For- 
tress Monroe,  5 June,  1833,  to  their  arrival  on  the  Upper  Mississippi,  on  the  first 
of  August  following  ; prefaced  by  some  refections  upon  the  events  of  the  war. 


It  is  not  difficult  to  perceive,  without  a formal  commentary,  that  in  the  late 
Indian  war,  much  blood  was  shed  which  might  have  been  avoided.  Twice 
had  the  despairing  Indians  displayed  the  white  flag,  to  give  notice  of  their 
willingness  to  surrender;  but,  like  the  wretched  Hallibees,  the  rifle  was  the 
only  answer  they  received.  When  Major  Stillman  was  on  his  march  to  Syca- 
more Creek,  a few  Indians  were  sent  from  JVaopope's  camp  with  friendly  in- 
tentions, and  under  a white  flag ; but  such  was  the  carriage  of  the  whites, 
no  interview  could  be  had,  and  they  were  obliged  to  fly  to  save  their  lives, 
which  all,  it  seems,  were  not  fortunate  enough  to  do.  This,  it  will  be  said, 
is  Indian  talk — it  is  even  so.  What  say  the  whites  ? They  say,  the  Indians 
whom  they  first  discovered  were  only  a decoy.  This  is  mere  assertion,  and 
proves  nothing  on  their  own  side,  neither  does  it  disprove  the  Indian  account. 
Is  it  not  plain  that  Black-hawk  caused  a white  flag  to  be  exhibited  before  he 
was  attacked  by  the  steam-boat  Warrior?  He  had  resolved  to  fight  no  more, 
if  he  could  get  terms  of  peace ; but  his  flag  was  at  once  fired  upon ; then 
says  the  old  chief,  “ I fired  too  ; " and  the  whites  expected  nothing  else,  and 
too  many  of  them,  it  would  seem,  desired  nothing  else.  But  we  reflect  no 
more  upon  this  matter. 

The  reader  has,  in  the  last  chapter,  been  conducted  through  the  principal, 


* An  anonymous  author,  of  whom  we  have 
us  their  names,  &c.  as  follows  . — 
Mac-cut-i-misk-e-cacac, B'ack-hawk. 


Na-she-escurk,  his  son, Loud  Thunder. 

Wa-be-ke-zhick,  the  Prophet, Clear  Day. 


made  considerable  use  in  this  chapter,  gives 

Pamaho,  Prophet’s  brother, Fish  Fin. 

Po  we-zhick,  Prophet’s  adopted  son,.  .Strawberry. 
Napope,  the  warrior , Strong  Soup. 


166 


i 

BLACK-HAWK.— LEAVES  FORTRESS  MONROE. 


[Book  Y, 


and  all  the  important  events  of  the  war,  and  accompanied  the  chiefs  of  the- 
Indians  engaged  in  it  to  Fortress  Monroe,  in  Virginia,  We  are  now  to  ob- 
serve what  passed  in  their  travels  from  hence  through  several  of  our  great 
cities,  and  thence  to  their  wilderness  homes  in  the  distant  west. 

Having  been  conducted  to  Fort  Monroe,  the  captives  found  themselves  in  a 
kind  of  elegant  confinement ; and  instead  of  balls  and  chains  to  their  ankles, 
were  kindly  treated,  and  saw  nobody  but  friends.  This  state  of  things,  how- 
ever, must  have  become,  in  a short  time,  exceedingly  irksome ; but  an  early 
order  for  their  liberation  prevented  such  result.  For,  on  the  4 June,  1833,  orders 
came  for  their  being  liberated ; and  the  next  day,  Major  John  Garland  set 
off  with  them  in  a steam-boat  for  Baltimore,  by  Norfolk,  Gosport,  Ports- 
mouth, &c. 

During  their  short  stay  at  Monroe,  the  Indians  became  much  attached  to 
its  commander,  Colonel  Eustis , and  on  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day  that  the 
order  of  release  arrived,  Black-hawk  went  and  took  his  leave  of  him,  and  at 
parting  made  the  following  speech : — 

“ Brother,  I have  come  on  my  own  part,  and  in  behalf  of  my  companions, 
to  bid  you  farewell.  Our  great  father  has  at  length  been  pleased  to  permit 
us  to  return  to  our  hunting-grounds.  We  have  buried  the  tomahawk,  and 
the  sound  of  the  rifle  will  hereafter  only  bring  death  to  the  deer  and  the  buffa- 
lo. Brother,  you  have  treated  the  red  men  very  kindly.  Your  squaws  have 
made  them  presents,  and  you  have  given  them  plenty  to  eat  and  drink.  The 
memory  of  your  friendship  will  remain  till  the  Great  Spirit  says  it  is  time 
for  Black-Hawk  to  sing  his  death-song. — Brother,  your  houses  are  as  numer- 
ous as  the  leaves  upon  the  trees,  and  your  young  warriors,  like  the  sands  upon 
the  shore  of  the  big  lake,  which  rolls  before  us.  The  red  man  has  but  few 
houses,  and  few  warriors,  but  the  red  man  has  a heart  which  throbs  as  warm- 
ly as  the  heart  of  his  white  brother.  The  Great  Spirit  has  given  us  our  hunt- 
ing grounds,  and  the  skin  of  the  deer  which  we  kill  there  is  his  favorite,  for 
its  color  is  white,  and  this  is  the  emblem  of  peace.  This  hunting-dress  and 
these  feathers  of  the  eagle  are  white.  Accept  them,  my  brother;  I have 
given  one  like  this  to  the  White-otter.  Accept  of  it  as  a memorial  of  Black- 
hawk.  When  he  is  far  away,  this  will  serve  to  remind  you  of  him.  May 
the  Great  Spirit  bless  you  and  your  children — farewell.” 

Colonel  Eustis , in  his  reply,  said,  the  fortune  of  war  had  placed  him  in  his 
hands,  and  as  it  was  not  the  practice  of  the  whites  to  attack  an  unarmed 
foe,  he  was  safe ; but  that  if  he  had  met  him  in  the  field  of  battle,  his  duty 
would  have  required  him  to  have  taken  his  life.  He  rejoiced,  he  said,  at 
his  prospect  of  speedily  returning  to  his  friends,  and  hoped  he  would 
never  again  trouble  his  white  neighbors.  To  which  Black-hawk  added, 
“ Brother,  the  Great  Spirit  punishes  those  who  deceive  us,  and  my  faith  is  now 
pledged '.” 

On  leaving  Fort  Monroe,  the  Indians  were  taken  to  Portsmouth  and  Gos- 
port, to  see  the  navy-yard,  the  dry-dock,  and  men-of-war.  At  Gosport,  they 
went  on  board  the  74  Delaware,  where  they  could  not  but  express  much 
astonishment  at  the  vastness  of  the  “ big  canoe,”  as  they  called  it,  and  its 
extraordinary  uncouth  furniture.  Black-hawk  seemed  the  most  to  admire 
the  ship,  and  wished  to  see  the  chief  who  commanded  it,  and  especially  the 
man  that  built  it ; for  he  wished,  he  said,  “ to  take  him  hy  the  hand”  When 
they  left  the  ship,  they  passed  around  under  her  bow,  which  terminates 
in  a colossal  statue  of  an  Indian  warrior.  This  the  Indians  beheld  with 
considerable  emotions  of  surprise  and  evident  demonstrations  of  high 
gratification. 

At  Norfolk,  the  rush  to  see  the  Indians  was  very  great,  and  many  could 
not  be  gratified  even  with  a sight  of  them.  This  great  curiosity  in  the  very 
vicinity  where  they  had  been  for  near  10  weeks,  will  not  be  thought  strange, 
when  it  is  considered,  that  no  one  expected  their  immediate  removal,  and 
therefore  few  had  been  to  see  them ; thinking  they  could  do  so  when  some 
more  convenient  time  offered. 

Having  taken  lodgings  at  the  hotel  in  Norfolk,  the  Indians  were  aware 
of  the  great  curiosity  of  the  people,  and  therefore  they  exhibited  themselves 
upon  the  balcony,  from  whence  Wabokieshiek,  the  Prophet,  made  the  follow- 
ing address : — 


Chap.  XL] 


BLACK-IIAWK.— BALTIMORE. 


167 


“ The  Great  Spirit  sent  us  here,  and  by  the  same  fiat  we  are  now  happily 
about  to  return  to  our  own  Mississippi,  and  our  own  people.  It  affords  us 
much  happiness  to  rejoin  our  friends  and  kindred.  We  would  shake  hands 
with  all  our  white  friends  assembled,  and  offer  our  best  wishes  for  their  pros- 
perity. Should  any  of  them  go  to  our  country  on  the  Mississippi,  we  would 
take  pleasure  in  requiting  the  many  kindnesses  we  have  received  from  their 
people  here.  We  will  go  home  with  peaceable  dispositions  towards  our 
white  brethren,  and  endeavor  to  make  our  conduct  hereafter  more  satis- 
factory to  them.  We  bid  you  all  farewell,  as  it  is  the  last  time  we  may 
see  each  other.” 

Black-hawk  then  said  a few  words,  expressing  the  same  sentiments ; and 
one  o’clock  having  arrived,  they  departed.  This  was  5 June. 

When  the  steam-boat  was  near  Baltimore,  it  was  discovered  that  there  had 
been  a robbery  committed  on  board  ; and  when  this  became  known  to  Black- 
hawk,  he  showed  considerable  concern,  fearing  some  of  his  party  should 
be  suspected ; and  when  the  boat  lay  to  at  considerable  distance  from  the 
wharf,  to  make  search  for  the  money,  he  said,  “ he  desired  that  himself  and 
company  should  he  searched,  for  he  ivould  let  the  whites  know  that  the  Sacs  did 
not  steal.” 

President  Jackson  had  arrived  in  Baltimore,  and  after  Black-hawk's  arrival 
be  had  an  interview  with  him.  The  Indians  were  conveyed  in  the  steam- 
boat Columbus,  and  arrived  about  11  o’clock  in  the  forenoon  of  the  next 
day,  after  leaving  Norfolk,  namely,  6 June.  Among  the  crowds  who  visited 
them  were  many  ladies,  to  whom,  generally,  the  Indians  said,  “ Pretty  squaws, 
pretty  squaivs .” 

The  Indians  and  the  president  attended  the  theatre  the  same  night,  and  it 
was  remarked,  that  the  attention  of  the  house  was  pretty  nearly  equally  divi- 
ded between  them.  On  the  next  day  occurred  the  interview  between  them, 
of  which  mention  has  just  been  made;  at  which  time,  among  other  things, 
the  president  said  to  the  old  chief : — 

“ When  I saw  you  in  Washington,  I told  you,  that  you  had  behaved  very 
badly,  in  raising  the  tomahawk  against  the  white  people.”  He  added,  that 
liis  conduct  last  year  had  caused  him  to  send  out  his  warriors  against  him, 
and  that  he  and  those  with  him  had  been  surrendered  to  him  to  be  kept  dur- 
ing his  pleasure,  or  until  he  should  think  there  would  be  no  danger  from  let- 
ting him  go.  “ I told  you,”  he  continued,  “ I would  inquire  whether  your 
people  wished  you  should  return,  and  whether,  if  you  did  return,  there 
would  be  any  danger  to  the  frontier.  General  Clark  and  General  Atkinson, 
whom  you  know,  have  informed  me  that  Sheckak,  your  principal  chief,  and 
the  rest  of  your  people,  are  anxious  you  should  return,  and  Keokuk  has  asked 
me  to  send  you  back.  Your  chiefs  have  pledged  themselves  for  your  good 
conduct.” — “ You  will  see  the  strength  of  the  white  people.  You  will  see 
that  our  young  men  are  as  numerous  as  the  leaves  in  the  woods.  What  can 
you  do  against  us  ? ” — “ When  you  go  back,  listen  to  the  counsels  of  Keokuk 
and  the  other  friendly  chiefs.” 

To  this  the  Prophet  said  a few  words,  as  follows : — 

“ Father,  my  ears  are  open  to  your  words ; I am  glad  to  hear  them ; I am 
glad  to  go  back  to  my  people.  I want  to  see  my  family.  I did  not  behave 
well  last  summer.  I ought  not  to  have  taken  up  the  tomahawk.  But  my 
people  have  suffered  a great  deal.  When  I get  back,  1 will  remember  your 
words.  I will  not  go  to  war  again.  I will  live  in  peace.  I will  hold  you  by 
the  hand.” 

Black-hawk  intended  to  have  made  a long  speech  at  this  time ; but  the 
president  was  unable  to  hear  him  out,  on  account  of  the  great  fatigues  he 
had  undergone,  and  the  old  chief  was,  therefore,  very  short.  He  said,  “ My 
heart  is  big,  for  I have  much  to  say  to  my  great  father ,”  and  closed,  after  many 
expressions  of  affection  and  respect  for  him.  The  warmth  of  the  weather 
and  the  great  crowd  that  surrounded  the  hotel  in  which  the  Indians  were 
lodged,  caused  them  to  retire  to  Fbrt  M’Henry,  about  3 miles  below  the  city. 
The  landlord  said  the  crowd  was  so  great  about  his  house,  that  they  had 
carried  away  his  banisters,  windows,  and  he  was  fearful,  if  they  remained 
longer,  that  his  whole  house  would  be  carried  away  also. 


163 


BALTIMORE.— NEW  YORK. 


[Book  V. 

They  visited  the  Washington  monument,  among  other  places,  while  at 
Baltimore,  and  were  at  first  afraid  to  ascend  in  it,  upon  its  circular  steps ; 
saying  it  was  the  Manitou  of  the  white  people.  At  length  JYaopope  said  he 
would  venture  up.  Black-lmwk  observed,  that  then  they  would  all  go  ; for 
if  it  fell  down,  he  said  they  would  not  be  safer  on  the  ground  at  its  base  than 
if  they  were  in  it. 

They  visited  the  circus  also,  while  here,  and  were  much  better  pleased 
with  the  performances  there,  than  at  the  theatre.  The  elegant  horses  pleased 
them  far  more  than  the  stars  and  garters  of  the  mock  lords  and  ladies  of  the 
theatre,  and  it  was  very  natural  they  should.  To  see  a lady  ride  upon  one 
foot,  while  the  horse  was  running  at  his  utmost  speed,  was  matter  of  fact  to 
them,  and  excited  the  greatest  admiration.  But  to  see  a fellow  popping  out 
from  behind  a curtain,  strutting  about  the  stage,  uttering  to  himself  some 
unintelligible  nonsense,  could  not  interest  any  one  similarly  situated.  They 
said  they  believed  those  who  rode  in  the  circus  could  hunt  buffalo  even 
better  than  the  Sacs. 

Considerable  inconvenience  was  experienced  from  the  meeting  of  two 
such  conspicuous  characters  as  the  president  of  the  United  States  and 
Black-hawk , at  the  same  time,  in  populous  places ; and  it  was  announced 
in  a Philadelphia  paper,  of  9 June,  that  Major  Garland  had  arrived  there, 
but  had  left  the  Indians  in  Baltimore,  and  that  they  would  not  proceed  to 
N.  York  until  the  day  after  the  president.  Accordingly  they  did  not  arrive 
in  Philadelphia  until  10  June,  when  they  were  conducted  to  lodgings  in  Con- 
gress Hall.  The  next  day  there  was  a great  military  display,  accompanied 
by  an  immense  procession,  and  the  whole  passed  up  Third  Street,  opposite 
Congress  Hall,  by  which  means  the  Indians  had  a fine  opportunity  to  see  and 
contemplate  their  numbers.  Pointing  to  the  soldiers,  Black-hawk  asked  if 
they  were  the  same  that  were  in  his  country  last  summer. 

Having  visited  all  places  of  amusement  and  curiosity  in  Philadelphia,  the 
Indians  departed  for  N.  York,  where  they  arrived  in  a steam-boat  of  the 
People’s  Line,  about  5 o’clock,  14  June,  on  Friday.  The  arrival  of  Lafayette. 
in  1825,  could  not  have  attracted  a greater  crowd  than  was  now  assembled 
at  and  in  the  vicinity  of  Castle  Garden.  As  it  happened,  Mr.  Durant , the 
aeronaut,  had  just  got  ready  to  ascend  in  his  balloon  from  the  garden.  The 
steam-boat,  therefore,  rounded  to,  that  the  passengers  might  witness  the 
ascension.  When  it  was  known  on  shore  that  the  Indians  were  on  board, 
the  cheering  and  clapping  became  tremendous;  and  it  was  not  a little  aug- 
mented from  those  on  board  the  numerous  craft  in  the  river.  Those  in  the 
boat  answered  as  well  as  their  numbers  would  admit.  The  Indians,  at  first, 
were  some  terrified,  supposing  they  had  at  last  come  to  an  enemy,  and  that 
the  noise  about  them  was  the  war-whoop  of  the  whites,  but  were  soon 
undeceived. 

Soon  after  the  balloon  had  cleared  the  walls  of  the  castle,  and  Mr.  Durant 
had  unfurled  his  flag,  Black-hawk  was  asked  what  he  thought  of  it.  To 
which  he  answered : — 

“ That  man  is  a great  brave.  I don’t  think  he’ll  ever  get  hack.  He  must  be  a 
Sac”  Another  said,  “If  he  is  a Sac,  he’ll  get  none  of  his  brothers  to  follow  in 
his  trail.  None  of  ’em  will  ever  see  the  smoke  of  his  wigwam.  He  will  have  to 
live  alone — without  any  squaw.” 

When  the  balloon  had  attained  a vast  height,  and  almost  out  of  the  old 
chief’s  sight,  (which  had  become  considerably  impaired,)  he  exclaimed, 
“ I think  he  can  go  to  the  heavens ; to  the  Great  Spirit.”  Pomahoe  then  said. 
“ I think,  he  can  see  the  country  of  the  English.”  The  Prophet,  or  Wabokieshiek , 
having  been  asked  what  he  thought  of  the  balloon,  said,  “I can’t  form  any 
idea,  but  think  he  can  go  up  to  the  clouds  if  he  will.  Should  think  he  could  see 
the  Great  Spirit  now.” 

From  N.  York  the  Indians  were  conducted  to  their  own  country  without 
any  remarkable  circumstance. 


FINIS. 


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